document_title: Agriculture in the United States

question_text: what are the main crops grown in the united states

root

text: Agriculture in the United States

text: History[edit]

text: Corn, turkeys, tomatoes, potatoes, peanuts, and sunflower seeds constitute some of the major holdovers from the agricultural endowment of the Americas.

tag: p

text: European agricultural practices greatly affected the New England landscape. Colonists brought livestock over from Europe which caused many changes to the land. Grazing animals required a lot of land and food and the act of grazing itself destroyed native grasses, which were being replaced by European species. New species of weeds were introduced and began to thrive as they were capable of withstanding the grazing of animals, whereas native species could not.[4]

text: The practices associated with keeping livestock also contributed to the deterioration of the forests and fields. Colonists would cut down the trees and then allow their cattle and livestock to graze freely in the forest and never plant more trees. The animals trampled and tore up the ground so much as to cause long-term destruction and damage.[4]

text: Soil exhaustion was a huge problem in New England agriculture. Farming with oxen did allow the colonist to farm more land but it increased erosion and decreased soil fertility. This was due to deeper plow cuts in the soil that allowed the soil more contact with oxygen causing nutrient depletion. In grazing fields, the large number of cattle in the New England, the soil was being compacted by the cattle and this did not give the soil enough oxygen to sustain life.[4]

text: In the United States, farms spread from the colonies westward along with the settlers. In cooler regions, wheat was often the crop of choice when lands were newly settled, leading to a "wheat frontier" that moved westward over the course of years. Also very common in the antebellum Midwest was farming corn while raising hogs, complementing each other especially since it was difficult to get grain to market before the canals and railroads. After the "wheat frontier" had passed through an area, more diversified farms including dairy cattle generally took its place. Warmer regions saw plantings of cotton and herds of beef cattle. In the early colonial south, raising tobacco and cotton was common, especially through the use of slave labor until the Civil War. In the northeast, slaves were used in agriculture until the early 19th century.[citation needed] In the Midwest, slavery was prohibited by the Freedom Ordinance of 1787.

text: The introduction and broad adoption of scientific agriculture since the mid-19th century contributed to economic growth in the United States. This development was facilitated by the Morrill Act and the Hatch Act of 1887 which established in each state a land-grant university (with a mission to teach and study agriculture) and a federally funded system of agricultural experiment stations and cooperative extension networks which place extension agents in each state.

text: Soybeans were not widely cultivated in the United States until the early 1930s, and by 1942 it became the world's largest soybean producer, due in part to World War II and the "need for domestic sources of fats, oils, and meal". Between 1930 and 1942, the United States' share of world soybean production skyrocketed from 3% to 46.5%, and by 1969 it had risen to 76%. By 1973 soybeans were the United States' "number one cash crop, and leading export commodity, ahead of both wheat and corn".[5]

text: Significant areas of farmland were abandoned during the Great Depression and incorporated into nascent national forests. Later, "Sodbuster" and "Swampbuster" restrictions written into federal farm programs starting in the 1970s reversed a decades-long trend of habitat destruction that began in 1942 when farmers were encouraged to plant all possible land in support of the war effort. In the United States, federal programs administered through local Soil and Water Conservation Districts provide technical assistance and partial funding to farmers who wish to implement management practices to conserve soil and limit erosion and floods.

text: Major agricultural products[edit]

text: Tonnes of United States agriculture production, as reported by the FAO in 2003 and 2013 (ranked roughly in order of value):[6]

text:
Millions of Tonnes in
2003
2013

Corn
256.0
354.0

Cattle meat
12.0
11.7

Cow's milk, whole, fresh
77.0
91.0

Chicken meat
14.7
17.4

Soybeans
67.0
89.0

Pig meat
9.1
10.5

Wheat
64.0
58.0

Cotton lint
4.0
2.8

Hen eggs
5.2
5.6

Turkey meat
2.5
2.6

Tomatoes
11.4
12.6

Potatoes
20.8
19.8

Grapes
5.9
7.7

Oranges
10.4
7.6

Rice, paddy
9.1
8.6

Apples
3.9
4.1

Sorghum
10.4
9.9

Lettuce
4.7
3.6

Cottonseed
6.0
5.6

Sugar beets
30.7
29.8

tag: table

text: The only other crops to ever appear in the top 20 in the last 40 years were, commonly: tobacco, barley, and oats, and, rarely: peanuts, almonds, and sunflower seeds. Alfalfa and hay would both be in the top ten in 2003 if they were tracked by FAO.

text: Crops[edit]

text: Value of production[edit]

text:
Major Crops in the USA
1997
(in US$ billions)
2014
(in US$ billions)

Corn
$24.4
$52.4

Soybeans
$17.7
$40.3

Wheat
$8.6
$11.9

Alfalfa
$8.3
$10.8

Cotton
$6.1
$5.1

Hay, (non-Alfalfa)
$5.1
$8.4

Tobacco
$3.0
$1.8

Rice
$1.7
$3.1

Sorghum
$1.4
$1.7

Barley
$.9
$.9

Source
1997 USDA-NASS reports,[7]
2015 USDA-NASS reports,[8]

text: Note alfalfa and hay are not tracked by the FAO and the production of tobacco in the United States has fallen 60% between 1997 and 2003.

text: Yield[edit]

text: Heavily mechanized, U.S. agriculture has a high yield relative to other countries. As of 2004:[9]

text:
Corn for grain, average of 160.4 bushels harvested per acre (10.07 t/ha)
Soybean for beans, average of 42.5 bushels harvested per acre (2.86 t/ha)
Wheat, average of 43.2 bushels harvested per acre (2.91 t/ha, was 44.2 bu/ac or 2.97 t/ha in 2003)

tag: ul

text: Livestock[edit]

text: The major livestock industries in the United States:

text:
Dairy cattle
Beef cattle
Pig
Poultry
Sheep

text:
U.S. livestock and poultry inventory[10][11][12]

Type
1997
2002
2007
2012

Cattle and calves
99,907,017
95,497,994
96,347,858
89,994,614

Hogs and pigs
61,188,149
60,405,103
67,786,318
66,026,785

Sheep and lambs
8,083,457
6,341,799
5,819,162
5,364,844

Broilers
& other meat chickens
1,214,446,356
1,389,279,047
1,602,574,592
1,506,276,846

Laying hens
314,144,304
334,435,155
349,772,558
350,715,978

text: Goats, horses, turkeys and bees are also raised, though in lesser quantities. Inventory data is not as readily available as for the major industries. For the three major goat-producing states—Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas—there were 1.2 million goats at the end of 2002. There were 5.3 million horses in the United States at the end of 1998. There were 2.5 million colonies of bees at the end of 2002.

text: Farm type or majority enterprise type[edit]

text: Farm type is based on which commodities are the majority crops grown on a farm. Nine common types include:[13][14][15]

text:
Cash grains includes corn, soybeans and other grains (wheat, oats, barley, sorghum), dry edible beans, peas, and rice.
Tobacco
Cotton
Other field crops includes peanuts, potatoes, sunflowers, sweet potatoes, sugarcane, broomcorn, popcorn, sugar beets, mint, hops, seed crops, hay, silage, forage, etc. Tobacco and cotton can be included here if not in their own separate category.
High-value crops includes fruits, vegetables, melons, tree nuts, greenhouse, nursery crops, and horticultural specialties.
Cattle
Hogs
Dairy
Poultry and eggs

text: Governance[edit]

text: Agriculture in the United States is primarily governed by periodically renewed U.S. farm bills. Governance is both a federal and a local responsibility with the United States Department of Agriculture being the federal department responsible. Government aid includes research into crop types and regional suitability as well as many kinds of subsidies, some price supports and loan programs. U.S. farmers are not subject to production quotas and some laws are different for farms compared to other workplaces.

text: Labor laws prohibiting children in other workplaces provide some exemptions for children working on farms with complete exemptions for children working on their family's farm. Children can also gain permits from vocational training schools or the 4-H club which allow them to do jobs they would otherwise not be permitted to do.

text: A large part of the U.S. farm workforce is made up of migrant and seasonal workers, many of them recent immigrants from Latin America. Additional laws apply to these workers and their housing which is often provided by the farmer.

text: Employment[edit]

text: In 1870, almost 50 percent of the US population was employed in agriculture.[16] As of 2008[update], less than 2 percent of the population is directly employed in agriculture.[17][18]

text: In 2012, there were 3.2 million farmers,[19] ranchers and other agricultural managers and an estimated 757,900 agricultural workers were legally employed in the US. Animal breeders accounted for 11,500 of those workers with the rest categorized as miscellaneous agricultural workers. According to a study the farm laborers declined by 20% between 2002 and 2014.[20] The median pay was $9.12 per hour or $18,970 per year.[21] In 2009, about 519,000 people under age 20 worked on farms owned by their family. In addition to the youth who lived on family farms, an additional 230,000 youth were employed in agriculture.[22] In 2004, women made up approximately 24% of farmers; that year, there were 580,000 women employed in agriculture, forestry, and fishing.[23]

text: From 1999-2009, roughly 50% of hired crop farmworkers in the US were noncitizens working without legal authorization.[24]

text: Occupational safety and health[edit]

text: Agriculture ranks among the most hazardous industries due to the use of chemicals and risk of injury.[25][26] Farmers are at high risk for fatal and nonfatal injuries (general traumatic injury and musculoskeletal injury), work-related lung diseases, noise-induced hearing loss, skin diseases, chemical-related illnesses, and certain cancers associated with chemical use and prolonged sun exposure.[26][27][28] In an average year, 516 workers die doing farm work in the U.S. (1992–2005). Every day, about 243 agricultural workers suffer lost-work-time injuries, and about 5% of these result in permanent impairment.[29] Tractor overturns are the leading cause of agriculture-related fatal injuries, and account for over 90 deaths every year. The National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health recommends the use of roll over protection structures on tractors to reduce the risk of overturn-related fatal injuries.[29]

text: Farming is one of the few industries in which families (who often share the work and live on the premises) are also at risk for injuries, illness, and death. Agriculture is the most dangerous industry for young workers, accounting for 42% of all work-related fatalities of young workers in the U.S. between 1992 and 2000. In 2011, 108 youth, less than 20 years of age, died from farm-related injuries.[22] Unlike other industries, half the young victims in agriculture were under age 15.[30] For young agricultural workers aged 15–17, the risk of fatal injury is four times the risk for young workers in other workplaces[31] Agricultural work exposes young workers to safety hazards such as machinery, confined spaces, work at elevations, and work around livestock. The most common causes of fatal farm-related youth injuries involve machinery, motor vehicles, or drowning. Together these three causes comprise more than half of all fatal injuries to youth on U.S. farms.[32] Women in agriculture (including the related industries of forestry and fishing) numbered 556,000 in 2011.[26]

text: Agriculture in the US makes up approximately 75% of the country's pesticide use. Agricultural workers are at high risk for being exposed to dangerous levels of pesticides, whether or not they are directly working with the chemicals.[28]

text: Research centers[edit]

text: Some US research centers are focused on the topic of health and safety in agricultural practices. These centers not only conduct research on the subject of occupational disease and injury prevention, but also promote agricultural health and safety through educational outreach programs. Most of these groups are funded by the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health, the US Department of Agriculture, or other state agencies.[33] Centers include:

text:
Central States Center for Agricultural Safety and Health, University of Nebraska Medical Center, Omaha, NE [34]
Great Plains Center for Agricultural Health, University of Iowa, Iowa City, IA[35]
High Plains Intermountain Center for Agricultural Health and Safety, Colorado State University, Fort Collins, CO[36]
National Children's Center for Rural and Agricultural Health and Safety, Marshfield, WI[37]
Northeast Center for Agricultural and Occupational Health, New York Center for Agricultural Medicine and Health, Cooperstown, NY[38]
Pacific Northwest Agricultural Safety and Health Center, University of Washington, Seattle, WA[39]
Southeast Center for Agricultural Health and Injury Prevention, University of Kentucky, Lexington, KY[40]
Southwest Center for Agricultural Health, Injury Prevention and Education, University of Texas, Tyler, TX[41]
Upper Midwest Agricultural Safety and Health Center, a collaboration between the University of Minnesota School of Public Health, Minneapolis, MN, University of Minnesota College of Veterinary Medicine, St. Paul, MN, Minnesota Department of Health, St. Paul, MN and the National Farm Medicine Center, Marshfield, WI with Migrant Clinicians Network, Salisbury, MD[42]
Western Center for Agricultural Health and Safety, University of California, Davis, CA[43]

text: Women in agriculture[edit]

text: It has been suggested that this section be split out into another article titled Women In Agriculture - United States. (Discuss) (November 2016)

text: Women who work in agriculture face different occupational hazards than men. Women in agriculture are poisoned by pesticides at twice the rate of their male counterparts. Exposure to pesticides can also affect fertility; women exposed to pesticides take longer to conceive (men are unaffected). Women are also at risk for bronchitis from exposure to grain, pesticides, and dust.[28]

text: Pesticide exposure in relationship to female agricultural workers[edit]

text: In many developing countries worldwide, women make up a significant proportion of agricultural workers, accounting for between 44-75% of agricultural workers, depending on which country is being examined.[44] In developed countries, approximately 36% of the entire agricultural workforce are women, with approximately one in five agricultural workers in the United States being women.[44] Women agricultural workers in the United States are exposed to various categories of pesticides, which include insecticides, fungicides, disinfectants, herbicides, and fumigants. These pesticides are applied in order to protect a multitude of crops, including but not limited to, fruits, vegetables, grains, and fiber crops.[45] The exposures can occur via application as well as residues left in the soil and on the crops after application has occurred; pesticide may also be present in ambient air.[44] Women may acquire acute pesticide poisoning, which has classified as being based on three criteria. These criteria include the strength of evidence that a pesticide exposure occurred, whether adverse health effects were observed by a healthcare professional, and if there is sufficient evidence that the known toxicology of the agent was consistent with the observed health effects.[46] The WHO defines acute pesticide poisoning as any illness or health effect resulting from suspected or confirmed exposure to a pesticide within 48 hours.[47] Female agricultural workers are less likely to wear Personal Protective Equipment, which is made of chemical resistance material that prevents chemicals from coming in contact with skin for a limited period of time,.[48][49] Only 51% of women pesticide handlers utilize PPE, while 26% of women non-handlers use PPE; this is significantly less than male workers in the agricultural field and is largely a result of ill-fitting equipment, including glasses, gloves, respirators, and protective outerwear,.[50][51]

text: Acute Pesticide Poisoning Case Definition Matrix

text: Health effects[edit]

text: Surveillance for occupational pesticide-related illnesses and injuries are tracked by the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH) and the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) through the SENSOR-Pesticides program.[52] The EPA estimates between 10,000 - 20,000 physician related pesticide poisonings are reported among hired US agricultural workers each year.[52] "While poisonings comprise a relatively small portion of total agricultural worker occupational illness, this is likely underestimated due to inadequate state surveillance programs, lack of physician training to recognize poisonings, lack of health insurance among farm workers, worker reluctance to report poisonings, and the transient nature of agricultural workers".[53] Female agricultural workers face the same potential acute exposure and chronic conditions as do their male counterparts.

text: Acute Exposure Conditions dizziness; confusion; abnormal skin sensations; contact dermatitis; eye irritation; chest tightness; gastrointestinal problems; vomiting; convulsions; and even death in cases of acute exposure.[54]

text: Chronic Conditions dermatological sensitivity; respiratory disease including lung fibrosis and chronic bronchitis; asthma-like syndromes; cancer; and neurological symptoms.[55]

text: The issue of preconceptional prenatal exposure is another factor in the health of female agricultural workers. It has been documented in the literature that pesticide exposure before or during pregnancy has been associated with increased risk of infertility,[56] perinatal death,[57] spontaneous abortion/stillbirth,[58] premature birth,[59] and congenital malformations.[60] These health ramifications not only impact the physical and mental health of women but also future generations.

text: Epigenetic effects[edit]

text: The female agricultural workers are not the only ones that suffer damage from pesticide exposure. Husbands of the agricultural worker as well as the children and grandchildren and great-grandchildren are also affected. This is due to exposure to Organophosphorus Pesticides because they have been shown to cause damage to DNA in sperm cells.[61] When DNA damage is done in gamete cells (sperm and egg cells) then the future generations will all be affected. The damage may not cause any noticeable abnormalities in the development of the child born to a father with sperm cell DNA damage. However, it could lead to such serious complications as Autism (caused by chromosomal abnormalities) or Leukemia.[62] Female agricultural workers that are exposed to pesticides can expose their family members by bringing home some of the pesticides from work on their clothes, or skin.[63] The husband's DNA can be compromised through this exposure pathway, as well as any other children already born and living in the house.

text: Scientific limitations[edit]

text: The two most common limitations in studying the health effects of pesticide exposure in women are the small sample sizes and the lack of toxicological data,.[64][65] Ensuring that the proper exposure is measured relies heavily on the study participants not moving residences throughout the study period. However, this is nearly impossible because migrant workers and seasonal employees do not typically live in the same place throughout the year.[66] Scientific studies require consistency within the group of participants being studied so that confounders are adjusted for, and transient residents do not make for very consistent study participants. Such living arrangements also make agricultural workers difficult to get in contact with. The most common methods for scientific researchers to find a person's contact information are not available for these populations. Health insurance information is not available and contact information left with an employer may not be correct year-round.[67] Additionally, there is a very limited amount of quantifiable data on the pesticides the study participants are exposed to.[68] The specific names of the pesticides may not be available.[69] The units of pesticide applied per field may not accurately represent the units that a worker is exposed to.[70] The number of days or hours that an agricultural worker is exposed is rarely recorded. This is due to the inconsistencies in the end of an agricultural work day practices - such as removing work clothing before going home, showering before going home, etc. Additionally, the proximity of agricultural workers' homes to the fields they harvest results in more exposure to the pesticides, and the amount of exposure at home is even more difficult to measure.

text: Challenges and means of exposure[edit]

text: Occupational Safety[edit]

text: In addition to the scientific limitations regarding pesticide exposure data, a variety of challenges exist in the industry for female farmworkers. Occupational safety measures are not always well defined and rarely enforced. This means that not all laborers are subject to safety training through their provider. Furthermore, as many as 35% of female farmworkers do not know of any health risks associated with pesticide spraying at all.[71] When workers are unaware of best practices in pesticide application and the subsequent health risks, they are unable to protect themselves and their families appropriately from pesticide exposure. One of the first steps of protection against exposure is through personal protective equipment (PPEs). However, PPEs are not regularly used and rarely includes all the recommended protective measures such as goggles and gloves.[72] Some women also report not having the necessary equipment to mix the pesticides and ultimately resort to using household items like broomsticks or even their hands.[72]

text: Home Safety[edit]

text: Home safety provides its own challenges for women. It is possible for non-laborers to be exposed to pesticides through clothing contamination. In order to maintain a safe home environment, clothing from spraying pesticides should be cleaned and stored separately from other clothing in the household.[73] Exposure can also be limited by having workers shower within 15 minutes of returning home at the end of the work day.[71] The pesticides used in the agricultural industry in the United States often have a strong odor that helps to remind families of the presence of toxins which makes it more likely that they PPEs and equipment will be stored appropriately.[74] Family members are also subject to contamination through food and water supplies.[71] Many people reported reusing pesticide containers for laundry or to carry water.[72]

text: Social Determinants of Health[edit]

text: Finally, all of these factors are compounded by social determinants affecting agricultural workers. Studies have shown that as many as 97% of female farm laborers take their children with them to work, thereby directly exposing them to pesticide contamination.[75] Farm workers have literacy rates significantly lower than the rest of the population. This negatively impacts health outcomes because employees that have not received safety training are not able to read the warning labels and instructions on the pesticides. In one study, "Only 85 (23.2%) of the women could read English and 69 (18.9%) reported ever reading the pesticide labels.".[72] Housing is usually cramped without adequate laundry or bathroom facilities to wash and store equipment.[76] Such dwellings are often occupied by multiple laborers thereby multiplying the overall contaminants. Lastly, women in the agricultural industry report accessing prenatal health care services at nearly half the rate of the national average, 42% vs. 76%, respectively.[77]

text: Socioeconomic challenges[edit]

text: Female farm workers may often face social challenges and adverse mental health effects while working, with one of the biggest challenges being social inequality. The number of women working in agriculture has risen and the 2002 census of agriculture recorded a 40% increase in the number of female farm workers.[78] Inequality and respect are common issues for these workers, as many have reported that they are not being respected, listened to, or taken seriously due to traditional views of women as housewives and caretakers.[79]

text: Women may also face resistance when attempting to advance to higher positions. Other issues reported by female farm workers include receiving less pay than their male counterparts and a refusal or reluctance by their employers to offer their female workers the same additional benefits given to male workers such as housing.[80] This inequality in pay can cause some women to seek off-farm jobs, which can be difficult if the women are older or have no education or related experience.[78] The risk of injury for farm workers is high. Studies have shown that safety recautions and regulations tend to focus on the male's work because of the traditional idea that the male farm workers work is more dangerous and risky than the females, despite women also engaging in equally risky work such as caring for farm animals or using farming machinery.[81]

text: Women in the farming industry are more likely than men to experience depression and women who experience higher rates of depression are more likely to have been through traumatic events such as sexual abuse and stress due to gender inequality.[82] They are also at a disadvantage when beginning farm work due to some female workers lacking knowledge about the chemical hazards on farms, which can pose issues for pregnant farm workers who are exposed to chemicals that can harm the pregnancy.[83] Some farm workers may also be immigrants who may not be educated on the importance of prenatal care, especially when being exposed to harmful chemicals, which can cause them to experience complications during pregnancy and have children born with birth defects.[84][83]

text: Policy implications[edit]

text: Protection of women's reproductive health is needed for female agricultural workers. Farm work is one of three most dangerous occupations in the United States.[85] According to the National Agricultural Workers Survey (1994-1995), the proportion of women in farming declined from 25% in the 1980s to less than 20% in the 1990s.[86] As a result of "a larger portion of the farm worker population being U.S. born (1994-1995) which means that every third U.S. born farm worker was a woman while only one in eight foreign-born farm workers was a woman.[87]" Due to their occupation, women and their families are at risk to higher exposure from pesticides than the general population from direct contact and pesticide drift as result of their housing proximity to agricultural lands.[88] To ensure the safety and health of women, they need additional surveillance and monitoring for any toxic effects caused by working and living in close proximity to commercial spraying operations,.[88][89] Moreover, this is important to women's reproductive health,[90][91] because the quality of healthcare they receive in the United States during their lifespan has a direct impact on their reproductive health and well-being and that of their US-born children,.[92][93] Furthermore, "U.S. born workers, women tended to be older than their male counterparts (32 and 25 years old, respectively) while among the foreign-born farm workers, there was no meaningful difference in age between men and women (29 and 30 years old, respectively).[94]" The key issues confronting women in agriculture's healthcare are: access to health care;[95] lack of affordable health insurance;[88] and lack of a medical home due to the seasonality of the work which forces migrant workers to follow the crops.

text: Increased enforcement and compliance of existing EPA’s Worker Protection Standards[96] is needed to protect women workers from pesticide exposures as well as new policies that specifically address women's reproductive health and to their families and unborn children.[96] This is complicated due to the composition of the workforce which consists primarily of migrants with a mixed immigrant status and the United States government's policies[97] about not providing nonemergency health care to nonresidents. This includes prenatal care[90] for undocumented workers whose child born in the United States is considered an American by the 14 Amendment of the US Constitution or the Citizenship Clause. Additional work on compliance onsite by OSHA.[98]


document_title: Kick-off (association football)

question_text: who kicks the ball first to start a football game

text: Kick-off (association football)

text: Award[edit]

text: A kick-off is used to start each half of play, and each period of extra time where applicable. The kick-off to start a game is awarded to the team that lost the pre-game coin toss (the team that won the coin-toss chooses which direction they wish to play). The kick-off begins when the referee blows the whistle. The kick-off to start the second half is taken by the other team. If extra time is played another coin-toss is used at the beginning of this period.

text: A kick-off is also used to restart play after a goal is scored, and is taken by the team that conceded the goal.

text: Procedure[edit]

text: The kick-off is taken from the centre spot. All players must be in their own half of the field of play, and all opposing players must remain at least 10 yards (9.16m) from the ball (a distance marked on the pitch by the centre circle), until the ball is in play.

text: The ball is initially stationary until it is put into play by being kicked. The player who has first kicked the ball may not touch it again until it has been touched by another player.

text: A stipulation that this kick must be towards the opponents' goal existed in the rules from 1883[2] until 2016.[3] This resulted in kick-offs typically involving two persons (as pictured), with one tapping the ball forward and the other passing it back to the rest of the team.

text: A goal may be scored directly from a kick-off against the opponent.[4]

text: Infringements[edit]

text: If a player moves from their required position as detailed above the kick is retaken. Failure to maintain position may constitute misconduct and be punished by a caution (yellow card).

text: It is an offence for the kicker to touch the ball a second time until it has been touched by another player; this is punishable by an indirect free kick to the defending team from where the offence occurred, unless the second touch was also a more serious handling offence, in which case it is punishable by a direct free kick.


document_title: The Amazing Race 29

question_text: who came in last place on amazing race

question_tokens: who came in last place on amazing race

text: The Amazing Race 29

text: Production and filming[edit]

text: Development[edit]

text: In March 2016, CBS renewed The Amazing Race for the 2016–17 TV season, but was left out of the Fall schedule for the first time since season 12 and the entire Fall schedule run since the 2003–04 TV season. The show's Friday time slot instead went to new drama series MacGyver. It was announced in November 2016 that the season would premiere Friday, April 21, 2017 in its regular Friday time slot after MacGyver had finished its season run. On March 10, 2017, CBS announced that it was moving low-rated new drama Training Day to Saturdays and would move the Race premiere up to March 30 to fill the now vacated Thursday, 10pm time slot.[5][6]

text: The season will include 17 cities across five continents and nine countries over 36,000 miles (58,000 km) with visits including Panama, Tanzania, Norway and Greece.[3] Filming began on June 10, 2016 in Los Angeles,[1][7] and concluded on July 2, 2016 in Chicago.[2] For the first time in race history, the current route markers were used in Vietnam.

text: This season also introduced a few alterations to the Race rules. While the traditional limit on Roadblock performances were still enforced, there was an additional requirement wherein team members could not perform more than four Roadblocks before the ninth leg of the race. Additionally, there was no limit on how many times a team could use the U-Turn on this season.[8]

text: Results[edit]

text: As announced by CBS, the following teams participated in the race. Unlike the traditional format of the Race, these contestants arrived at the starting line unpaired, an idea that Race producers claim fans have repeatedly suggested to the them in the past. A challenge prior to the official start of the race was used to determine a ranking of the 22 contestants. The highest-ranked unpaired contestant was then allowed to draft any remaining unpaired contestant as his or her teammate; the process continued until all eleven teams were determined. Selections were based solely on first impressions and the interactions contestants had with each other during the first challenge. Each team is listed with the unique hashtag the show's graphics use to identify them.

text:
Team

Team hashtag

Position (by leg)

Roadblocks

1

2

3

4

5ε5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

Brooke & Scott

#TeamBrookeandScott

4th

6th

6th

7th

6th

5th

4th

3rd⊃

4th

2nd

1st

1st

Brooke 5, Scott 6

Tara & Joey

#TeamMomandDad

6th1

7th

2nd⊃

1st

1st

3rd

3rd

1st⋑

5th

3rd

3rd

2nd

Tara 5, Joey 6

London & Logan

#TeamLoLo

8th1

8th

5th

5th

5th

6th

5th

4th

3rd

4th

2nd

3rd

London 6, Logan 5

Matt & Redmond

#TheBoys

3rd

3rd

4th⋐

4th

2nd

2nd

1st

2nd

2nd

1st

4th

Matt 6, Redmond 5

Becca & Floyd

#TeamFun

2nd

5th

8th3

2nd

3rdƒ

1st⋑6

2nd

5th⋐7

1st

5th8

Becca 4, Floyd 4

Liz & Michael

#TeamLizandMike

10th

1st

1st

3rd

7th

4th⊃

6th

6th⊂

Liz 4, Michael 3

Vanck & Ashton

#TeamVanckandAshton

7th1

2nd

3rd⊃

6th

4th

7th⊂

Vanck 3, Ashton 2

Shamir & Sara

#TheSandSExpress

5th

9th

7th

8th4

Shamir 2, Sara 1

Seth & Olive

#TeamAmerica

1st

4th

9th⊂

Seth 1, Olive 1

Jessie & Francesca

#SwoleSisters

9th

10th

Jessie 0, Francesca 1

Kevin & Jenn

#LongHairDontCare

11th2

Kevin 0, Jenn 0

text:
A red team placement indicates the team was eliminated.
A brown ⊃ or a cyan ⋑ indicates that the team chose to use one of the two U-Turns in a Double U-Turn, while a ⊂ or  ⋐ indicates the team who received it.
A green ƒ indicates that the team won a Fast Forward.
An underlined leg number indicates there was no mandatory rest period at the Pit Stop, and all teams were ordered to continue racing. An underlined team placement indicates that the team came in last on a "continue racing" leg and was ordered to continue racing.
An underlined blue placement indicates the team came in last on a non-elimination leg and had to perform a Speed Bump during the next leg of the race.
A purple ε indicates the team decided to use the Express Pass on that leg; if next to a leg number, it indicates that the team with the Express Pass forfeited the Pass at the Pit Stop of that leg without ever having used it.

text:
^ Due to a storm at the site of the Detour, several teams still performing the Detour received time credit. Time credit given to Tara & Joey and Vanck & Ashton pushed London & Logan from 6th to 8th. This went unaired.[9]
^ Kevin & Jenn initially arrived 10th, but were issued a 2-hour penalty upon reaching the Pit Stop because they were unable to complete either Detour option before safety and darkness made it too unsafe to continue. Liz & Michael checked in during their penalty time, dropping Kevin & Jenn to last place and resulting in their elimination.
^ Becca & Floyd initially arrived 5th but because Floyd did not have his passport, they were not allowed to check in until they found it and brought it back to the pit stop. Three teams (London & Logan, Brooke & Scott, and Shamir & Sara) checked-in while they went back, dropping Becca & Floyd to 8th.
^ Shamir & Sara were unable to complete the Roadblock due to darkness and closing of the shop; as a result, after all the other teams had already checked in at the Pit Stop. Phil went to the Roadblock location (the DASICO Umasida Dispensary) to inform them of their elimination.
^ Becca & Floyd found the Express Pass on Leg 1 during the Start Line task, and were required to use it by the end of Leg 5; they elected to go for the Fast Forward in that leg rather than use the Express Pass.
^ Becca & Floyd used their U-Turn power on Liz & Michael; however, they had already passed the U-Turn point and were therefore unaffected by it.
^ Becca & Floyd were issued a 10-minute penalty for speeding; they elected to serve the penalty immediately. However, this did not affect their placement, and it was unaired. [10]
^ On the way to Đền Thái Vi, Floyd became dizzy due to fatigue from the Roadblock, and medics were called out. Long after all the other teams had already checked in at the Pit Stop, Phil came out to their location to inform them of their elimination.

tag: ol

text: Episode title quotes[edit]

text: Episode titles are often taken from quotes made by the racers.[11]

text:
"We're Coming For You, Phil!" – Seth
"Scared Spitless" – Liz
"Bucket List Type Stuff" – Logan
"Another One Bites the Dust" – Liz
"Have Faith in Me, Broski" – Liz
"Double U-Turn Ahead" – Phrase on Clue
"Have Fun and Get It Done" – Tara
"Good Job, Donkey" – Tara
"I Thought We Were Playing It Nice" – London
"Riding a Bike Is Like Riding a Bike" – London
"As Easy As Stacking Cups" – Redmond
"We're Going To Victory Lane" – Race-car driver at Chicagoland Speedway (non-racer)

text: Prizes[edit]

text: The prize for each leg was awarded to the first place team for that leg. Trips were provided by Travelocity. The prizes were:

text:
Leg 1: US$2,000 each (unaired)[citation needed]
Leg 2: A trip for two to Barbados
Leg 3: A trip for two to Amsterdam
Leg 4: US$5,000 each
Leg 5: None
Leg 6: A trip for two to Ushuaia, Argentina
Leg 7: A trip for two to Grenada
Leg 8: US$7,500 each
Leg 9: A trip for two to Galapagos Islands
Leg 10: A trip for two to Costa Rica
Leg 11: None
Leg 12: US$1,000,000

text: Race summary[edit]

text:
Destinations

 Air travel    Rail travel    Water travel    Bus travel

Route Markers

 Detour    Roadblock    Fast Forward    U-Turn    Speed Bump    Pit Stop

text: Leg 1 (United States → Panama)[edit]

text: Airdate: March 30, 2017

text:
Los Angeles, California, United States  (Grand Hope Park) (Team Pairing & Starting Line)
Los Angeles (F&M Gallery – Luggage Shop)
 Los Angeles (Los Angeles International Airport) to Panama City, Panama  (Tocumen International Airport)
Panama City (Panama Canal – Miraflores Locks)
Soberanía National Park (Panama Rainforest Discovery Center – Canopy Tower)
 Gamboa (Gamboa Rainforest Resort)
Panama City (Cinta Costera III)

text: The first Detour of the Race was a choice between Scoot or Shoot. Both options required teams to paddle a traditional Panamanian vessel called a cayuco. In Scoot, teams had to beat a pair of professional canoers in a 400 metres (0.25 mi) regatta. Once teams finished the race before the rowers, they received their next clue. Teams that lost on the first attempt received a 50-meter head start for the second attempt; and, teams that needed a third attempt were given a 100-meter head start. In Shoot, teams had to row to a marshy area where they must use a bow and arrow to shoot down two silver fishes hung on a cluster of bamboo poles to receive their next clue.

text: To determine the teams, host Phil Keoghan announced to the racers a series of cardinal directions and distances to find the luggage shop near Grand Hope Park. Once at the shop, they had to retrieve a suitcase tagged with the flag of Panama  and return to the starting line to present it to Keoghan. The racers were ranked in the order in which they completed this task. Teams were then formed by having the highest-ranked contestant choose his or her teammate from among the remaining unpaired racers; the final two contestants were automatically paired by default. Furthermore, one of the 22 suitcases contained the only Express Pass available for the race.

text: Right after the race began, most teams had to find a taxi and make their way to Los Angeles International Airport to reserve one of two flights to Panama. As a consolation prize for being forced to team together by default, Jessie & Francesca were driven to the airport by host Phil Keoghan himself.

text: Leg 2 (Panama → Brazil)[edit]

text: Airdate: April 6, 2017

text:
Panama City (Tocumen International Airport) to São Paulo, Brazil  (São Paulo–Guarulhos International Airport)
Carapicuíba (Helipark Táxi Aéreo e Manutenção Aeronáutica)
São Paulo (Praça da Sé)
 São Paulo (Santa Ifigênia – R. General Osório street (in Portuguese) or Brás – Viaduct below Palmorino Mônaco street)
São Paulo (Paulista Avenue)
 São Paulo (Instituto Cervantes São Paulo)
São Paulo (Trianon Park)

text: This leg's Detour was a choice between Keep The Beat or Work Your Feet. In Keep The Beat, teams traveled along R. General Osório street and had to perform a musical routine with a samba group. Each team member had to learn a different instrument: either the surdo drum or the chocalho jingle stick. When the band leader was satisfied with their performance, they would get their next clue. In Work Your Feet, teams made their way to a viaduct below Palmorino Mônaco street where they had to assemble makeshift workout equipment using rudimentary supplies including a tire, a refrigerator, weight racks, metal cans, and a barrel (which must contain a specified volume of water). When the judge, a professional boxer, approved their installations, he would give them their next clue.

text: In the first Roadblock of the Race, one team member had to rappel down the façade of Instituto Cervantes São Paulo where they had to wash a marked window. Once the window was spotless, a person inside the room would give them their next clue.

text:
At the Helipark in Carapicuíba, teams had to sign up for a helicopter ride across the São Paulo skyline to a building adjacent to Praça da Sé.
Upon arriving at Paulista Avenue, teams had to find a woman with a red and yellow scarf riding a bike in the pedestrian zone who would hand them their next clue.

text: Leg 3 (Brazil → Tanzania)[edit]

text: Airdate: April 13, 2017

text:
São Paulo (São Paulo–Guarulhos International Airport) to Dar es Salaam, Tanzania  (Julius Nyerere International Airport)
Dar es Salaam (Askari Monument)
 Dar es Salaam (Azam Marine Ferry Terminal) to Zanzibar City, Zanzibar (Ferry Terminal)
Mkokotoni (Mkokotoni Market)
Zanzibar City (Stone Town – Darajani Market)
Zanzibar City (Stone Town – Emerson on Hurumzi Rooftop Tea House)

text: The Detour in this leg was a choice between Build It or Weave It. For both Detours, teams must travel across the bay on a dhow. In Build It, teams had to build wooden desks in an outdoor workshop. Once the desk was built within the carpenter's standards, they had to deliver it to a nearby school where they would then learn Swahili greetings from the teacher. After teams recited five phrases with proper enunciation, they would receive their next clue. In Weave It, teams had to observe a climber harvest coconut leaves from a tall palm tree. Then, they had to use the leaves to weave a basket based on a demonstration to earn their next clue.

text: For the Roadblock of this leg at Darajani Market, one team member received a shopping list of eighteen local food items written in Swahili. Using their own money (either United States dollar or Tanzanian shilling), they had to purchase all of the items and give the ingredients to the family chef outside of the market to receive their next clue.

text: At the Askari Monument, teams had to search through the classifieds in a newspaper for one with a picture of a boat telling them to travel by ferry to Zanzibar.

text: Leg 4 (Tanzania)[edit]

text: Airdate: April 20, 2017

text:
Zanzibar City (Stone Town – Mercury House)
 Zanzibar City (Stone Town – Al-Tamimi Curio Shop or Soko Muhogo Street, House of Wonders, Sultan's Palace, and Gizenga Street)
 Zanzibar City (Ferry Terminal) to Dar es Salaam (Azam Marine Ferry Terminal)
Dar es Salaam (DASICO Umasida Dispensary)
Dar es Salaam (Msasani – Coco Beach)

text: The Detour of this leg was a choice between Lock and Knock. In Lock, teams had to go to Al-Tamimi Curio Shop and look through artisanal wooden chests, each one carved with a secret compartment into the main drawer, for a key with an attached piece of paper showing a symbol. Once they found the key, they had to find a cabinet with the same symbol and unlock it to release their next clue. In Knock, teams had to travel through the streets of Stone Town to locate three royal doors and knock on each of them to receive a wooden carving of a lion, serpent and a falcon. Upon collecting all three carvings, they then had to deliver them to a marked shop on Gizenga Street and exchange the carvings for their next clue.

text: In this Roadblock for this leg, one team member had to make a ladle strainer out of sheet metal. First, they must cut a circular piece of sheet aluminum to make a spoon. After that, they had to punch the center piece to make holes for the strainer. Then, they had to pound the metal into a perfect circle and attach a long piece of metal to create the handle. Once their ladle is correctly assembled, the supervisor would hand them their next clue.

text: At the start of the leg, teams were instructed to find the house of "Farrokh Bulsara", who they would figure out was known to the rest of the world as Freddie Mercury, and travel to his childhood house in Stone Town for their next clue.

text: Leg 5 (Tanzania → Norway)[edit]

text: Airdate: April 20, 2017

text:
Dar es Salaam (Julius Nyerere International Airport) to Ålesund, Norway  (Ålesund Airport, Vigra)
Godøy (Høgsteinen Fyr Lighthouse (in Norwegian))
 Geiranger (Geirangerfjord)
Ålesund (Slinningen)
 Ålesund (Downtown Ålesund or Kayak More Tomorrow and Brosundet Canal)
Ålesund (Mount Aksla) (in Norwegian Nynorsk)

text: For the Fast Forward on this leg, one team had to board a helicopter from an adjacent field at Høgsteinen Fyr Lighthouse where they would soon discover they had to skydive 10,000 feet (3,000 m) above the skies of Ålesund with an instructor. Once they landed back to safety, they would win the right to go directly to the Pit Stop.

text: Other teams had to take the Roadblock at Slinningen, where one team member had to climb the side of a 13-storey tower made out of 31,000 wooden pallets, then nail down one pallet at the top of the stack to help create the world's tallest hand stacked bonfire festival called Slinningsbålet (in Norwegian). Once completed, they would receive their next clue and climb back down.

text: The Detour of this leg was a choice between Trolls or Troll. In Trolls, teams had to go to Kulturhus in Downtown where an actress gave them a scroll containing a poem and a map of downtown highlighting six images of sculptures. Using the map, they had to locate each building with the corresponding sculpture. At each location, they must recite the poem at the doorway, where a troll impersonator would give them a gigantic fake firework. Once they returned to Kulturhus with all six fireworks, the actress gave them a scroll containing the name of the next Pit Stop. In Troll, teams had to travel to Kayak More Tomorrow and paddle a kayak along Brosundet Canal to search among fishing lures for one imprinted with the name of the next Pit Stop.

text: At Høgsteinen Fyr Lighthouse, teams had to consume a Norwegian fish dish known as rakfisk  before receiving their next clue.

text: Leg 6 (Norway → Italy)[edit]

text: Airdate: April 27, 2017

text:
Åndalsnes (Åndalsnes Station) to Ullensaker (Oslo Airport Station)
 Oslo (Oslo Airport, Gardermoen) to Milan, Italy  (Milan–Malpensa Airport)
Milan (Piazza Fontana) (in Italian)
 Milan (ATMosfera Tram Ristorante) (in Italian)
 Cernobbio (Navigazione Lago di Como) to Varenna (Varenna Ferry Terminal) (Overnight rest)
Varenna (Greenway dei Patriarchi)
 Perledo (Castello di Vezio) or Menaggio (L'Angolo Benedetto Castelli)
 Tremezzo (Teresio Olivelli Park overlooking Lake Como)

text: In this leg's Roadblock, one team member had to ride Tram Ristorante ATMosfera, a dining tram which tours Downtown Milan, to find three marked words along the ride: Cernobbio, Concordia, and Lago. However, only four team members could ride the tram at one time. During the ride, they received a plate of gnocchi and parmigiana melanzane, which they had to finish, in order to complete the ride. At the end of the ride, they recited the three correct words to the tram conductor to receive their next clue. If they failed to say all three words, they had to perform the task again.

text: The Detour of this leg was a choice between Make a Mold and Grab a Hold. In Make a Mold, teams had to travel to Castello di Vezio and assemble a ghost figure by using a teammate as a wire mesh mold for plaster mold casting. After the plaster solidified to create the figure, they would be given the next clue. In Grab a Hold, teams had to travel by taxi boat to the village of Menaggio and find L'Angolo Benedetto Castelli, where one team member would climb 90 feet (27 m) up the face of a rock to retrieve their next clue, while their partner belayed the line from the bottom.

text:
At the immediate beginning of the leg, teams received a smartphone from Phil at the Pit Stop to book their flights to Milan, Italy using the Travelocity application.
At Cernobbio, teams had to claim a departure time for the following morning from Varenna Ferry Terminal, each with a 5-minute interval beginning at 7:00 AM to the final time at 7:30 AM, from a lifesaver on a steamboat named Concordia. At their designated times, teams opened their next clue which told them to travel to a garden along Greenway dei Patriarchi to find their next clue.
After finishing the Detour, teams had to take a taxi boat to the village of Tremezzo to find their next Pit Stop along the shoreline at Teresio Olivelli Park.

text: Leg 7 (Italy)[edit]

text: Airdate: May 4, 2017

text:
Cernobbio (Piazza Risorgimento – Monumento ai Caduti)
 Cernobbio to Tessera (Marco Polo Airport Dock)
Venice (Piazza San Marco)
 Venice (Trattoria al Ponte del Megio or Campo San Polo)
Venice (Ca' Zenobio)
Venice (Campo San Vio) (in Italian)

text: During the Pit Stop, teams were moved to Piazza Risorgimento back in Cernobbio to begin this leg of the race. The Detour in this leg was a choice between Sing it and Bring it. In Sing it, teams had to practice a traditional Italian serenade for gondoliers and then dressed as ones to perform the song on board a gondola tour along the Grand Canal. If the mandolin player was satisfied with their singing, he would give them their next clue. In Bring it, teams had to work as porters and pick up a dolly of suitcases to deliver to the name of the hotel on their suitcases' tag, carrying them through the stairs and narrow alleys of Venice. Once all the suitcases were delivered to the hotel's porter, they would receive their next clue.

text: In this leg's Roadblock, one team member had to choose an actor from a Venetian masquerade performance, Commedia dell'arte, and paint an exact copy of their mask. If they could successfully recreate it to the satisfaction of the artist, they would be given their next clue.

text:
At the beginning of the leg, teams made their way to a nearby bus stand where they boarded one of two buses heading to Venice. The first bus departed at 4:15 am and the second at 4:30 am.
Upon arriving in Venice, teams had to take a water taxi to Piazza San Marco and find a spazzino, a local street sweeper who dressed in a green outfit, who would hand them their next clue.

text: Leg 8 (Italy → Greece)[edit]

text: Airdate: May 11, 2017

text:
Venice (Venice Marco Polo Airport) to Bari (Bari Karol Wojtyła Airport)
 Bari (Port of Bari) to Patras, Greece  (Port of Patras)
Arachova (Town Square)
 Arachova (Kaplanis Taverna or Egarsios Steps and Church of Saint George (in Greek))
Athens (Panathenaic Stadium)
 Athens (Kantina Food Truck)
Athens (Zappeion)
Athens (Areopagus overlooking The Acropolis)

text: The Detour of this leg was a choice between For the Bride or For the Groom. In For the Bride, teams had to transport two containers of milk on a donkey through the streets of Arachova to find local cheese makers and exchange them for a piece of cheese. Both cheese had to be delivered to the bride. In For the Groom, teams must compete in a footrace with locals up the 252 steps of Egarsios leading to the Church of Saint George where they had to find a shepherd who would give them two pairs of animals (sheep and goat) to deliver to a groom. After executing the detour, teams received a plate, which should break for the next clue.

text: For their Speed Bump, Liz and Michael traveled on foot to the nearby Kantina food truck to prepare a traditional skewered dish called kokoretsi by wrapping sections of meat intestines. Once the dish was made properly and presented to the chef, they could continue racing.

text: In this leg's Roadblock, one team member had to take part in becoming a member of the guard outside the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier and learn how to perform the changing of the guard routine of the Greek Presidential Guards known as Evzones. Under the supervision of the Presidential Guard, they had to perform inside the Zappeion hall with the right choreography to receive their next clue.

text: At the Panathenaic Stadium, teams had to run one complete victory lap around the track to receive their next clue.

text: Leg 9 (Greece → Vietnam)[edit]

text: Airdate: May 18, 2017

text:
Athens (Volterou Street)
Corinth (Corinth Canal – Old Bridge)
 Athens (Athens International Airport) to Hanoi, Vietnam  (Noi Bai International Airport)
Hanoi (Tượng Đài Lý Thái Tổ) (in Vietnamese)
Hanoi (Quán Sứ Temple)
 Hanoi (Hoàn Kiếm District – 42 Hàng Vải Street and 56 Cầu Gỗ Street or 41 Cửa Nam Street and Chân Cầm Street)
Hanoi (Thống Nhất Park) (in Vietnamese)

text: During the Pit Stop, teams were moved to Volterou Street in Downtown Athens to begin this leg of the race. The Roadblock for this leg was a Switchback from season 9. One team member had to bungee jump 240 feet (73 m) off a bridge into the Corinth Canal to receive their next clue.

text: For the Detour, teams have a choice between Bamboo Climb or Window Design. In Bamboo Climb, teams had to transport a marked 15-foot ladder made of bamboo through the busy streets to an apartment building, and get it up a narrow stairwell. On the roof, they had to use the ladder to retrieve a birdcage, and then return both the cage and the ladder to the starting point to receive their next clue. In Window Design, teams had to carry three mannequins—a man, woman, and child—through the streets to a clothing shop, and dress and arrange them in the window, using a photo for reference. Once the judge approved their window display, they would receive their next clue.

text: At Tượng Đài Lý Thái Tổ, teams had to search among a group of dancers waving fans. When they found a fan with a yellow marker, the dancer would give them their next clue.

text: Leg 10 (Vietnam)[edit]

text: Airdate: May 18, 2017

text:
Mỹ Đình (Bến Xe Khách Mỹ Đình) to Ninh Bình (Bến Xe Khách Ninh Bình)
Ninh Bình (Tam Cốc Wharf)
Ninh Bình (Bích Động Temple)
Hoa Lư (Thôn Hải Nham) (in Vietnamese)
Hoa Lư (Đền Thái Vi – Bến Thành) (in Vietnamese)
Ninh Bình (Tam Cốc – Hang Múa Peak)

text: For the Speed Bump, Tara and Joey had to collect 72 duck eggs from around a pond before they could continue racing and move on to the Roadblock.

text: The Roadblock for this leg was a Switchback from Season 3. One team member had to load a bicycle with a correct number of large and small shrimp traps, and deliver them to a fisherman 1 mile (1.6 km) down the road to receive their next clue.

text:
At Bích Động Temple, they had to search the ground for their next clue and their travel companion, the Travelocity Roaming Gnome, which they had to keep with them for the duration of the leg.
At Bến Thành, teams had to collect and deliver an offering of specified prayer items (including red napkins, candles, flowers, and fake money) up the Ngô Đồng River stream to a ceremonial dragon boat. One team member had to row the oars using the traditional way by using only their feet. Once they had given the offering, they would then go back to the pier, accompanied by their respective dragon boat, to receive their next clue.
Before reaching the Pit Stop, teams had to climb approximately 500 steps along the Lying Dragon Mountain (Núi Ngọa Long) trail to the top of Hang Múa Peak.

text: Upon arriving at Ninh Bình Bus Station, teams made their way to the nearby Tam Cốc Wharf to get a bicycle each, which then would be their only means of transportation for the rest of the leg.

text: Leg 11 (Vietnam → South Korea)[edit]

text: Airdate: May 25, 2017

text:
Ninh Bình (Hidden Charm Resort)
 Hanoi (Noi Bai International Airport) to Seoul, South Korea  (Incheon International Airport)
Seoul (Gangnam District – Gangnam Station)
Seoul (Hanyang University Olympic Gymnasium)
Seoul (Mugyewon Arts & Cultural Center)
Seoul (OGN e-Stadium) (in Korean)
Seoul (Sebit-seom – Gavit Some (Roof Garden))

text: During the Pit Stop, all teams were moved to Hidden Charm Resort to start the leg. In the leg's first Roadblock, the selected teammate had to take part in sport stacking, quickly arranging cups into three specified formations in seven seconds or less to receive their next clue.

text: In the leg's second Roadblock, the teammate who did not perform the first Roadblock had to play the video game Street Fighter V against a professional video game player. The racers underwent a coaching session before facing off against the professional players, which included Seon-woo "Infiltration" Lee and Lee Chung "Poongko" Gon,[12] and had to defeat the professional gamer in one round of the game in order to receive their next clue. If the racer was unsuccessful after 10 rounds the professional gamer would continue playing with one hand behind his back; if the racer was unsuccessful after 10 additional rounds the professional gamer would continue playing blindfolded with one hand behind his back until he was defeated.

text:
Upon arriving in Seoul, teams had to travel to Gangnam District and find an outdoor K-Pop performance at the "Gangnam Style" sign to receive their next clue from the dancers.
At Mugyewon Arts & Cultural Center, teams had to prepare the traditional dish kimchi after watching a demonstration of how to do so. Once approved, they had to transfer it to a jar, then bury the closed jar in soil to ferment. They were given their next clue after receiving a taste of the kimchi.

text: Leg 12 (South Korea → United States)[edit]

text: Airdate: June 1, 2017

text:
Seoul (Incheon International Airport) to Chicago, Illinois, United States  (O'Hare International Airport)[2][13]
Joliet (Chicagoland Speedway)
Chicago (Monroe Street Station)
Chicago (Chicago Water Tower, Buckingham Fountain and Wabash Avenue Bridge)
Chicago (City Hall Rooftop)
Chicago (Wrigleyville Dogs)
Chicago (Wrigley Rooftops – 3639 North Sheffield Avenue)
Chicago (Wrigley Field)
Chicago (Milton Lee Olive Park)

text:
At the Chicagoland Speedway, one team member had to join a pit crew and change one tire on a NASCAR race car in 40 seconds or less. Once they successfully finished changing the tire, their partner had to drive one lap around the track in 48 seconds or less. Once both were completed, they would get their next clue at the winner's podium.
At the Monroe Street Station, teams had to search the train platform for a city worker who would hand them their next clue.
The clue received from the city worker presented teams with three riddles which left them to figure that they represented three locations within Downtown Chicago: (1) I have a Gothic spire and I'm impervious to fire I'm 154 feet tall and no higher (Chicago Water Tower), (2) I am tired like a wedding cake from me a drink you should not take to find me look no further than the lake (Buckingham Fountain) and (3) I stand in the twin corn...'s shadow and control the Kupcinet bascule for those below climb the steps to my operator and you'll be good to go (Wabash Avenue Bridge). At these locations, they would receive a postcard from a designated person. Putting the three postcards together spelled out their next destination: City Hall Rooftop.
At City Hall, teams had to locate the rooftop garden, where they would find the city's beekeeper and exchange the three postcards for their next clue.
At Wrigleyville Dogs, teams had to make ten Chicago-style hot dogs and deliver them to the roof of 3639 North Sheffield Avenue, one of the Wrigley Rooftops, where a group of Chicago Cubs fans waited. After delivering the hot dogs, season 19 winners Ernie & Cindy would hand them the tickets to enter Wrigley Field through the marquee entrance for their next clue.
At Wrigley Field, the teams had to recall their placements in each leg of the race. One team member had to go inside the press box while the other had to enter the stadium's hand-operated scoreboard (pictured), which displayed the locations of the eleven Pit Stops in alphabetical order:

text:
Leg

Country

Pit Stop city

5

 Norway

Ålesund

8

 Greece

Athens

4

 Tanzania

Dar es Salaam

9

 Vietnam

Hanoi

6

 Italy

Lake Como

10

 Vietnam

Ninh Bình

1

 Panama

Panama City

2

 Brazil

São Paulo

11

 South Korea

Seoul

7

 Italy

Venice

3

 Tanzania

Zanzibar

text: On the flight from Seoul to Chicago, the final three teams received a free upgrade to premium-class.

text: Ratings[edit]

text:
No.

Title

Air date
Rating/share(18–49)
Viewers(millions)
DVR(18–49)
DVR viewers(millions)
Total(18–49)
Total viewers(millions)
Ref(s)

1

"We're Coming For You, Phil!"

March 30, 2017
0.9/3
4.30
0.7
2.44
1.6
6.73
[14][15]

2

"Scared Spitless"

April 6, 2017
0.9/4
3.99
0.6
2.47
1.5
6.46
[16][17]

3

"Bucket List Type Stuff"

April 13, 2017
0.8/3
4.18
0.7
2.40
1.5
6.51
[18][19]

4

"Another One Bites The Dust"

April 20, 2017
0.9/4
4.40
0.6
2.08
1.5
6.48
[20][21]

5

"Have Faith in Me, Broski"

April 20, 2017
0.8/3
3.84
0.6
2.29
1.4
6.13
[20][21]

6

"Double U-Turn Ahead"

April 27, 2017
0.7/3
3.80
N/A
N/A
N/A
N/A
[22]

7

"Have Fun and Get It Done"

May 4, 2017
0.9/4
4.01
0.6
2.36
1.5
6.37
[23][24]

8

"Good Job, Donkey"

May 11, 2017
0.9/3
4.04
0.7
2.51
1.6
6.56
[25][26]

9

"I Thought We Were Playing It Nice"

May 18, 2017
0.9/4
4.42
0.6
1.90
1.5
6.32
[27][28]

10

"Riding a Bike Is Like Riding a Bike"

May 18, 2017
0.8/3
3.86
0.6
1.94
1.4
5.80
[27][28]

11

"As Easy As Stacking Cups"

May 25, 2017
0.6/3
3.63
0.8
2.36
1.4
5.99
[29][30]

12

"We're Going To Victory Lane"

June 1, 2017
0.8/3
3.92
0.6
2.14
1.4
6.06
[31][32]


question_text: who votes in the baseball hall of fame

question_tokens: who votes in the baseball hall of fame

text: Inductees[edit]

text: Among baseball fans, "Hall of Fame" means not only the museum and facility in Cooperstown, New York, but the pantheon of players, managers, umpires, executives, and pioneers who have been enshrined in the Hall. The first five men elected were Ty Cobb, Babe Ruth, Honus Wagner, Christy Mathewson and Walter Johnson, chosen in 1936; roughly 20 more were selected before the entire group was inducted at the Hall's 1939 opening. As of January 2018[update], 323 people had been elected to the Hall of Fame, including 226 former Major League Baseball players, 35 Negro league baseball players and executives, 22 managers, 10 umpires, and 30 pioneers, executives, and organizers. 114 members of the Hall of Fame have been inducted posthumously, including four who died after their selection was announced. Of the 35 Negro league members, 29 were inducted posthumously, including all 24 selected since the 1990s. The Hall of Fame includes one female member, Effa Manley.[5]

text: The newest members elected on January 24, 2018, are players Chipper Jones, Jim Thome, Vladimir Guerrero, and Trevor Hoffman.[6] They will be officially inducted on July 29, 2018, alongside players Jack Morris and Alan Trammell.[7]

text: Selection process[edit]

text: Players are currently inducted into the Hall of Fame through election by either the Baseball Writers' Association of America (or BBWAA), or the Veterans Committee,[8] which now consists of four subcommittees, each of which considers and votes for candidates from a separate era of baseball. Five years after retirement, any player with 10 years of major league experience who passes a screening committee (which removes from consideration players of clearly lesser qualification) is eligible to be elected by BBWAA members with 10 years' membership or more who also have been actively covering MLB at any time in the 10 years preceding the election (the latter requirement was added for the 2016 election).[9] From a final ballot typically including 25–40 candidates, each writer may vote for up to 10 players; until the late 1950s, voters were advised to cast votes for the maximum 10 candidates. Any player named on 75% or more of all ballots cast is elected. A player who is named on fewer than 5% of ballots is dropped from future elections. In some instances, the screening committee had restored their names to later ballots, but in the mid-1990s, dropped players were made permanently ineligible for Hall of Fame consideration, even by the Veterans Committee. A 2001 change in the election procedures restored the eligibility of these dropped players; while their names will not appear on future BBWAA ballots, they may be considered by the Veterans Committee.[10] Players receiving 5% or more of the votes but fewer than 75% are reconsidered annually until a maximum of ten years of eligibility (lowered from fifteen years for the 2015 election).[11]

text: Under special circumstances, certain players may be deemed eligible for induction even though they have not met all requirements. Addie Joss was elected in 1978, despite only playing nine seasons before he died of meningitis. Additionally, if an otherwise eligible player dies before his fifth year of retirement, then that player may be placed on the ballot at the first election at least six months after his death. Roberto Clemente's induction in 1973 set the precedent when the writers chose to put him up for consideration after his death on New Year's Eve, 1972.

text:
Lineup for Yesterday

Z is for Zenith
The summit of fame.
These men are up there.
These men are the game.

— Ogden Nash, Sport magazine (January 1949)[12]

tag: div

text: The five-year waiting period was established in 1954 after an evolutionary process. In 1936 all players were eligible, including active ones. From the 1937 election until the 1945 election, there was no waiting period, so any retired player was eligible, but writers were discouraged from voting for current major leaguers. Since there was no formal rule preventing a writer from casting a ballot for an active player, the scribes did not always comply with the informal guideline; Joe DiMaggio received a vote in 1945, for example. From the 1946 election until the 1954 election, an official one-year waiting period was in effect. (DiMaggio, for example, retired after the 1951 season and was first eligible in the 1953 election.) The modern rule establishing a wait of five years was passed in 1954, although an exception was made for Joe DiMaggio because of his high level of previous support, thus permitting him to be elected within four years of his retirement.

text: Contrary to popular belief, no formal exception was made for Lou Gehrig (other than to hold a special one-man election for him): there was no waiting period at that time, and Gehrig met all other qualifications, so he would have been eligible for the next regular election after he retired during the 1939 season. However, the BBWAA decided to hold a special election at the 1939 Winter Meetings in Cincinnati, specifically to elect Gehrig (most likely because it was known that he was terminally ill, making it uncertain that he would live long enough to see another election). Nobody else was on that ballot, and the numerical results have never been made public. Since no elections were held in 1940 or 1941, the special election permitted Gehrig to enter the Hall while still alive.

text: If a player fails to be elected by the BBWAA within 10 years of his retirement from active play, he may be selected by the Veterans Committee. Following changes to the election process for that body made in 2010 and 2016, it is now responsible for electing all otherwise eligible candidates who are not eligible for the BBWAA ballot—both long-retired players and non-playing personnel (managers, umpires, and executives). From 2011 through 2016, each candidate could be considered once every three years;[13] now, the frequency depends on the era in which an individual made his greatest contributions.[14] A more complete discussion of the new process is available below.

text: From 2008 to 2010, following changes made by the Hall in July 2007, the main Veterans Committee, then made up of living Hall of Famers, voted only on players whose careers began in 1943 or later. These changes also established three separate committees to select other figures:

text:
One committee voted on managers and umpires for induction in every even-numbered year. This committee voted only twice— in 2007 for induction in 2008 and in 2009 for induction in 2010.
One committee voted on executives and builders for induction in every even-numbered year. This committee conducted its only two votes in the same years as the managers/umpires committee.
The pre–World War II players committee was intended to vote every five years on players whose careers began in 1942 or earlier. It conducted its only vote as part of the election process for induction in 2009.[15]

text: Players of the Negro Leagues have also been considered at various times, beginning in 1971. In 2005 the Hall completed a study on African American players between the late 19th century and the integration of the major leagues in 1947, and conducted a special election for such players in February 2006; seventeen figures from the Negro Leagues were chosen in that election, in addition to the eighteen previously selected. Following the 2010 changes, Negro Leagues figures were primarily considered for induction alongside other figures from the 1871–1946 era, called the "Pre-Integration Era" by the Hall; since 2016, Negro Leagues figures are primarily considered alongside other figures from what the Hall calls the "Early Baseball" era (1871–1949).

text: Predictably, the selection process catalyzes endless debate among baseball fans over the merits of various candidates. Even players elected years ago remain the subjects of discussions as to whether they deserved election. For example, Bill James' book Whatever Happened to the Hall of Fame? goes into detail about who he believes does and does not belong in the Hall of Fame.

text: Changes to Veterans Committee process[edit]

text: The actions and composition of the Veterans Committee have been at times controversial, with occasional selections of contemporaries and teammates of the committee members over seemingly more worthy candidates.[16][17][18][19][20]

text: In 2001, the Veterans Committee was reformed to comprise the living Hall of Fame members and other honorees.[21] The revamped Committee held three elections, in 2003 and 2007, for both players and non-players, and in 2005 for players only. No individual was elected in that time, sparking criticism among some observers who expressed doubt whether the new Veterans Committee would ever elect a player. The Committee members, most of whom were Hall members, were accused of being reluctant to elect new candidates in the hope of heightening the value of their own selection. After no one was selected for the third consecutive election in 2007, Hall of Famer Mike Schmidt noted, "The same thing happens every year. The current members want to preserve the prestige as much as possible, and are unwilling to open the doors."[10] In 2007, the committee and its selection processes were again reorganized; the main committee then included all living members of the Hall, and voted on a reduced number of candidates from among players whose careers began in 1943 or later. Separate committees, including sportswriters and broadcasters, would select umpires, managers and executives, as well as players from earlier eras.

text: In the first election to be held under the 2007 revisions, two managers and three executives were elected in December 2007 as part of the 2008 election process. The next Veterans Committee elections for players were held in December 2008 as part of the 2009 election process; the main committee did not select a player, while the panel for pre–World War II players elected Joe Gordon in its first and ultimately only vote. The main committee voted as part of the election process for inductions in odd-numbered years, while the pre-World War II panel would vote every five years, and the panel for umpires, managers, and executives voted as part of the election process for inductions in even-numbered years.

text: Further changes to the Veterans Committee process were announced by the Hall on July 26, 2010, effective with the 2011 election.[13]

text: All individuals eligible for induction but not eligible for BBWAA consideration were considered on a single ballot, grouped by the following eras in which they made their greatest contributions:

text:
Pre-Integration Era (1871–1946)
Golden Era (1947–1972)
Expansion Era (1973 and later)

text: The Hall used the BBWAA's Historical Overview Committee to formulate the ballots for each era, consisting of 12 individuals for the Expansion Era and 10 for the other eras. The Hall's board of directors selected a committee of 16 voters for each era, made up of Hall of Famers, executives, baseball historians, and media members. Each committee met and voted at the Baseball Winter Meetings once every three years. The Expansion Era committee held its first vote in 2010 for 2011 induction, with longtime general manager Pat Gillick becoming the first individual elected under the new procedure. The Golden Era committee voted in 2011 for the induction class of 2012, with Ron Santo becoming the first player elected under the new procedure. The Pre-Integration Era committee voted in 2012 for the induction class of 2013, electing three figures. Subsequent elections rotated among the three committees in that order through the 2016 election.

text: In July 2016, however, the Hall of Fame announced a restructuring of the timeframes to be considered, with a much greater emphasis on modern eras. Four new committees were established:

text:
Today's Game (1988–present)
Modern Baseball (1970–1987)
Golden Days (1950–1969)
Early Baseball (1871–1949)

text: All committees' ballots now include 10 candidates. While there was previously a one-year waiting period after elimination from annual BBWAA consideration, there is now no waiting period. At least one committee convenes each December as part of the election process for the following calendar year's induction ceremony. The Early Baseball committee convenes only in years ending in 0 (2020, 2030). The Golden Days committee convenes only in years ending in 0 and 5 (2020, 2025). The remaining two committees convene twice every 5 years. More specifically, the Today's Game and Modern Baseball committees alternate their meetings in that order, skipping years in which either the Early Baseball or Golden Days committee meets. This means that in the next two 5-year cycles, the Today's Game committee (having met in 2016) will meet in 2018, 2021, and 2023, while the Modern Baseball committee (which met in 2017) will meet in 2019, 2022 and 2024. Additionally, the Hall of Fame has modified the criteria under which active executives can be considered for induction. All active executives age 70 or older may now have their careers reviewed as part of the Era Committee balloting process, regardless of the position they hold in an organization, and regardless of whether their body of work has been completed. Previously, active executives 65 years or older were eligible for consideration.[14]

text: Players and managers with multiple teams[edit]

text: While the text on a player's or manager's plaque lists all teams for which the inductee was a member in that specific role, inductees are usually depicted wearing the cap of a specific team, though in a few cases, like umpires, they wear caps without logos. (Executives are not depicted wearing caps.) Additionally, as of 2015, inductee biographies on the Hall's website for all players and managers, and executives who were associated with specific teams, list a "primary team", which does not necessarily match the cap logo. The Hall selects the logo "based on where that player makes his most indelible mark."[22]

text: Although the Hall always made the final decision on which logo was shown, until 2001 the Hall deferred to the wishes of players or managers whose careers were linked with multiple teams. Some examples of inductees associated with multiple teams are the following:

text:
Frank Robinson: Robinson chose to have the Baltimore Orioles cap displayed on his plaque, although he had played ten seasons with the Cincinnati Reds and six seasons with Baltimore. Robinson won four pennants and two World Series with the Orioles and one pennant with Cincinnati. His second World Series ring came in the 1970 World Series against the Reds. Robinson also won an MVP award while playing for each team.
Catfish Hunter: Hunter chose not to have any logo on his cap when elected to the Hall of Fame in 1987. Hunter had success for both teams for which he played – the Kansas City/Oakland Athletics (his first ten seasons) and the New York Yankees (his final five seasons). Furthermore, both during and after his career he maintained good relations with both teams and their respective owners (Charles Finley and George Steinbrenner), and did not wish to slight either team by selecting the other.
Nolan Ryan: Born and raised in Texas, Ryan entered the Hall in 1999 wearing a Texas Rangers cap on his plaque, although he spent only five seasons with the Rangers, while raised in the Houston area and having longer and more successful tenures with the Houston Astros (nine seasons, 1980–88 and his record-setting fifth career no-hitter) and California Angels (eight seasons, 1972–79 and the first four of his seven career no-hitters). Ryan's only championship was as a member of the New York Mets in 1969. Ryan finished his career with the Rangers, reaching his 5000th strikeout and 300th win, and throwing the last two of his no-hitters. Ryan later took ownership of the Rangers when they were sold to his Rangers Baseball Express group in 2010. He sold his Rangers interest in 2013 and is now in the Astros' front office.
Reggie Jackson: Jackson chose to be depicted with a Yankees cap over an Athletics cap. As a member of the Kansas City/Oakland A's, Jackson played ten seasons (1967–75, '87), winning three World Series (1972, 1973, 1974) and the 1973 AL MVP Award. During his five years in New York (1977–81), Jackson won two World Series (1977–78), with his crowning achievement occurring during Game Six of the 1977 World Series, when he hit three home runs on consecutive pitches and earned his nickname "Mr. October".
Carlton Fisk: Fisk went into the hall with a Boston Red Sox cap on his plaque in 2000 despite playing with the Chicago White Sox longer and posting more significant numbers with the White Sox. Fisk's choice of the Red Sox was likely because of his being a New England native, as well as his famous "Stay fair!" walk-off home run in Game Six of the 1975 World Series with which he is most associated.
Sparky Anderson: Also in 2000, Anderson entered the Hall with a Cincinnati Reds cap on his plaque despite managing almost twice as many seasons with the Detroit Tigers (17 in Detroit; nine in Cincinnati). He chose the Reds to honor that team's former general manager Bob Howsam, who gave him his first major-league managing job. Anderson won two World Series with the Reds and one with the Tigers.
Dave Winfield: Winfield had spent the most years in his career with the Yankees and had great success there, but chose to go into the Hall as a member of the San Diego Padres due to his feud with Yankees owner George Steinbrenner.

text: In all of the above cases, the "primary team" is the team for which the inductee spent the largest portion of his career except for Ryan, whose primary team is listed as the Angels despite playing one fewer season for that team than for the Astros.

text: In 2001, the Hall of Fame decided to change the policy on cap logo selection, as a result of rumors that some teams were offering compensation, such as number retirement, money, or organizational jobs, in exchange for the cap designation. (For example, though Wade Boggs denied the claims, some media reports had said that his contract with the Tampa Bay Devil Rays required him to request depiction in the Hall of Fame as a Devil Ray.)[23] The Hall decided that it would no longer defer to the inductee, though the player's wishes would be considered, when deciding on the logo to appear on the plaque. Newly elected members affected by the change include the following:

text:
Gary Carter: Inducted in 2003, Carter was the first player to be affected by the new policy. Carter won his only championship with the 1986 New York Mets, and wanted his induction plaque to depict him wearing a Mets cap, though he had spent twelve years (1974–84, 1992) with the Montreal Expos and five (1985–89) with the Mets. The Hall of Fame decided that Carter's impact on the Montreal franchise warranted depicting him with an Expos cap.[24][25]
Wade Boggs: Boggs's only championship was as a member of the 1996 New York Yankees, for whom he played from 1993–97, but his best career numbers were posted during his eleven years (1982–92) wearing the Boston Red Sox uniform. Boggs would eventually be depicted wearing a Boston cap for his 2005 induction.
Andre Dawson: Dawson's cap depicts him as a member of the Expos, his team for eleven years, despite his expressed preference to be shown as a member of the Chicago Cubs. While Dawson played only six years with the Cubs, five of his eight All-Star appearances were as a Cub, and his only MVP award came in his first year with the team in 1987.[26][27]
Tony La Russa: Manager La Russa chose not to have a logo after managing three teams over 33 years—the Chicago White Sox, Oakland Athletics, and St. Louis Cardinals. His greatest successes were with the A's (three pennants and a World Series title in 10 years) and Cardinals (three pennants and two World Series in 16 years). Nonetheless, La Russa felt that his induction to the Hall was due to his tenures with all three teams, and stated that not including a logo meant that "fans of all [three] clubs can celebrate this honor with me."[28] La Russa's biography on the Hall's website lists his primary team as the Cardinals.
Greg Maddux: Although Maddux had his greatest success while with the Atlanta Braves for 11 seasons, he had two stints with the Chicago Cubs for a total of 10 seasons, including the first seven of his MLB career. Maddux believed that both fanbases were equally important in his career, and so the cap on his plaque does not feature any logo.[28] His biography on the Hall's website lists his primary team as the Braves.
Randy Johnson: Johnson played for six teams in a 22-year career, but spent the bulk of it with the Seattle Mariners (10 seasons) and Arizona Diamondbacks (8 seasons). While enjoying great success with both teams, he had more significant honors with the Diamondbacks. Four of Johnson's five Cy Young Awards (consecutively from 1999 to 2002), his only championship (in 2001), his pitching triple crown (2002), and his perfect game (2004) all came with the Diamondbacks. Accordingly, he and the Hall agreed his plaque should feature a Diamondbacks logo.[29] His biography on the Hall's website lists his primary team as the Mariners.

text: The museum[edit]

text: According to the Hall of Fame, approximately 300,000 visitors enter the museum each year,[1] and the running total has surpassed 14 million.[citation needed] These visitors see only a fraction of its 40,000 artifacts, 3 million library items (such as newspaper clippings and photos) and 140,000 baseball cards.[1]

text: The Hall has seen a noticeable decrease in attendance in recent years. A 2013 story on ESPN.com about the village of Cooperstown and its relation to the game partially linked the reduced attendance with Cooperstown Dreams Park, a youth baseball complex about 5 miles (8.0 km) away in the town of Hartwick. The 22 fields at Dreams Park currently draw 17,000 players each summer for a week of intensive play; while the complex includes housing for the players, their parents and grandparents must stay elsewhere. According to the story,[30]

text: Prior to Dreams Park, a room might be filled for a week by several sets of tourists. Now, that room will be taken by just one family for the week, and that family may only go into Cooperstown and the Hall of Fame once. While there are other contributing factors (the recession and high gas prices among them), the Hall's attendance has tumbled since Dreams Park opened. The Hall drew 383,000 visitors in 1999. It drew 262,000 last year.

text: First floor[edit]

text:
Baseball at the Movies houses baseball movie memorabilia while a screen shows footage from those movies.
The Bullpen Theater is the site of daily programming at the museum (trivia games, book discussions, etc.) and is decorated with pictures of famous relief pitchers.
Inductee Row features images of Hall of Famers inducted from 1937–1939.
The Perez-Steele Art Gallery features art of all media related to baseball. Dick Perez served as an artist for various projects at the National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum for 20 years, starting in 1981 [31][32]
The Plaque Gallery, the most recognizable site at the museum, contains induction plaques of all members.
The Sandlot Kids Clubhouse has various interactive displays for young children.
Scribes and Mikemen honors J. G. Taylor Spink Award and Ford C. Frick Award winners with a photo display and has artifacts related to baseball writing and broadcasting. Floor-to-ceiling windows at the Scribes and Mikemen exhibit face an outdoor courtyard with statues of Johnny Podres and Roy Campanella (representing the Brooklyn Dodgers 1955 championship team), and an unnamed All-American Girls Professional Baseball League player. A Satchel Paige statue was unveiled and dedicated during the 2006 Induction Weekend.[1]
An Education Gallery hosts school groups and, in the summer, presentations about artifacts from the museum's collection.

text: Second floor[edit]

text:
The Grandstand Theater features a 12-minute multimedia film. The 200 seat theater, complete with replica stadium seats, is decorated to resemble old Comiskey Park.[33]
The Game is the major feature of the second floor. It is where the most artifacts are displayed. The Game is set up in a timeline format, starting with baseball's beginnings and culminating with the game we know today. There are several offshoots of this meandering timeline:

The Babe Ruth Room
Diamond Dreams (women in baseball)
¡Viva Baseball! (a bilingual exhibit, in English and Spanish, that celebrates baseball in Latin America)
Pride and Passion (Negro Leagues exhibit)
Taking The Field (19th century baseball)

Whole New Ballgame, the Museum's newest permanent exhibit, opened in 2015 and is located in the Janetschek Gallery. This exhibit completes the timeline of baseball through the last 45 years into the game we know today. It features environmental video walls and new interactive elements to go along with artifacts from the Museum's collection.
The Today's Game exhibit is built like a baseball clubhouse, with 30 glass-enclosed locker stalls, one for each Major League franchise. In each stall there is a jersey and other items from the designated big league team, along with a brief team history. A center display case holds objects donated to the Hall of Fame from the past year or two. Fans can also look into a room designed to look like a manager's office. Outside is a display case with rotating artifacts. Currently the space is devoted to the World Baseball Classic.

text: Third floor[edit]

text:
Autumn Glory is devoted to post-season baseball and has, among other artifacts, replicas of World Series rings.
Hank Aaron: Chasing the Dream
A theater area continually plays the popular Abbott and Costello routine "Who's on First?"
One for the Books tells the story of baseball's most cherished records through more than 200 artifacts. The exhibit allows fans to search records dating back through baseball history via an interactive Top Ten Tower while giving visitors a look at exciting moments throughout the years via a multimedia wall.

BBWAA awards: Replicas of various awards distributed by the BBWAA at the end of each season, along with a list of past winners.
A case dedicated to Ichiro Suzuki setting the major league record for base hits in a single season, with 262 in 2004, after George Sisler had held the record for 84 years with 257.
A case full of World Series rings from prior years from the 1900s to present.
An inductee database touch-screen computer with statistics for every inductee.
Programs from every World Series.

Sacred Ground is devoted entirely to ballparks and everything about them, especially the fan experience and the business of a ballpark. The centerpiece is a computer tour of three former ballparks: Boston's South End Grounds, Chicago's Comiskey Park, and Brooklyn's Ebbets Field.

text: Unauthorized sale of items in collection[edit]

text: A controversy erupted in 1982, when it emerged that some historic items given to the Hall had been sold on the collectibles market. The items had been lent to the Baseball Commissioner's office, gotten mixed up with other property owned by the Commissioner's office and employees of the office, and moved to the garage of Joe Reichler, an assistant to Commissioner Bowie Kuhn, who sold the items to resolve his personal financial difficulties. Under pressure from the New York Attorney General, the Commissioner's Office made reparations, but the negative publicity damaged the Hall of Fame's reputation, and made it more difficult for it to solicit donations.[34]

text: Non-induction of banned players[edit]

text: Following the banning of Pete Rose from MLB, the selection rules for the Baseball Hall of Fame were modified to prevent the induction of anyone on Baseball's permanent suspension list, such as Rose or Shoeless Joe Jackson. Many others have been barred from participation in MLB, but none have Hall of Fame qualifications on the level of Jackson or Rose.

text: Jackson and Rose were both banned from MLB for life for actions related to gambling on their own teams—Jackson was determined to have cooperated with those who conspired to lose the 1919 World Series intentionally, and Rose voluntarily accepted a permanent spot on the ineligible list in return for MLB's promise to make no official finding in relation to alleged betting on the Cincinnati Reds when he was their manager in the 1980s. (Baseball's Rule 21, prominently posted in every clubhouse locker room, mandates permanent banishment from the MLB for having a gambling interest of any sort on a game in which a player or manager is directly involved.) Rose later admitted that he bet on the Reds in his 2004 autobiography. Baseball fans are deeply split on the issue of whether these two should remain banned or have their punishment revoked. Writer Bill James, though he advocates Rose eventually making it into the Hall of Fame, compared the people who want to put Jackson in the Hall of Fame to "those women who show up at murder trials wanting to marry the cute murderer".[35]

text: United States Mint Coin(s) commemorating the 75th Anniversary[edit]

text: In 2012, Congress passed and President Barack Obama signed a law ordering the United States Mint to produce and sell commemorative, non-circulating coins to benefit the private, non-profit Hall.[36][37] The bill, H.R. 2527, was introduced in the United States House of Representatives by Rep. Richard Hanna, a Republican from New York, and passed the House on October 26, 2011.[38] The coins, which depict baseball gloves and balls, are the first concave designs produced by the Mint. The mintage included 50,000 gold coins, 400,000 silver coins, and 750,000 clad (Nickel-Copper) coins. The Mint released them on March 27, 2014, and the gold and silver editions quickly sold out. The Hall receives money from surcharges included in the sale price: a total of $9.5 million if all the coins are sold.[39]