document_title: Gun politics in the United States

question_text: when was the first gun law passed in the us

question_tokens: when was the first gun law passed in the us

text: Gun politics in the United States

text: History[edit]

text: The American hunting tradition comes from a time when the United States was an agrarian, subsistence nation where hunting was a profession for some, an auxiliary source of food for some settlers, and also a deterrence to animal predators. A connection between shooting skills and survival among rural American men was in many cases a necessity and a 'rite of passage' for those entering manhood.[1]:9 Today, hunting survives as a central sentimental component of a gun culture as a way to control animal populations across the country, regardless of modern trends away from subsistence hunting and rural living.[7]

text: Prior to the American Revolution there was neither budget nor manpower nor government desire to maintain a full-time army. Therefore, the armed citizen-soldier carried the responsibility. Service in militia, including providing one's own ammunition and weapons, was mandatory for all men. Yet, as early as the 1790s, the mandatory universal militia duty evolved gradually to voluntary militia units and a reliance on a regular army. Throughout the 19th century the institution of the organized civilian militia began to decline.[1]:10 The unorganized civilian militia, however, still remains even in current U.S. law, consisting of essentially everyone from age 17 to 45, while also including former military officers up to age 64, as codified in 10 U.S.C. § 246.

text: Closely related to the militia tradition is the frontier tradition, with the need for self-protection pursuant to westward expansion and the extension of the American frontier.[1]:10–11 Though it has not been a necessary part of daily survival for over a century, "generations of Americans continued to embrace and glorify it as a living inheritance—as a permanent ingredient of this nation's style and culture".[12]:21

text: Colonial era through the Civil War[edit]

text: Most American school children learn about the tyranny of King George III: taxation without representation.[13][14] In the years prior to the American Revolution, the British, in response to the colonists' unhappiness over increasingly direct control and taxation of the colonies, imposed a gunpowder embargo on the colonies in an attempt to lessen the ability of the colonists to resist British encroachments into what the colonies regarded as local matters. Two direct attempts to disarm the colonial militias fanned what had been a smoldering resentment of British interference into the fires of war.[15]

text: These two incidents were the attempt to confiscate the cannon of the Concord and Lexington militias, leading to the Battles of Lexington and Concord of April 19, 1775, and the attempt, on April 20, to confiscate militia powder stores in the armory of Williamsburg, Virginia, which led to the Gunpowder Incident and a face off between Patrick Henry and hundreds of militia members on one side and the Royal Governor of Virginia, Lord Dunmore, and British seamen on the other. The Gunpowder Incident was eventually settled by paying the colonists for the powder.[15]

text: According to historian Saul Cornell, states passed some of the first gun control laws, beginning with Kentucky's law to "curb the practice of carrying concealed weapons in 1813." There was opposition and, as a result, the individual right interpretation of the Second Amendment began and grew in direct response to these early gun control laws, in keeping with this new "pervasive spirit of individualism." As noted by Cornell, "Ironically, the first gun control movement helped give birth to the first self-conscious gun rights ideology built around a constitutional right of individual self-defense."[16]:140–141

text: The individual right interpretation of the Second Amendment first arose in Bliss v. Commonwealth (1822),[17] which evaluated the right to bear arms in defense of themselves and the state pursuant to Section 28 of the Second Constitution of Kentucky (1799). The right to bear arms in defense of themselves and the state was interpreted as an individual right, for the case of a concealed sword cane. This case has been described as about "a statute prohibiting the carrying of concealed weapons [that] was violative of the Second Amendment".[18]

text: The first state court decision relevant to the "right to bear arms" issue was Bliss v. Commonwealth. The Kentucky court held that "the right of citizens to bear arms in defense of themselves and the State must be preserved entire,..."[19]:161[20]

text: Also during the Jacksonian Era, the first collective right (or group right) interpretation of the Second Amendment arose. In State v. Buzzard (1842), the Arkansas high court adopted a militia-based, political right, reading of the right to bear arms under state law, and upheld the 21st section of the second article of the Arkansas Constitution that declared, "that the free white men of this State shall have a right to keep and bear arms for their common defense",[21] while rejecting a challenge to a statute prohibiting the carrying of concealed weapons.

text: The Arkansas high court declared "That the words 'a well regulated militia being necessary for the security of a free State', and the words 'common defense' clearly show the true intent and meaning of these Constitutions [i.e., Arkansas and U.S.] and prove that it is a political and not an individual right, and, of course, that the State, in her legislative capacity, has the right to regulate and control it: This being the case, then the people, neither individually nor collectively, have the right to keep and bear arms." Joel Prentiss Bishop's influential Commentaries on the Law of Statutory Crimes (1873) took Buzzard's militia-based interpretation, a view that Bishop characterized as the "Arkansas doctrine," as the orthodox view of the right to bear arms in American law.[21][22]

text: The two early state court cases, Bliss and Buzzard, set the fundamental dichotomy in interpreting the Second Amendment, i.e., whether it secured an individual right versus a collective right.[citation needed]

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text: Post Civil War[edit]

text: With the Civil War ending, the question of the rights of freed slaves to carry arms and to belong to militia came to the attention of the federal courts. In response to the problems freed slaves faced in the Southern states, the Fourteenth Amendment was drafted.

text: When the Fourteenth Amendment was drafted, Representative John A. Bingham of Ohio used the Court's own phrase "privileges and immunities of citizens" to include the first Eight Amendments of the Bill of Rights under its protection and guard these rights against state legislation.[23]

text: The debate in the Congress on the Fourteenth Amendment after the Civil War also concentrated on what the Southern States were doing to harm the newly freed slaves. One particular concern was the disarming of former slaves.

text: The Second Amendment attracted serious judicial attention with the Reconstruction era case of United States v. Cruikshank which ruled that the Privileges or Immunities Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment did not cause the Bill of Rights, including the Second Amendment, to limit the powers of the State governments, stating that the Second Amendment "has no other effect than to restrict the powers of the national government."

text: Akhil Reed Amar notes in the Yale Law Journal, the basis of Common Law for the first ten amendments of the U.S. Constitution, which would include the Second Amendment, "following John Randolph Tucker's famous oral argument in the 1887 Chicago anarchist Haymarket Riot case, Spies v. Illinois":

text: Though originally the first ten Amendments were adopted as limitations on Federal power, yet in so far as they secure and recognize fundamental rights—common law rights—of the man, they make them privileges and immunities of the man as citizen of the United States...[24]:1270

text: 20th century[edit]

text: First half of 20th century[edit]

text: Since the late 19th century, with three key cases from the pre-incorporation era, the U.S. Supreme Court consistently ruled that the Second Amendment (and the Bill of Rights) restricted only Congress, and not the States, in the regulation of guns.[25] Scholars predicted that the Court's incorporation of other rights suggested that they may incorporate the Second, should a suitable case come before them.[26]

text: National Firearms Act[edit]

text: The first major federal firearms law passed in the 20th century was the National Firearms Act (NFA) of 1934. It was passed after Prohibition-era gangsterism peaked with the Saint Valentine's Day massacre of 1929. The era was famous for criminal use of firearms such as the Thompson submachine gun (Tommy gun) and sawed-off shotgun. Under the NFA, machine guns, short-barreled rifles and shotguns, and other weapons fall under the regulation and jurisdiction of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (ATF) as described by Title II.[27]

text: United States v. Miller[edit]

text: In United States v. Miller[28] (1939) the Court did not address incorporation, but whether a sawed-off shotgun "has some reasonable relationship to the preservation or efficiency of a well regulated militia."[26] In overturning the indictment against Miller, the U.S. District Court for the Western District of Arkansas stated that the National Firearms Act of 1934, "offend[ed] the inhibition of the Second Amendment to the Constitution." The federal government then appealed directly to the Supreme Court. On appeal the federal government did not object to Miller's release since he had died by then, seeking only to have the trial judge's ruling on the unconstitutionality of the federal law overturned. Under these circumstances, neither Miller nor his attorney appeared before the Court to argue the case. The Court only heard argument from the federal prosecutor. In its ruling, the Court overturned the trial court and upheld the NFA.[29]

text: Second half of 20th century[edit]

text: The Gun Control Act of 1968 (GCA) was passed after the assassinations of President John F. Kennedy, Senator Robert Kennedy, and African-American activists Malcolm X and Martin Luther King, Jr. in the 1960s.[1] The GCA focuses on regulating interstate commerce in firearms by generally prohibiting interstate firearms transfers except among licensed manufacturers, dealers, and importers. It also prohibits selling firearms to certain categories of individuals defined as "prohibited persons."

text: The murder of musician John Lennon in 1980 and an assassination attempt on President Ronald Reagan in 1981 led to enactment of the Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act (Brady Law) in 1993 which established the national background check system to prevent certain restricted individuals from owning, purchasing, or transporting firearms.[30] In an article supporting passage of such a law, retired chief justice Warren E. Burger wrote:

text: Americans also have a right to defend their homes, and we need not challenge that. Nor does anyone seriously question that the Constitution protects the right of hunters to own and keep sporting guns for hunting game any more than anyone would challenge the right to own and keep fishing rods and other equipment for fishing – or to own automobiles. To 'keep and bear arms' for hunting today is essentially a recreational activity and not an imperative of survival, as it was 200 years ago. 'Saturday night specials' and machine guns are not recreational weapons and surely are as much in need of regulation as motor vehicles.[31]

text: In 1986, Congress passed the Firearm Owners Protection Act.[32] It was supported by the National Rifle Association and individual gun rights advocates because it reversed many of the provisions of the GCA and protected gun owners' rights. It also banned ownership of unregistered fully automatic rifles and civilian purchase or sale of any such firearm made from that date forward.[33][34]

text: A Stockton, California, schoolyard shooting in 1989 led to passage of the Federal Assault Weapons Ban of 1994 (AWB or AWB 1994), which defined and banned the manufacture and transfer of "semiautomatic assault weapons" and "large capacity ammunition feeding devices."[35]

text: According to journalist Chip Berlet, concerns about gun control laws along with outrage over two high-profile incidents involving the ATF (Ruby Ridge in 1992 and the Waco siege in 1993) mobilized the militia movement of citizens who feared that the federal government would begin to confiscate firearms.[36][37]

text: Though gun control is not strictly a partisan issue, there is generally more support for gun control legislation in the Democratic Party than in the Republican Party.[38] The Libertarian Party, whose campaign platforms favor limited government, is outspokenly against gun control.[39]

text: Advocacy groups[edit]

text: The National Rifle Association (NRA) was founded to promote firearm competency in 1871. The NRA supported the NFA and, ultimately, the GCA.[40] After the GCA, more strident groups, such as the Gun Owners of America (GOA), began to advocate for gun rights.[41] According to the GOA, it was founded in 1975 when "the radical left introduced legislation to ban all handguns in California."[42] The GOA and other national groups like the Second Amendment Foundation (SAF), Jews for the Preservation of Firearms Ownership (JPFO), and the Second Amendment Sisters (SAS), often take stronger stances than the NRA and criticize its history of support for some firearms legislation, such as GCA. These groups believe any compromise leads to greater restrictions.[43]:368[44]:172

text: According to the authors of The Changing Politics of Gun Control (1998), in the late 1970s, the NRA changed its activities to incorporate political advocacy.[45] Despite the impact on the volatility of membership, the politicization of the NRA has been consistent and the NRA-Political Victory Fund ranked as "one of the biggest spenders in congressional elections" as of 1998.[45] According to the authors of The Gun Debate (2014), the NRA taking the lead on politics serves the gun industry's profitability. In particular when gun owners respond to fears of gun confiscation with increased purchases and by helping to isolate the industry from the misuse of its products used in shooting incidents.[46]

text: The Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence began in 1974 as Handgun Control Inc. (HCI). Soon after, it formed a partnership with another fledgling group called the National Coalition to Ban Handguns (NCBH) - later known as the Coalition to Stop Gun Violence (CSGV). The partnership did not last, as NCBH generally took a tougher stand on gun regulation than HCI.[47]:186 In the wake of the 1980 murder of John Lennon, HCI saw an increase of interest and fund raising and contributed $75,000 to congressional campaigns. Following the Reagan assassination attempt and the resultant injury of James Brady, Sarah Brady joined the board of HCI in 1985. HCI was renamed in 2001 to Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence.[48]

text: Centers for Disease Control (CDC) restriction[edit]

text: In 1996, Congress added language to the relevant appropriations bill which required "none of the funds made available for injury prevention and control at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention may be used to advocate or promote gun control."[49] This language was added to prevent the funding of research by the CDC that gun rights supporters considered politically motivated and intended to bring about further gun control legislation. In particular, the NRA and other gun rights proponents objected to work supported by the National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, then run by Mark L. Rosenberg, including research authored by Arthur Kellermann.[50][51][52]

text: 21st century[edit]

text: In October 2003, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention published a report on the effectiveness of gun violence prevention strategies that concluded "Evidence was insufficient to determine the effectiveness of any of these laws."[53]:14 A similar survey of firearms research by the National Academy of Sciences arrived at nearly identical conclusions in 2004.[54] In September of that year, the Assault Weapons Ban expired due to a sunset provision. Efforts by gun control advocates to renew the ban failed, as did attempts to replace it after it became defunct.

text: The NRA opposed bans on handguns in Chicago, Washington D.C., and San Francisco, while supporting the NICS Improvement Amendments Act of 2007 (also known as the School Safety And Law Enforcement Improvement Act), which strengthened requirements for background checks for firearm purchases.[55] The GOA took issue with a portion of the bill, which they termed the "Veterans' Disarmament Act."[56]

text: Besides the GOA, other national gun rights groups continue to take a stronger stance than the NRA. These groups include the Second Amendment Sisters, Second Amendment Foundation, Jews for the Preservation of Firearms Ownership, and the Pink Pistols. New groups have also arisen, such as the Students for Concealed Carry, which grew largely out of safety-issues resulting from the creation of gun-free zones that were legislatively mandated amidst a response to widely publicized school shootings.

text: In 2001, in United States v. Emerson, the Fifth Circuit became the first federal appeals court to recognize an individual's right to own guns. In 2007, in Parker v. District of Columbia, the D.C. Circuit became the first federal appeals court to strike down a gun control law on Second Amendment grounds.[57]

text: Smart guns[edit]

text: Smart guns only fire when in the hands of the owner, a feature gun safety advocates say eliminates accidental firings by children, and the risk of hostile persons (such as prisoners, criminal suspects, an opponent in a fight, or an enemy soldier) grabbing the gun and using it against the owner.  Gun rights advocates fear mandatory smart gun technology will make it more difficult to fire a gun when needed.

text: Smith & Wesson reached a settlement in 2000 with the administration of President Bill Clinton, which included a provision for the company to develop a smart gun. A consumer boycott organized by the NRA and NSSF nearly drove the company out of business and forced it to drop its smart gun plans.[58][59]

text: The New Jersey Childproof Handgun Law of 2002 requires that 30 months after "personalized handguns are available" anywhere in the United States, only smart guns may be sold in the state.[60] Some gun safety advocates worry that by raising the stakes of introducing the technology, this law contributes to opposition that has prevented smart guns from being sold anywhere in the United States despite availability in other countries.

text: In 2014, a Maryland gun dealer dropped plans to sell the first smart gun in the United States after receiving complaints and even death threats.[61]

text: District of Columbia v. Heller[edit]

text: In June 2008, in District of Columbia v. Heller, the Supreme Court upheld by a 5-4 vote the Parker decision striking down the D.C. gun law. Heller ruled that Americans have an individual right to possess firearms, irrespective of membership in a militia, "for traditionally lawful purposes, such as self-defense within the home."[62] However, in delivering the majority opinion, Justice Antonin Scalia made it clear that, like other rights, the right to bear arms is limited. He wrote:

text: Like most rights, the Second Amendment right is not unlimited. It is not a right to keep and carry any weapon whatsoever in any manner whatsoever and for whatever purpose: For example, concealed weapons prohibitions have been upheld under the Amendment or state analogues. The Court's opinion should not be taken to cast doubt on longstanding prohibitions on the possession of firearms by felons and the mentally ill, or laws forbidding the carrying of firearms in sensitive places such as schools and government buildings, or laws imposing conditions and qualifications on the commercial sale of arms. We also recognize another important limitation on the right to keep and carry arms. Miller said, as we have explained, that the sorts of weapons protected were those "in common use at the time."...We think that limitation is fairly supported by the historical tradition of prohibiting the carrying of "dangerous and unusual weapons."[63][64]

text: The four dissenting justices said that the majority had broken established precedent on the Second Amendment,[65] and took the position that the Amendment refers to an individual right, but in the context of militia service.[66][67][68][69]

text: McDonald v. City of Chicago[edit]

text: In June 2010, a Chicago law that banned handguns was struck down. The ruling stated that "The Fourteenth Amendment makes the Second Amendment right to keep and bear arms fully applicable to the States."

text: Advocacy groups, PACs, and lobbying[edit]

text: One way advocacy groups influence politics is through "outside spending," using political action committees (PACs) and 501(c)(4) organizations.[70] PACs and 501(c)(4)s raise and spend money to affect elections.[71][72] PACs pool campaign contributions from members and donate those funds to candidates for political office.[73] Super PACs, created in 2010, are prohibited from making direct contributions to candidates or parties, but influence races by running ads for or against specific candidates.[74] Both gun control and gun rights advocates use these types of organizations.

text: The NRA's Political Victory Fund super PAC spent $11.2 million in the 2012 election cycle,[75] and as of April 2014, it had raised $13.7 million for 2014 elections.[76] Michael Bloomberg's gun-control super PAC, Independence USA, spent $8.3 million in 2012[77][78] and $6.3 million in 2013.[79] Americans for Responsible Solutions, another gun-control super PAC started by retired Congresswoman Gabrielle Giffords, raised $12 million in 2013,[80] and plans to raise $16 to $20 million by the 2014 elections.[81] The group's treasurer said that the funds would be enough to compete with the NRA "on an even-keel basis."[81]

text: Another way advocacy groups influence politics is through lobbying; some groups use lobbying firms, while others employ in-house lobbyists. According to the Center for Responsive Politics, gun politics groups with the most lobbyists in 2013 were: the NRA's Institute for Legislative Action (NRA-ILA); Mayors Against Illegal Guns (MAIG); the National Shooting Sports Foundation (NSSF); and the Brady Campaign.[82] Gun rights groups spent over $15.1 million lobbying in Washington D.C. in 2013, with the National Association for Gun Rights (NAGR) spending $6.7 million, and the NRA spending $3.4 million.[83] Gun control groups spent $2.2 million, with MAIG spending $1.7 million, and the Brady Campaign spending $250,000 in the same period.[84]

text: 3D printed firearms[edit]

text: In August 2012, an open source group called Defense Distributed launched a project to design and release a blueprint for a handgun that could be downloaded from the Internet and manufactured using a 3-D printer.[85][86] In May 2013, the group made public the STL files for the world's first fully 3D printable gun, the Liberator .380 single shot pistol.[87][88][89]

text: Proposals made by Obama Administration[edit]

text: On January 16, 2013, in response to the Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting and other mass shootings, President Barack Obama announced a plan for reducing gun violence in four parts: closing background check loopholes; banning assault weapons and large capacity magazines; making schools safer; and increasing access to mental health services.[90][91]:2 The plan included proposals for new laws to be passed by Congress, and a series of executive actions not requiring Congressional approval.[90][92][93] No new federal gun control legislation was passed as a result of these proposals.[94] President Obama later stated in a 2015 interview with the BBC that gun control:

text: has been the one area where I feel that I've been most frustrated and most stymied, it is the fact that the United States of America is the one advanced nation on earth in which we do not have sufficient common-sense, gun-safety laws. Even in the face of repeated mass killings. And you know, if you look at the number of Americans killed since 9/11 by terrorism, it's less than 100. If you look at the number that have been killed by gun violence, it's in the tens of thousands. And for us not to be able to resolve that issue has been something that is distressing. But it is not something that I intend to stop working on in the remaining 18 months.[95]

text: Executive actions taken by the Obama Administration[edit]

text: The executive actions included:

text:
Improve the data used for the background check system for gun sales;
Direct the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to research gun violence;[96]
Provide incentives for schools to hire school resource officers;
Give law enforcement additional tools to prevent and prosecute gun crime.

tag: ul

text: In 2016, Obama called for a "sense of urgency" against gun violence[97] and made several changes to gun control enforcement,[98][99] including:

text:
requiring a license and background check conduction for all gun distributors (cf. gun show loophole);
extend background checks for guns purchased via a trust or corporation;
extend data available for background checks and improve response time (to close the Charleston loophole).[100]

text: 2013 United Nations Arms Treaty[edit]

text: The Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) is a multilateral treaty that regulates the international trade in conventional weapons, which entered into force on December 24, 2014.[101] Work on the treaty commenced in 2006 with negotiations for its content conducted at a global conference under the auspices of the United Nations from July 2–27, 2012, in New York.[102] As it was not possible to reach an agreement on a final text at that time, a new meeting for the conference was scheduled for March 18–28, 2013.[103] On April 2, 2013, the UN General Assembly adopted the ATT.[104][105] The treaty was opened for signing on June 3, 2013 and by August 15, 2015 it had been signed by 130 states and ratified or acceded to by 72. It entered into force on December 24, 2014 after it was ratified and acceded to by 50 states.[106]

text: On September 25, 2013, Secretary of State John Kerry signed the ATT on behalf of the Obama administration. This was a reversal of the position of the Bush administration which had chosen not to participate in the treaty negotiations. Then in October a bipartisan group of 50 Senators and 181 Representatives released concurrent letters to President Barack Obama pledging their opposition to ratification of the ATT. The group is led by Senator Jerry Moran (R-Kansas) and Representatives Mike Kelly (R-Pennsylvania) and Collin Peterson (D-Minnesota). Following these two letters, four Democrat Senators sent a separate letter to the President stating that "because of unaddressed concerns that this Treaty's obligations could undermine our nation's sovereignty and the Second Amendment rights of law-abiding Americans [they] would oppose the Treaty if it were to come before the U.S. Senate." The four Senators are Jon Tester (D-Montana), Max Baucus (D-Montana), Heidi Heitkamp (D-North Dakota), and Joe Donnelly (D-Indiana).[107][108]

text: Supporters of the treaty claim that the treaty is needed to help protect millions around the globe in danger of human rights abuses. Frank Jannuzi of Amnesty International USA states, "This treaty says that nations must not export arms and ammunition where there is an 'overriding risk' that they will be used to commit serious human rights violations. It will help keep arms out of the hands of the wrong people: those responsible for upwards of 1,500 deaths worldwide every day."[109] Secretary Kerry was quoted as saying that his signature would "help deter the transfer of conventional weapons used to carry out the world's worst crimes."[110] As of December 2013, the U.S. has not ratified or acceded to the treaty.

text: Public opinion[edit]

text: Polls[edit]

text: Huffington Post reported in September 2013 that 48% of Americans said gun laws should be made more strict, while 16% said they should be made less strict and 29% said there should be no change.[111] Similarly, a Gallup poll found that support for stricter gun laws has fallen from 58% after the Newtown shooting, to 49% in September 2013.[111] Both the Huffington Post poll and the Gallup poll were conducted after the Washington Navy Yard shooting.[111] Meanwhile, the Huffington Post poll found that 40% of Americans believe stricter gun laws would prevent future mass shootings, while 52% said changing things would not make a difference.[111] The same poll also found that 57% of Americans think better mental health care is more likely to prevent future mass shootings than stricter gun laws, while 29% said the opposite.[111]supported stricter gun laws, but 89% of those who thought that such checks were not universally required supported stricter laws.[112]

text: In a 2015 study conducted by the Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence, state gun laws were examined based on various policy approaches, and were scored on grade-based and ranked scales.[113] States were rated positively for having passed stricter measures and stronger gun laws. Positive points were also given for states that required background checks on all firearm sales and limit bulk firearms purchases, prohibiting sales of assault weapons and large capacity magazines, stricter evaluation on applications when issuing a handgun concealed carry license especially prohibited domestic violence offenders. Points were deducted from states with laws that expanded access to guns, allowed concealed carry in public areas particularly schools and bars without a permit or passed "Stand Your Ground Laws" — which remove the duty to retreat and allow people to shoot potential assailants. Eventually, states were graded indicating the overall strengths or weakness of gun laws. Ten States with the strongest gun laws ranked from strongest starting with California, then New Jersey, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Hawaii, New York, Maryland, Illinois, Rhode Island and finally Michigan. The states with weakest gun laws were ranked as follow: South Dakota, Arizona, Mississippi, Vermont, Louisiana, Montana, Wyoming, Kentucky, Kansas, and Oklahoma. A comparable study of state laws was also conducted in 2016.[114] Based on these findings, The Law Center concluded that comprehensive gun laws reduce gun violence deaths, whereas weaker guns laws increase gun-related deaths. Furthermore, among different kinds of legislation, universal background checks were the most effective at reducing gun-related deaths.[115]

text: Gallup poll[edit]

text: The Gallup organization regularly polls Americans on their views on guns. On December 22, 2012:[116]

text:
44% supported a ban on "semi-automatic guns known as assault weapons."
92% supported background checks on all gun-show gun sales.
62% supported a ban on "high-capacity ammunition magazines that can contain more than 10 rounds."

text: On April 25, 2013:[117]

text:
56% supported reinstating and strengthening the assault weapons ban of 1994.
83% supported requiring background checks for all gun purchases.
51% supported limiting the sale of ammunition magazines to those with 10 rounds or less.

text: On October 6, 2013:[118]

text:
49% felt that gun laws should be more strict.
74% opposed civilian handgun bans.
37% said they had a gun in their home.
27% said they personally owned a gun.
60% of gun owners have guns for personal safety/protection, 36% for hunting, 13% for recreation/sport, 8% for target shooting, 5% as a Second Amendment right.

text: In January 2014:[119]

text:
40% are satisfied with the current state of gun laws, 55% are dissatisfied
31% want stricter control, 16% want less strict laws

text: On October 19, 2015:[120]

text:
55% said the law on sales of firearms should be more strict, 33% kept as they are, 11% less strict
this was sharply polarised by party, with 77% of Democrat supporters wanting stricter laws, against 27% of Republicans
72% continued to oppose civilian handgun bans.

text: National Rifle Association[edit]

text: A member poll conducted for the NRA between January 13 and 14, 2013 found:[121]

text:
90.7% of members favor "Reforming our mental health laws to help keep firearms out of the hands of people with mental illness." (A majority of 86.4% believe that strengthening laws this way would be more effective at preventing mass murders than banning semi-automatic rifles.)
92.2% of NRA members oppose gun confiscation via mandatory buy-back laws.
88.5% oppose banning semi-automatic firearms, firearms that load a new cartridge automatically when discharged.
92.6% oppose a law requiring gun owners to register with the federal government.
92.0% oppose a federal law banning the sale of firearms between private citizens.
82.3% of members are in favor of a program that would place armed security professionals in every school.
72.5% agreed that President Obama's ultimate goal is the confiscation of many firearms that are currently legal.

text: Place of living of respondents:

text:
35.4% A rural area
26.4% A small town
22.9% A suburban area
14.7% An urban area or city

text: Regional Break:

text:
36.1% South
24.1% Mid-West
21.5% West
18.3% North-East / Mid-Atlantic

text: Political arguments[edit]

text: Rights-based arguments[edit]

text: Rights-based arguments involve the most fundamental question about gun control: to what degree the government has the authority to regulate guns.

text: Fundamental right[edit]

text: The primary author of the United States Bill of Rights, James Madison, considered them — including a right to keep and bear arms — to be "fundamental." In 1788, he wrote: "The political truths declared in that solemn manner acquire by degrees the character of fundamental maxims of free Government, and as they become incorporated with the national sentiment, counteract the impulses of interest and passion."[122][123]

text: The view that gun ownership is a fundamental right was affirmed by the U.S. Supreme Court in District of Columbia v. Heller (2008). The Court stated: "By the time of the founding, the right to have arms had become fundamental for English subjects."[124] The Court observed that the English Bill of Rights of 1689 had listed a right to arms as one of the fundamental rights of Englishmen. However, it should be noted that human rights law neither recognizes a right to firearms nor a human right to self-defense, but requires states instead to reasonably regulate and restrict the possession and use of firearms to protect the right to life.[125]

text: When the Court interpreted the Fourteenth Amendment in McDonald v. City of Chicago (2010), it looked to the year 1868, when the amendment was ratified, and said that most states had provisions in their constitutions explicitly protecting this right. The Court concluded: "It is clear that the Framers and ratifiers of the Fourteenth Amendment counted the right to keep and bear arms among those fundamental rights necessary to our system of ordered liberty."[126][127]

text: Second Amendment rights[edit]

text: The Second Amendment to the United States Constitution, adopted on December 15, 1791, states:

text: A well regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed.[128]

text: Prior to District of Columbia v. Heller, in the absence of a clear court ruling, there was debate about whether or not the Second Amendment included an individual right.[129] In Heller, the Court concluded that there is indeed such a right, but not an unlimited one.[129] Although the decision was not unanimous, all justices endorsed an individual right viewpoint, but differed on the scope of that right.[66][67]

text: Before Heller gun rights advocates argued that the Second Amendment protects an individual right to own guns. They stated that the phrase "the people" in that amendment applies to individuals rather than an organized collective, and that the phrase "the people" means the same thing in the 1st, 2nd, 4th, 9th, and 10th Amendments.[130]:55–87[131][132] They also said the Second's placement in the Bill of Rights defines it as an individual right.[133][134] As part of the Heller decision, the majority endorsed the view that the Second Amendment protects an individual, not unlimited, right to own guns. Political scientist Robert Spitzer and Supreme Court law clerk Gregory P. Magarian argued that this final decision by the Supreme Court was a misinterpretation of the U.S. Constitution.[135][136][137]

text: After the Heller decision there was an increased amount of attention on whether or not the Second Amendment applies to the states. In 2010 in the case of McDonald v. City Chicago, the Supreme Court ruled that the Second Amendment's provisions do apply to the states as a result of the Fourteenth Amendment.

text: Defense of self and state[edit]

text: The eighteenth-century English jurist William Blackstone (b. 1723), whose writings influenced the drafters of the U.S. Constitution,[138] called self-defense "the primary law of nature" which (he said) man-made law cannot take away.[139] Following Blackstone, the American jurist St. George Tucker (b. 1752) wrote that "the right of self-defense is the first law of nature; in most governments it has been the study of rulers to confine this right within the narrowest limits possible."[140]

text: In both Heller (2008) and McDonald (2010) the Supreme Court deemed that the right of self-defense is at least partly protected by the United States Constitution. The court left details of that protection to be worked out in future court cases.[141]

text: The two primary interest groups regarding this issue are the Brady Campaign and the National Rifle Association.[142] They have clashed, for example, regarding stand-your-ground laws which give individuals a legal right to use guns for defending themselves without any duty to retreat from a dangerous situation.[143] After the Supreme Court's 2008 decision in Heller, the Brady Campaign indicated that it would seek reasonable gun laws "without infringing on the right of law-abiding persons to possess guns for self-defense."[144]

text: Security against tyranny[edit]

text: Another fundamental political argument associated with the right to keep and bear arms is that banning or even regulating gun ownership makes government tyranny more likely.[145] A January 2013 Rasmussen Reports poll indicated that 65 percent of Americans believe the purpose of the Second Amendment is to "ensure that people are able to protect themselves from tyranny."[146] A Gallup poll in October 2013 showed that 60 percent of American gun owners mention "personal safety/protection" as a reason for owning them, and 5 percent mention a "Second Amendment right," among other reasons.[147] The anti-tyranny argument extends back to the days of colonial America and earlier in Great Britain.[148]

text: Various gun rights advocates and organizations, such as former governor Mike Huckabee,[149] former Congressman Ron Paul,[150] and Gun Owners of America,[9] say that an armed citizenry is the population's last line of defense against tyranny by their own government. This belief was also familiar at the time the Constitution was written.[151][152]

text: A right of revolution was omitted from the Constitution, and instead the Constitution was designed to ensure a government deriving its power from the consent of the governed.[153]

text: Gun rights advocates such as Stephen Halbrook and Wayne LaPierre support the "Nazi gun control" theory. The theory states that gun regulations enforced by the Third Reich rendered victims of the Holocaust weak, and that more effective resistance to oppression would have been possible if they had been better armed.[154]:484[155]:87–8,167–8 Other authoritarian regimes gun laws have also been brought up. This counterfactual history theory is not supported by mainstream scholarship,[156]:412,414[157]:671,677[158]:728 though it is an element of a "security against tyranny" argument in U.S. politics.[159]

text: The Declaration of Independence mentions "the Right of the People to alter or to abolish" the government, and Abraham Lincoln's first inaugural address reiterated the "revolutionary right" of the people.[160] In 1957, the legal scholar Roscoe Pound expressed a different view:[161][162] He stated, "A legal right of the citizen to wage war on the government is something that cannot be admitted. ... In the urban industrial society of today a general right to bear efficient arms so as to be enabled to resist oppression by the government would mean that gangs could exercise an extra-legal rule which would defeat the whole Bill of Rights."

text: Historian Don Higginbotham wrote that the well-regulated militia protected by the Second Amendment was more likely to put down rebellions than participate in them.[163] American gun rights activist Larry Pratt says that the anti-tyranny argument for gun rights is supported by successful efforts in Guatemala and the Philippines to arm ordinary citizens against communist insurgency in the 1980s.[164][165] Gun-rights advocacy groups argue that the only way to enforce democracy is through having the means of resistance.[130]:55–87[131][132] Militia-movement groups cite the Battle of Athens (Tennessee, 1946) as an example of citizens who "[used] armed force to support the Rule of Law" in what they said was a rigged county election.[166] Then-senator John F. Kennedy wrote in 1960 that, "it is extremely unlikely that the fears of governmental tyranny which gave rise to the Second Amendment will ever be a major danger to our nation...."[167] However, there is scant empirical evidence that firearms proliferation and the maintenance of democratic institutions are positively related; instead, institutions to protect human rights, fundamental freedoms and the rule of law and also socioeconomic rights have been proven to be far more important factors in preventing military coups or other threats to democracy.[168]

text: Public policy arguments[edit]

text: Public policy arguments are based on the idea that the central purpose of government is to establish and maintain order. This is done through public policy, which Blackstone defined as "the due regulation and domestic order of the kingdom, whereby the inhabitants of the State, like members of a well-governed family, are bound to conform their general behavior to the rules of propriety, good neighborhood, and good manners, and to be decent, industrious, and inoffensive in their respective stations."[1]:2–3

text: Gun violence debate[edit]

text: The public policy debates about gun violence include discussions about firearms deaths – including homicide, suicide, and unintentional deaths – as well as the impact of gun ownership, criminal and legal, on gun violence outcomes. After the tragedy of Sandy Hook, the majority of people, including gun owners and non-gun owners, wanted the government to spend more money in order to improve mental health screening and treatment, to deter gun violence in America.In the United States in 2009 there were 3.0 recorded intentional homicides committed with a firearm per 100,000 inhabitants. The U.S. ranks 28 in the world for gun homicides per capita.[169] A U.S. male aged 15–24 is 70 times more likely to be killed with a gun than their counterpart in the eight (G-8) largest industrialized nations in the world (United Kingdom, France, Germany, Japan, Canada, Italy, Russia).[170] In 2015, there were 33,636 deaths due to firearms, and some claim as many as 372 mass shootings, in the U.S, while guns were used to kill about 50 people in the U.K.[170] However, using the FBI definition of a "mass shooting" there were only 4 in the U.S. in 2015.[171] More people are typically killed with guns in the U.S. in a day (about 85) than in the U.K. in a year.[170]

text: Within the gun politics debate, gun control and gun rights advocates disagree over the role that guns play in crime. Gun control advocates concerned about high levels of gun violence in the United States look to restrictions on gun ownership as a way to stem the violence and say that increased gun ownership leads to higher levels of crime, suicide and other negative outcomes.[172][173] Gun rights groups say that a well-armed civilian populace prevents crime and that making civilian ownership of firearms illegal would increase the crime rate by making civilians vulnerable to criminal activity.[174][175] They say that more civilians defend themselves with a gun every year than the law enforcement arrest for violent crimes and burglary[176] and that civilians legally shoot almost as many criminals as law enforcement officers do.[177]

text: Studies using FBI data and Police Reports of the incidents, have found that there are approximately 1,500 verified instances of firearms used in self-defense annually in the United States.[178] Survey-based research derived from data gathered by the National Crime Victimization Survey has generated estimates that, out of roughly 5.5 million violent crime victims in the U.S. annually approximately 1.1 percent, or 55,000 used a firearm in self-defense (175,000 for the 3-year period.) [179] When including property crimes, of the 15.5 million victims of property crimes annually found in the survey (46.5 million for 2013-2015), the NCV survey data yielded estimates that around 0.2 percent of property crime victims, or 36,000 annually (109,000 for the 3-year period) used a firearm in self-defense from the loss of property.[179] Researchers working from the most recent NCVS data sets have found approximately 95,000 uses of a firearm in self-defense in the U.S. each year (284,000 for the years 2013-2015).[179] In addition, the United States has a higher rate of firearm ownership than any other nation. Despite this the United States has seen its gun homicide rate decline since the 1990s.  https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/wonk/wp/2015/12/03/weve-had-a-massive-decline-in-gun-violence-in-the-united-states-heres-why/

text: Criminal violence[edit]

text: There is an open debate regarding a causal connection (or the lack of one) between gun control and its effect on gun violence and other crimes. The numbers of lives saved or lost by gun ownership is debated by criminologists. Research difficulties include the difficulty of accounting accurately for confrontations in which no shots are fired and jurisdictional differences in the definition of "crime." Furthermore,

text: Such research is also subject to a more fundamental difficulty affecting all research in this field: the effectiveness of the Criminal Law in preventing crime in general or in specific cases is inherently and notoriously difficult to prove and measure, and thus issues in establishing a causal link between gun control or particular gun control policies and violent crime must be understood to be an aspect of a more general empirical difficulty, which pervades the fields of Criminology and Law at large. It is not simple, for example, to prove a causal connection between the laws against murder and the prevailing murder rates, either. Consequently, this general background must be appreciated when discussing the causal and empirical issues here.

text: A study published in The American Journal of Economics and Sociology in 1997 concluded that the amount of gun related crime and deaths is affected more by the state of the area in terms of unemployment, alcohol problems and drug problems instead of the laws and regulations.[180] This study analysed statistics gathered on the amount of gun crime in states with strict and lenient gun policies and determined that the amount of gun crime is related to how run down economically an area is.

text: A 2003 CDC study determined "The Task Force found insufficient evidence to determine the effectiveness of any of the firearms laws or combinations of laws reviewed on violent outcomes."[53] They go on to state "a finding of insufficient evidence to determine effectiveness should not be interpreted as evidence of ineffectiveness but rather as an indicator that additional research is needed before an intervention can be evaluated for its effectiveness."

text: In 2009, the Public Health Law Research program,[181] an independent organization, published several evidence briefs summarizing the research assessing the effect of a specific law or policy on public health, that concern the effectiveness of various laws related to gun safety. Among their findings:

text:
There is not enough evidence to establish the effectiveness of "shall issue" laws, as distinct from "may issue" laws, as a public health intervention to reduce violent crime.[182]
There is insufficient evidence to determine the effectiveness of waiting period laws as public health interventions aimed at preventing gun-related violence and suicide.[183]
Although child access prevention laws may represent a promising intervention for reducing gun-related morbidity and mortality among children, there is currently insufficient evidence to validate their effectiveness as a public health intervention aimed at reducing gun-related harms.[184]
There is insufficient evidence to establish the effectiveness of such bans as public health interventions aimed at reducing gun-related harms.[185]
There is insufficient evidence to validate the effectiveness of firearm licensing and registration requirements as legal interventions aimed a reducing fire-arm related harms.[186]

text: Homicide[edit]

text: With 5% of the world's population, U.S. residents own roughly 50% of the world's civilian-owned firearms. In addition, up to 48% of households within America  have guns.[188] According to the UNODC, 60% of U.S. homicides in 2009 were perpetrated using a firearm.[189] U.S. homicide rates vary widely from state to state. In 2014, the lowest homicide rates were in New Hampshire, North Dakota, and Vermont (each 0.0 per 100,000 people), and the highest were in Louisiana (11.7) and Mississippi (11.4).[190]

text: Gary Kleck, a criminologist at Florida State University, and his colleague Marc Gertz, published a study in 1995 estimating that approximately 2.5 million American adults used their gun in self-defense annually. The incidents that Kleck extrapolated based on his questionnaire results generally did not involve the firing of the gun, and he estimates that as many as 1.9 million of those instances involved a handgun.[191]:164 These studies have been subject to criticism on a number of methodological and logical grounds.[192]

text: Another study from the same period, the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS), estimated 65,000 DGUs (Defensive gun use) annually. The NCVS survey differed from Kleck's study in that it only interviewed those who reported a threatened, attempted, or completed victimization for one of six crimes: rape, robbery, assault, burglary, non-business larceny, and motor vehicle theft. A National Research Council report said that Kleck's estimates appeared to be exaggerated and that it was almost certain that "some of what respondents designate[d] as their own self-defense would be construed as aggression by others".[193]

text: Research based on the NCVS data set largely confirms Hemenway's earlier results, showing approximately 55,000 uses of a firearm in self-defense from a violent crime in the United States for the 3-year period of 2013-2015.[179]

text: In a review of his own research, Kleck determined that, of 41 studies half of them found a connection between gun ownership and homicide but these were usually least rigorous studies. Only six studies controlled at least six statistically significant confound variables, and none of them showed a significant positive effect. Eleven macro-level studies showed that crime rates increase gun levels (not vice versa). The reason that there is no opposite effect may be that most owners are noncriminals and that they may use guns to prevent violence.[194]

text: Commenting on the external validity of Kleck's report, David Hemenway, director of the Harvard Injury Control Research Center, said: "Given the number of victims allegedly being saved with guns, it would seem natural to conclude that owning a gun substantially reduces your chances of being murdered. Yet a careful case-control study of homicide in the home found that a gun in the home was associated with an increased rather than a reduced risk of homicide. Virtually all of this risk involved homicide by a family member or intimate acquaintance."[195]:1443 Kleck however pointed out that most of the firearms used in the Kellermann study were not the same ones kept in the household by the victim.[196] Similarly in 2007 when the Permit-To-Purchase law was repealed in Missouri,2008 saw a 34% increase in the rate of firearm homicides in that year alone, and the figure continues to be higher than the figure pre-2007.[197]

text: One study found that homicide rates as a whole, especially those as a result of firearms use, are not always significantly lower in many other developed countries. Kleck wrote, "...cross-national comparisons do not provide a sound basis for assessing the impact of gun ownership levels on crime rates."[198] One study published in the International Journal of Epidemiology, which found that for the year of 1998: "During the one-year study period (1998), 88,649 firearm deaths were reported. Overall firearm mortality rates are five to six times higher in high-income (HI) and upper middle-income (UMI) countries in the Americas (12.72) than in Europe (2.17) or Oceania (2.57) and 95 times higher than in Asia (0.13). The rate of firearm deaths in the United States (14.24 per 100,000) exceeds that of its economic counterparts (1.76) eightfold and that of UMI countries (9.69) by a factor of 1.5. Suicide and homicide contribute equally to total firearm deaths in the U.S., but most firearm deaths are suicides (71%) in HI countries and homicides (72%) in UMI countries."[199]

text: Suicide[edit]

text: Firearms accounted for 51.5% of U.S. suicides in 2013, and suicides account for 63% of all firearm-related deaths.[200] According to Kleck, most research has found no relationship between gun availability and suicide rates.[201] In contrast, a 2012 review by researchers at the Harvard School of Public Health found that in the United States, the percent of suicide attempts that prove fatal is "strongly related to the availability of household firearms."[202]

text: Federal and state laws[edit]

text: The number of federal and state gun laws is unknown. A 2005 American Journal of Preventive Medicine study says 300,[203] and the NRA says 20,000, though the Washington Post fact checker says of that decades-old figure: "This 20,000 figure appears to be an ancient guesstimate that has hardened over the decades into a constantly repeated, never-questioned talking point. It could be lower, or higher, depending on who's counting what."[204]

text: Federal laws[edit]

text: Federal gun laws are enforced by the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF). Most federal gun laws were enacted through:[205][206]

text:
National Firearms Act (1934)
Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968 (1968)
Gun Control Act of 1968 (1968)
Firearm Owners Protection Act (1986)
Undetectable Firearms Act (1988)
Gun-Free School Zones Act of 1990 (1990) (ruled unconstitutional as originally written; upheld after minor edits were made by Congress)
Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act (1993)
Federal Assault Weapons Ban (1994) (expired 2004)

text: State laws and constitutions[edit]

text: In addition to federal gun laws, all U.S. states and some local jurisdictions have imposed their own firearms restrictions. Each of the fifty states has its own laws regarding guns.

text:
Forty four of the fifty US states have the right to keep and bear arms written into their state constitutions.[207]  The text of these constitutional provisions vary.
For example, Hawaii's constitution simply copies the text of the Second Amendment verbatim,[208] while North Carolina and South Carolina begin with the same but continue with an injunction against maintaining standing armies.[209][210] Alaska also begins with the full text of the Second Amendment, but adds that the right "shall not be denied or infringed by the State or a political subdivision of the State".[211] Rhode Island subtracts the first half of the Second Amendment, leaving only, "[t]he right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed".[212]

text: The majority of the remaining states' constitutions differ from the text of the U.S. Constitution primarily in their clarification of exactly to whom the right belongs or by the inclusion of additional, specific protections or restrictions. Seventeen states refer to the right to keep and bear arms as being an individual right, with Utah and Alaska referring to it explicitly as "[t]he individual right to keep and bear arms",[211][213] while the other fifteen refer to the right as belonging to "every citizen",[214] "all individuals",[215] "all persons",[216] or another, very similar phrase.[nb 1] In contrast are four states which make no mention whatever of an individual right or of defense of one's self as a valid basis for the right to arms. Arkansas, Massachusetts, and Tennessee all state that the right is "for the common defense",[229][230][231] while Virginia's constitution explicitly indicates that the right is derived from the need for a militia to defend the state.[232]

text: Most state constitutions enumerate one or more reasons for the keeping of arms. Twenty-four states include self-defense as a valid, protected use of arms;[nb 2] twenty-eight cite defense of the state as a proper purpose.[nb 3] Ten states extend the right to defense of home and/or property,[nb 4] five include the defense of family,[nb 5] and six add hunting and recreation.[nb 6] Idaho is uniquely specific in its provision that "[n]o law shall impose licensure, registration, or special taxation on the ownership or possession of firearms or ammunition. Nor shall any law permit the confiscation of firearms, except those actually used in the commission of a felony".[233] Fifteen state constitutions include specific restrictions on the right to keep and bear arms. Florida's constitution calls for a three-day waiting period for all modern cartridge handgun purchases, with exceptions for handgun purchases by those holding a CCW license, or for anyone who purchases a black-powder handgun.[234] Illinois prefaces the right by indicating that it is "[s]ubject...to the police power".[224] Florida and the remaining thirteen states with specific restrictions all carry a provision to the effect that the state legislature may enact laws regulating the carrying, concealing, and/or wearing of arms.[nb 7] Forty states preempt some or all local gun laws, due in part to campaigning by the NRA for such legislation.[235]


document_title: List of NCAA Division I men's basketball champions

question_text: who won men's college basketball last year

question_tokens: who won men 's college basketball last year

root

text: Championship games[edit]

text:
Legend for "Championship games" table below

Indicator
Meaning

*
Game was decided in an overtime period

Game was decided in a third overtime period

Score
Each score is linked to an article about that particular championship game, when available

Year
Each year is linked to an article about that particular NCAA Tournament

text:
Championship games, by year, showing winners and losers, final scores and venues

Year
Winning team
Winning head coach
Score
Losing team
Losing head coach
Venue
City
Ref.

1939
Oregon
Hobson, HowardHoward Hobson
046.3 !46–33
Ohio State
Olsen, HaroldHarold Olsen
Patten Gymnasium
Evanston, Illinois
[17]

1940
Indiana
McCracken, BranchBranch McCracken
060.3 !60–42
Kansas
Allen, PhogPhog Allen
Municipal Auditorium
Kansas City, Missouri
[18]

1941
Wisconsin
Foster, BudBud Foster
039 !39–34
Washington State
Friel, JackJack Friel
Municipal Auditorium
Kansas City, Missouri
[19]

1942
Stanford
Dean, EverettEverett Dean
053.2 !53–38
Dartmouth
Cowles, O. B.O. B. Cowles
Municipal Auditorium
Kansas City, Missouri
[20]

1943
Wyoming
Shelton, EverettEverett Shelton
046.2 !46–34
Georgetown
Ripley, ElmerElmer Ripley
Madison Square Garden
New York City, New York
[21]

1944
Utah
Peterson, VadalVadal Peterson
042 !42–40*
Dartmouth
Brown, EarlEarl Brown
Madison Square Garden
New York City, New York
[22][23]

1945
Oklahoma A&M
Iba, HenryHenry Iba
049 !49–45
NYU
Cann, HowardHoward Cann
Madison Square Garden
New York City, New York
[24]

1946
Oklahoma A&M
Iba, HenryHenry Iba
043 !43–40
North Carolina
Carnevale, BenBen Carnevale
Madison Square Garden
New York City, New York
[25]

1947
Holy Cross
Julian, DoggieDoggie Julian
058.1 !58–47
Oklahoma
Drake, BruceBruce Drake
Madison Square Garden
New York City, New York
[26]

1948
Kentucky
Rupp, AdolphAdolph Rupp
058.2 !58–42
Baylor
Henderson, BillBill Henderson
Madison Square Garden
New York City, New York
[27]

1949
Kentucky
Rupp, AdolphAdolph Rupp
046.1 !46–36
Oklahoma A&M
Iba, HenryHenry Iba
Hec Edmundson Pavilion
Seattle, Washington
[28]

1950
CCNY
Holman, NatNat Holman
071.2 !71–68
Bradley
Anderson, ForddyForddy Anderson
Madison Square Garden
New York City, New York
[29]

1951
Kentucky
Rupp, AdolphAdolph Rupp
068.3 !68–58
Kansas State
Gardner, JackJack Gardner
Williams Arena
Minneapolis, Minnesota
[30]

1952
Kansas
Allen, PhogPhog Allen
080.3 !80–63
St. John's
McGuire, FrankFrank McGuire
Hec Edmundson Pavilion
Seattle, Washington
[31]

1953
Indiana
McCracken, BranchBranch McCracken
069 !69–68
Kansas
Allen, PhogPhog Allen
Municipal Auditorium
Kansas City, Missouri
[32]

1954
La Salle
Loeffler, KenKen Loeffler
092.2 !92–76
Bradley
Anderson, ForddyForddy Anderson
Municipal Auditorium
Kansas City, Missouri
[33]

1955
San Francisco
Woolpert, PhilPhil Woolpert
077.3 !77–63
La Salle
Loeffler, KenKen Loeffler
Municipal Auditorium
Kansas City, Missouri
[34]

1956
San Francisco
Woolpert, PhilPhil Woolpert
083.2 !83–71
Iowa
O'Connor, BuckyBucky O'Connor
McGaw Hall
Evanston, Illinois
[35]

1957
North Carolina
McGuire, FrankFrank McGuire
054.1 !54–53
Kansas
Harp, DickDick Harp
Municipal Auditorium
Kansas City, Missouri
[36]

1958
Kentucky
Rupp, AdolphAdolph Rupp
084.3 !84–72
Seattle
Castellani, JohnJohn Castellani
Freedom Hall
Louisville, Kentucky
[37]

1959
California
Newell, PetePete Newell
071.1 !71–70
West Virginia
Schaus, FredFred Schaus
Freedom Hall
Louisville, Kentucky
[38]

1960
Ohio State
Taylor, FredFred Taylor
075.4 !75–55
California
Newell, PetePete Newell
Cow Palace
Daly City, California
[39][40]

1961
Cincinnati
Jucker, EdEd Jucker
070 !70–65*
Ohio State
Taylor, FredFred Taylor
Municipal Auditorium
Kansas City, Missouri
[41]

1962
Cincinnati
Jucker, EdEd Jucker
071.4 !71–59
Ohio State
Taylor, FredFred Taylor
Freedom Hall
Louisville, Kentucky
[42]

1963
Loyola Chicago
Ireland, GeorgeGeorge Ireland
060.1 !60–58*
Cincinnati
Jucker, EdEd Jucker
Freedom Hall
Louisville, Kentucky
[43]

1964
UCLA
Wooden, JohnJohn Wooden
098 !98–83
Duke
Bubas, VicVic Bubas
Municipal Auditorium
Kansas City, Missouri
[44]

1965
UCLA
Wooden, JohnJohn Wooden
091 !91–80
Michigan
Strack, DaveDave Strack
Memorial Coliseum
Portland, Oregon
[45]

1966
Texas Western
Haskins, DonDon Haskins
072.2 !72–65
Kentucky
Rupp, AdolphAdolph Rupp
Cole Field House
College Park, Maryland
[46]

1967
UCLA
Wooden, JohnJohn Wooden
079 !79–64
Dayton
Donoher, DonDon Donoher
Freedom Hall
Louisville, Kentucky
[47]

1968
UCLA
Wooden, JohnJohn Wooden
078.2 !78–55
North Carolina
Smith, DeanDean Smith
Sports Arena
Los Angeles, California
[48]

1969
UCLA
Wooden, JohnJohn Wooden
092.3 !92–72
Purdue
King, GeorgeGeorge King
Freedom Hall
Louisville, Kentucky
[49]

1970
UCLA
Wooden, JohnJohn Wooden
080.2 !80–69
Jacksonville
Williams, JoeJoe Williams
Cole Field House
College Park, Maryland
[50]

1971
UCLA
Wooden, JohnJohn Wooden
068.2 !68–62
Villanova[a]
Kraft, JackJack Kraft
Astrodome
Houston, Texas
[51]

1972
UCLA
Wooden, JohnJohn Wooden
081.2 !81–76
Florida State
Durham, HughHugh Durham
Memorial Sports Arena
Los Angeles, California
[52]

1973
UCLA
Wooden, JohnJohn Wooden
087 !87–66
Memphis State
Bartow, GeneGene Bartow
St. Louis Arena
St. Louis, Missouri
[53]

1974
North Carolina State
Sloan, NormNorm Sloan
076.3 !76–64
Marquette
McGuire, AlAl McGuire
Greensboro Coliseum
Greensboro, North Carolina
[54]

1975
UCLA
Wooden, JohnJohn Wooden
092.1 !92–85
Kentucky
Hall, Joe B.Joe B. Hall
San Diego Sports Arena
San Diego, California
[55]

1976
Indiana
Knight, BobBob Knight
086 !86–68
Michigan
Orr, JohnnyJohnny Orr
Spectrum
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
[56]

1977
Marquette
McGuire, AlAl McGuire
067 !67–59
North Carolina
Smith, DeanDean Smith
Omni Coliseum
Atlanta, Georgia
[57]

1978
Kentucky
Hall, Joe B.Joe B. Hall
094 !94–88
Duke
Foster, BillBill Foster
The Checkerdome
St. Louis, Missouri
[58]

1979
Michigan State
Heathcote, JudJud Heathcote
075.3 !75–64
Indiana State
Hodges, BillBill Hodges
Special Events Center
Salt Lake City, Utah
[59]

1980
Louisville
Crum, DennyDenny Crum
059 !59–54
UCLA[a]
Brown, LarryLarry Brown
Market Square Arena
Indianapolis, Indiana
[60]

1981
Indiana
Knight, BobBob Knight
063.2 !63–50
North Carolina
Smith, DeanDean Smith
Spectrum
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
[61]

1982
North Carolina
Smith, DeanDean Smith
063.1 !63–62
Georgetown
Thompson, JohnJohn Thompson
Louisiana Superdome
New Orleans, Louisiana
[62]

1983
North Carolina State
Valvano, JimJim Valvano
054.2 !54–52
Houston
Lewis, GuyGuy Lewis
University Arena
Albuquerque, New Mexico
[63]

1984
Georgetown
Thompson, JohnJohn Thompson
084.2 !84–75
Houston
Lewis, GuyGuy Lewis
Kingdome
Seattle, Washington
[64]

1985
Villanova
Massimino, RollieRollie Massimino
066 !66–64
Georgetown
Thompson, JohnJohn Thompson
Rupp Arena
Lexington, Kentucky
[65]

1986
Louisville
Crum, DennyDenny Crum
072.1 !72–69
Duke
Krzyzewski, MikeMike Krzyzewski
Reunion Arena
Dallas, Texas
[66]

1987
Indiana
Knight, BobBob Knight
074 !74–73
Syracuse
Boeheim, JimJim Boeheim
Louisiana Superdome
New Orleans, Louisiana
[67]

1988
Kansas
Brown, LarryLarry Brown
083.1 !83–79
Oklahoma
Tubbs, BillyBilly Tubbs
Kemper Arena
Kansas City, Missouri
[68]

1989
Michigan
Fisher, SteveSteve Fisher
080.1 !80–79*
Seton Hall
Carlesimo, P. J.P. J. Carlesimo
Kingdome
Seattle, Washington
[69]

1990
UNLV
Tarkanian, JerryJerry Tarkanian
103 !103–73
Duke
Krzyzewski, MikeMike Krzyzewski
McNichols Sports Arena
Denver, Colorado
[70]

1991
Duke
Krzyzewski, MikeMike Krzyzewski
072.2 !72–65
Kansas
Williams, RoyRoy Williams
Hoosier Dome
Indianapolis, Indiana
[71]

1992
Duke
Krzyzewski, MikeMike Krzyzewski
071.5 !71–51
Michigan[a]
Fisher, SteveSteve Fisher
Metrodome
Minneapolis, Minnesota
[72]

1993
North Carolina
Smith, DeanDean Smith
077.2 !77–71
Michigan[a]
Fisher, SteveSteve Fisher
Louisiana Superdome
New Orleans, Louisiana
[73]

1994
Arkansas
Richardson, NolanNolan Richardson
076.1 !76–72
Duke
Krzyzewski, MikeMike Krzyzewski
Charlotte Coliseum
Charlotte, North Carolina
[74]

1995
UCLA
Harrick, JimJim Harrick
089.1 !89–78
Arkansas
Richardson, NolanNolan Richardson
Kingdome
Seattle, Washington
[75]

1996
Kentucky
Pitino, RickRick Pitino
076.2 !76–67
Syracuse
Boeheim, JimJim Boeheim
Continental Airlines Arena
East Rutherford, New Jersey
[76]

1997
Arizona
Olson, LuteLute Olson
084.1 !84–79*
Kentucky
Pitino, RickRick Pitino
RCA Dome
Indianapolis, Indiana
[77]

1998
Kentucky
Smith, TubbyTubby Smith
078.1 !78–69
Utah
Majerus, RickRick Majerus
Alamodome
San Antonio, Texas
[78]

1999
Connecticut
Calhoun, JimJim Calhoun
077.1 !77–74
Duke
Krzyzewski, MikeMike Krzyzewski
Tropicana Field
St. Petersburg, Florida
[79]

2000
Michigan State
Izzo, TomTom Izzo
089.2 !89–76
Florida
Donovan, BillyBilly Donovan
RCA Dome
Indianapolis, Indiana
[80]

2001
Duke
Krzyzewski, MikeMike Krzyzewski
082.3 !82–72
Arizona
Olson, LuteLute Olson
Metrodome
Minneapolis, Minnesota
[81]

2002
Maryland
Williams, GaryGary Williams
064 !64–52
Indiana
Davis, MikeMike Davis
Georgia Dome
Atlanta, Georgia
[82]

2003
Syracuse
Boeheim, JimJim Boeheim
081.1 !81–78
Kansas
Williams, RoyRoy Williams
Louisiana Superdome
New Orleans, Louisiana
[83]

2004
Connecticut
Calhoun, JimJim Calhoun
082.2 !82–73
Georgia Tech
Hewitt, PaulPaul Hewitt
Alamodome
San Antonio, Texas
[84]

2005
North Carolina
Williams, RoyRoy Williams
075.1 !75–70
Illinois
Weber, BruceBruce Weber
Edward Jones Dome
St. Louis, Missouri
[85]

2006
Florida
Donovan, BillyBilly Donovan
073 !73–57
UCLA
Howland, BenBen Howland
RCA Dome
Indianapolis, Indiana
[86]

2007
Florida
Donovan, BillyBilly Donovan
084.2 !84–75
Ohio State
Matta, ThadThad Matta
Georgia Dome
Atlanta, Georgia
[87]

2008
Kansas
Self, BillBill Self
075.2 !75–68*
Memphis[a]
Calipari, JohnJohn Calipari
Alamodome
San Antonio, Texas
[88]

2009
North Carolina
Williams, RoyRoy Williams
089.3 !89–72
Michigan State
Izzo, TomTom Izzo
Ford Field
Detroit, Michigan
[89]

2010
Duke
Krzyzewski, MikeMike Krzyzewski
061 !61–59
Butler
Stevens, BradBrad Stevens
Lucas Oil Stadium
Indianapolis, Indiana
[90]

2011
Connecticut
Calhoun, JimJim Calhoun
053.1 !53–41
Butler
Stevens, BradBrad Stevens
Reliant Stadium
Houston, Texas
[91]

2012
Kentucky
Calipari, JohnJohn Calipari
067.1 !67–59
Kansas
Self, BillBill Self
Mercedes-Benz Superdome
New Orleans, Louisiana
[92]

2013
Louisville[a]
Pitino, RickRick Pitino
067.1 !82–76
Michigan
Beilein, JohnJohn Beilein
Georgia Dome
Atlanta, Georgia
[93]

2014
Connecticut
Ollie, KevinKevin Ollie
060.2 !60–54
Kentucky
Calipari, JohnJohn Calipari
AT&T Stadium
Arlington, Texas
[94]

2015
Duke
Krzyzewski, MikeMike Krzyzewski
068.1 !68–63
Wisconsin
Ryan, BoBo Ryan
Lucas Oil Stadium
Indianapolis, Indiana
[95]

2016
Villanova
Jay Wright
077.1 !77–74
North Carolina
Williams, RoyRoy Williams
NRG Stadium
Houston, Texas
[96]

2017
North Carolina
Roy Williams
071.3 !71–65
Gonzaga
Mark Few
University of Phoenix Stadium
Glendale, Arizona
[97]

2018
Villanova
Jay Wright
077.1 !79–62
Michigan
Beilein, JohnJohn Beilein
Alamodome
San Antonio, Texas
[98]

text: Multiple champions[edit]

text:
Teams with multiple championships

Team
Wins
Years won

UCLA
11
1964, 1965, 1967, 1968, 1969, 1970, 1971, 1972, 1973, 1975, 1995

Kentucky
8
1948, 1949, 1951, 1958, 1978, 1996, 1998, 2012

North Carolina
6
1957, 1982, 1993, 2005, 2009, 2017

Duke
5
1991, 1992, 2001, 2010, 2015

Indiana
5
1940, 1953, 1976, 1981, 1987

Connecticut
4
1999, 2004, 2011, 2014

Kansas
3
1952, 1988, 2008

Villanova
3
1985, 2016, 2018

Louisville
2
1980, 1986, 2013[c]

Michigan State
2
1979, 2000

Cincinnati
2
1961, 1962

Florida
2
2006, 2007

North Carolina State
2
1974, 1983

Oklahoma State[b]
2
1945, 1946

San Francisco
2
1955, 1956

text:
Coaches with multiple championships

Team
Wins
Years won

Wooden, JohnJohn Wooden
10
1964, 1965, 1967, 1968, 1969, 1970, 1971, 1972, 1973, 1975

Krzyzewski, MikeMike Krzyzewski
5
1991, 1992, 2001, 2010, 2015

Rupp, AdolphAdolph Rupp
4
1948, 1949, 1951, 1958

Calhoun, JimJim Calhoun
3
1999, 2004, 2011

Knight, BobBob Knight
3
1976, 1981, 1987

Williams, RoyRoy Williams
3
2005, 2009, 2017

Crum, DennyDenny Crum
2
1980, 1986

Donovan, BillyBilly Donovan
2
2006, 2007

Iba, HenryHenry Iba
2
1945, 1946

Jucker, EdEd Jucker
2
1961, 1962

McCracken, BranchBranch McCracken
2
1940, 1953

Smith, DeanDean Smith
2
1982, 1993

Woolpert, PhilPhil Woolpert
2
1955, 1956

Wright, JayJay Wright
2
2016, 2018

text: Champions by conference status[edit]

text: Champions by conference at the time of tournaments[edit]

text:
Championships by conference membership at the time of tournaments

Conference
Wins
Years won
Ref(s)

Pac-12 Conference !Pac-12 Conference (1915–current)
15
1939, 1942, 1959, 1964, 1965, 1967, 1968, 1969, 1970, 1971, 1972, 1973, 1975, 1995, 1997
[17][38][99][100][101]

Atlantic Coast Conference !Atlantic Coast Conference (1953–current)
14
1957, 1974, 1982, 1983, 1991, 1992, 1993, 2001, 2002, 2005, 2009, 2010, 2015, 2017
[102][103][104][105][106]

Southeastern Conference !Southeastern Conference (1932–current)
11
1948, 1949, 1951, 1958, 1978, 1994, 1996, 1998, 2006, 2007, 2012
[107][108][109][110][111][112][113][114][115][116][117]

Big Ten Conference !Big Ten Conference (1896–current)
10
1940, 1941, 1953, 1960, 1976, 1979, 1981, 1987, 1989, 2000
[118]

Big East Conference !Big East Conference (1979–current)
8
1984, 1985, 1999, 2003, 2004, 2011, 2013,[c] 2016, 2018
[93][119][120][121][122]

Independents
6
1944, 1947, 1954, 1963, 1966, 1977
[46][123][124][125][126][127]

Missouri Valley Conference !Missouri Valley Conference (1907–current)
4
1945, 1946, 1961, 1962
[128][129][130][131]

Big Eight Conference !Big 8 Conference (1907–1996)
2
1952, 1988
[31][68]

Metro Conference !Metro Conference (1975–1995)
2
1980, 1986
[132]

West Coast Conference !West Coast Conference (1952–current)
2
1955, 1956
[133]

American Athletic Conference !American Athletic Conference (2014–current)
1
2014
[94]

Big Twelve Conference !Big 12 Conference (1994–current)
1
2008
[134]

Big West Conference !Big West Conference (1969–current)
1
1990
[135]

Metropolitan New York Conference !Metropolitan New York Conference (1933–1963)
1
1950
[136]

Mountain States Conference !Mountain States Conference (1938–1962)
1
1943
[137]

text: Championships by current conference membership[edit]

text:
Championships by current conference membership

Conference
Wins
Years won
Ref(s)

Atlantic Coast Conference !Atlantic Coast Conference
16
1957, 1974, 1980, 1982, 1983, 1986, 1991, 1992, 1993, 2001, 2003, 2005, 2009, 2010, 2013,[c] 2015, 2017
[138][139]

Pac-12 Conference !Pac-12 Conference
16
1939, 1942, 1944, 1959, 1964, 1965, 1967, 1968, 1969, 1970, 1971, 1972, 1973, 1975, 1995, 1997
[140][141]

Southeastern Conference !Southeastern Conference
11
1948, 1949, 1951, 1958, 1978, 1994, 1996, 1998, 2006, 2007, 2012
[142]

Big Ten Conference !Big Ten Conference
11
1940, 1941, 1953, 1960, 1976, 1979, 1981, 1987, 1989, 2000, 2002
[143]

American Athletic Conference
6
1961, 1962, 1999, 2004, 2011, 2014
[144][145][146]

Big Twelve Conference !Big 12 Conference
5
1945, 1946, 1952, 1988, 2008
[147][148][149]

Big East Conference
5
1977, 1984, 1985, 2016, 2018
[122][150][151]

Mountain West Conference !Mountain West Conference
2
1943, 1990
[152][153]

West Coast Conference !West Coast Conference
2
1955, 1956
[154]

Atlantic 10 Conference !Atlantic 10 Conference
1
1954
[155]

City University of New York Athletic Conference !City University of New York Athletic Conference
1
1950
[156]

Conference USA !Conference USA
1
1966
[157]

Missouri Valley Conference !Missouri Valley Conference
1
1963
[158]

Patriot League !Patriot League
1
1947
[159]

text: Championships by state[edit]

text:
Championships by state

State
Wins
Years won

California
15
1942, 1955, 1956, 1959, 1964, 1965, 1967, 1968, 1969, 1970, 1971, 1972, 1973, 1975, 1995

North Carolina
13
1957, 1974, 1982, 1983, 1991, 1992, 1993, 2001, 2005, 2009, 2010, 2015, 2017

Kentucky
10
1948, 1949, 1951, 1958, 1978, 1980, 1986, 1996, 1998, 2012, 2013[c]

Indiana
5
1940, 1953, 1976, 1981, 1987

Connecticut
4
1999, 2004, 2011, 2014

Pennsylvania
4
1954, 1985, 2016, 2018

Ohio
3
1960, 1961, 1962

Kansas
3
1952, 1988, 2008

Michigan
3
1979, 1989, 2000

Oklahoma
2
1945, 1946

Wisconsin
2
1941, 1977

New York
2
1950, 2003

Florida
2
2006, 2007

Oregon
1
1939

Wyoming
1
1943

Utah
1
1944

Massachusetts
1
1947

Illinois
1
1963

Texas
1
1966

Washington, D.C.
1
1984

Nevada
1
1990

Arkansas
1
1994

Arizona
1
1997

Maryland
1
2002

text: Indicates vacated by NCAA


document_title: Economic Community of West African States

question_text: who is the current president commission of ecowas

text: Member states[edit]

text: As of February 2017, ECOWAS has 15 member states, eight of these are French-speaking, five are English-speaking and two Portuguese-speaking. All current members joined the community as founding members in May 1975, except Cape Verde which joined in 1977.[7] The only former member of ECOWAS is Arabic-speaking Mauritania, which was also one of the founding members in 1975 and decided to withdraw in December 2000.[7]

tag: p

text: Morocco officially requested to join ECOWAS in February 2017.[8] The application was endorsed at the summit of heads of state in June 2017.[9]

text: Statistics for population, nominal GDP and purchase price parity GDP listed below are taken from World Bank estimates for 2015, published in December 2016.[10][11][12] Area data is taken from a 2012 report compiled by the United Nations Statistics Division.[13]

text:
Country
Area[13]
(km2)
Population[10]
(thousands)
GDP (nominal)[11]
(millions USD)
GDP (PPP)[12]
(millions intl.$)
Currency
Official
language

 Benin
7005114763000000000♠114,763
7004108800000000000♠10,880
7003829100000000000♠8,291
7004223770000000000♠22,377
CFA franc
French

 Burkina Faso
7005272967000000000♠272,967
7004181060000000000♠18,106
7004106780000000000♠10,678
7004307080000000000♠30,708
CFA franc
French

 Cape Verde
7003403300000000000♠4,033
7002521000000000000♠521
7003160300000000000♠1,603
7003341300000000000♠3,413
escudo
Portuguese

 Gambia
7004112950000000000♠11,295
7003199100000000000♠1,991
7002939000000000000♠939
7003334400000000000♠3,344
dalasi
English

 Ghana
7005238533000000000♠238,533
7004274100000000000♠27,410
7004375430000000000♠37,543
7005115409000000000♠115,409
cedi
English

 Guinea
7005245857000000000♠245,857
7004126090000000000♠12,609
7003669900000000000♠6,699
7004152440000000000♠15,244
franc
French

 Guinea-Bissau
7004361250000000000♠36,125
7003184400000000000♠1,844
7003105700000000000♠1,057
7003268500000000000♠2,685
CFA franc
Portuguese

 Ivory Coast
7005322463000000000♠322,463
7004227020000000000♠22,702
7004317590000000000♠31,759
7004797660000000000♠79,766
CFA franc
French

 Liberia
7005111369000000000♠111,369
7003450300000000000♠4,503
7003205300000000000♠2,053
7003376200000000000♠3,762
dollar
English

 Mali
7006124019200000000♠1,240,192
7004176000000000000♠17,600
7004127470000000000♠12,747
7004356950000000000♠35,695
CFA franc
French

 Niger
7006126700000000000♠1,267,000
7004198990000000000♠19,899
7003714300000000000♠7,143
7004190130000000000♠19,013
CFA franc
French

 Nigeria
7005923768000000000♠923,768
7005182202000000000♠182,202
7005481066000000000♠481,066
7006109392100000000♠1,093,921
Naira
English

 Senegal
7005196712000000000♠196,712
7004151290000000000♠15,129
7004136100000000000♠13,610
7004366250000000000♠36,625
CFA franc
French

 Sierra Leone
7004723000000000000♠72,300
7003645300000000000♠6,453
7003421500000000000♠4,215
7004101270000000000♠10,127
leone
English

 Togo
7004567850000000000♠56,785
7003730500000000000♠7,305
7003408800000000000♠4,088
7004106670000000000♠10,667
CFA franc
French

ECOWAS Total
7006511416200000000♠5,114,162
7005349154000000000♠349,154
7005623491000000000♠623,491
7006148275600000000♠1,482,756
&
—

&
—

text: Structure[edit]

text: President of the Commissions[edit]

text:
African Union

This article is part of a series on the
politics and government of
the African Union

Institutions[show]

Casablanca Group
Union of African States
Organisation of African Unity
African Economic Community
African Unification Front

Executive[show]

Assembly

Chairperson

Commission

Chairperson
Conference and Events
Peace & Sec.
Pol. Affairs
Infra. & Energy
Soc. Affairs
HR, Sci., & Tech.
Trade and Industry
Rural Econ. & Agri.
Economic
Legal Counsel

Executive Council

Rep. Committee

Legislature[show]

Pan-African Parliament

President
Bureau
Secretariat
List of members

Permanent Committees

Rural Econ., Agri., Resources, Environ.
Monetary & Financial
Trade, Customs, & Immigration
Cooperation, IR, & Conflict
Transport, Industry, Communications,
  Energy, Science, & Tech.
Health, Labour, & Social
Educ., Culture, Tourism, & HR
Gender, Family, Youth, Disabilities
Justice & Rights
Rules, Privileges, & Discipline

Judiciary[show]

Sirte Declaration
Constitutive Act of the AU
Law

Charter on Rights
Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights

Court of Justice
Court on Human and Peoples' Rights

List of judges

Advisory bodies[show]

Peace and Security Council
Economic, Social, and Cultural Council
Specialised Technical Committees

Rural Econ., Agri.
Monetary & Financial
Trade, Customs, and Immigration
Industry, Sci. & Tech., Energy, Natural Resources, & Environment
Transport, Comm., Tourism
Health, Labor, Social
Edu., Culture, & Human Resources

Financial bodies[show]

AEC Pillars (Abuja Treaty)

CEN-SAD
COMESA
EAC
ECCAS/CEEAC

CEMAC

ECOWAS

UEMOA
WAMZ

IGAD
SADC

SACU

AMU/UMA

African Central Bank
African Monetary Fund
African Investment Bank
New Partnership for Africa's Development

African Peer Review Mechanism

Decentralised bodies[show]

Agencies of the AU

Related topics[show]

Elections
Enlargement
Foreign relations

Other countries
Atlas

v
t
e

text:
President
Country
In office

Inaugural holder Aboubakar Diaby Ouattara
 Ivory Coast
January 1977 – 1985

Momodu Munu
 Sierra Leone
1985–1989

Abass Bundu
 Sierra Leone
1989–1993

Édouard Benjamin
 Guinea
1993–1997

Lansana Kouyaté
 Guinea
September 1997 – 31 January 2002

Mohamed Ibn Chambas
 Ghana
1 February 2002 – 31 December 2007

Mohamed Ibn Chambas
 Ghana
1 January 2007 – 18 February 2010

Victor Gbeho
 Ghana
18 February 2010 – 1 March 2012

Kadré Désiré Ouedraogo
 Burkina Faso
1 March 2012 – 4 June 2016

Marcel Alain de Souza
 Benin
4 June 2016 – present

text: Chairpersons[edit]

text:
Chairperson
Country
In office

Yakubu Gowon
 Nigeria
28 May 1975 – 29 July 1975

Gnassingbé Eyadéma
 Togo
29 July 1975 – 13 September 1977

Olusegun Obasanjo
 Nigeria
13 September 1977 – 30 September 1979

Léopold Sédar Senghor
 Senegal
30 September 1979 – 31 December 1980

Gnassingbé Eyadéma
 Togo
1980–1981

Siaka Stevens
 Sierra Leone
1981–1982

Mathieu Kérékou
 Benin
1982–1983

Ahmed Sékou Touré
 Guinea
1983–1984

Lansana Conté
 Guinea
1984–1985

Muhammadu Buhari
 Nigeria
1985 – 27 August 1985

Ibrahim Babangida
 Nigeria
27 August 1985 – 1989

Dawda Jawara
 Gambia
1989–1990

Blaise Compaoré
 Burkina Faso
1990–1991

Dawda Jawara
 Gambia
1991–1992

Abdou Diouf
 Senegal
1992–1993

Nicéphore Soglo
 Benin
1993–1994

Jerry Rawlings
 Ghana
1994 – 27 July 1996

Sani Abacha
 Nigeria
27 July 1996 – 8 June 1998

Abdulsalami Abubakar
 Nigeria
9 June 1998 – 1999

Gnassingbé Eyadéma
 Togo
1999 – 1999

Alpha Oumar Konaré
 Mali
1999 – 21 December 2001

Abdoulaye Wade
 Senegal
21 December 2001 – 31 January 2003

John Kufuor
 Ghana
31 January 2003 – 19 January 2005

Mamadou Tandja
 Niger
19 January 2005 – 19 January 2007

Blaise Compaoré
 Burkina Faso
19 January 2007 – 19 December 2008

Umaru Musa Yar'Adua
 Nigeria
19 December 2008 – 18 February 2010

Goodluck Jonathan
 Nigeria
18 February 2010 – 17 February 2012

Alassane Ouattara
 Ivory Coast
17 February 2012 – 17 February 2013

Nana Addo Dankwa Akoffo Addo
 Ghana
17 February 2013 – 19 May 2015

Macky Sall
 Senegal
19 May 2015 – 4 June 2016

Ellen Johnson Sirleaf
 Liberia
4 June 2016 – 4 June 2017

Faure Gnassingbé
 Togo
4 June 2017 – present

text: Regional security co-operation[edit]

text: The ECOWAS nations assigned a non-aggression protocol in 1990 along with two earlier agreements in 1978 and 1981. They also signed a Protocol on Mutual Defence Assistance in Freetown, Sierra Leone, on 29 May 1981, that provided for the establishment of an Allied Armed Force of the Community.[14]

text: Community Parliament[edit]

text: The Community Parliament consists of 115 members, distributed based on the population of each member state.[15] This body is headed by the Speaker of the Parliament, who is above the Secretary General.

text:
Country
Parliament Seats

 Benin
5

 Burkina Faso
6

 Cape Verde
5

 Ivory Coast
7

 Gambia
5

 Ghana
8

 Guinea
6

 Guinea-Bissau
5

 Liberia
5

 Mali
6

 Niger
6

 Nigeria
35

 Senegal
6

 Sierra Leone
5

 Togo
5

text: Expanded ECOWAS Commission[edit]

text: For the third time since its inception in 1975, ECOWAS is undergoing institutional reforms. The first was when it revised its treaty on 24 July 1993; the second was in 2007 when the Secretariat was transformed into a Commission. As of July 2013, ECOWAS now has six new departments (Human Resources Management; Education, Science and Culture; Energy and Mines; Telecommunications and IT; Industry and Private Sector Promotion. Finance and Administration to Sierra Leone has been decoupled, to give the incoming Ghana Commissioner the new portfolio of Administration and Conferences)[16]

text: Community Court of Justice[edit]

text: The ECOWAS Community Court of Justice was created by a protocol signed in 1991 and was later included in Article 6 of the Revised Treaty of the Community in 1993.[17] However, the Court did not officially begin operations until the 1991 protocol came into effect on 5 November 1996. The jurisdiction of the court is outlined in Article 9 and Articles 76 of the Revised Treaty and allows rulings on disputes between states over interpretations of the Revised Treaty. It also provides the ECOWAS Council with advisory opinions on legal issues (Article 10). Like its companion courts the European Court of Human Rights and East African Court of Justice, it has jurisdiction to rule on fundamental human rights breaches.[17]

text: Sporting and cultural exchange[edit]

text: ECOWAS nations organize a broad array of cultural and sports event under the auspices of the body, including the CEDEAO Cup in football, the 2012 ECOWAS Games and the Miss CEDEAO beauty pageant.[18]

text: Economic integration[edit]

text: West African Economic and Monetary Union (UEMOA) [edit]

text: The West African Economic and Monetary Union (also known as UEMOA from its name in French, Union économique et monétaire ouest-africaine) is an organization of eight, mainly francophone West African states within the ECOWAS, that was dominated otherwise by anglophone heavyweights like Nigeria and Ghana.[19] It was established to promote economic integration among countries that share the CFA franc as a common currency. UEMOA was created by a Treaty signed at Dakar, Senegal, on 10 January 1994, by the heads of state and governments of Benin, Burkina Faso, Côte d'Ivoire, Mali, Niger, Senegal, and Togo. On 2 May 1997, Guinea-Bissau, a former Portuguese colony, became the organization's eighth (and only non-Francophone) member state.

text: UEMOA is a customs union and currency union between the members of ECOWAS. Its objectives include the following:[20]

text:
Greater economic competitiveness, through open markets, in addition to the rationalisation and harmonisation of the legal environment
The convergence of macro-economic policies and indicators
The creation of a common market
The co-ordination of sectoral policies
The harmonisation of fiscal policies

text: Among its achievements, the UEMOA has successfully implemented macro-economic convergence criteria and an effective surveillance mechanism. It has adopted a customs union and common external tariff and has combined indirect taxation regulations, in addition to initiating regional structural and sectoral policies. A September 2002 IMF survey cited the UEMOA as "the furthest along the path toward integration" of all the regional groupings in Africa.[21]

text: ECOWAS and UEMOA have developed a common plan of action on trade liberalisation and macroeconomic policy convergence. The organizations have also agreed on common rules of origin to enhance trade, and ECOWAS has agreed to adopt UEMOA's customs declaration forms and compensation mechanisms.[22]

text: Membership[edit]

text:
Benin (Founding Member)
 Burkina Faso (Founding Member)
 Ivory Coast (Founding Member)
 Guinea-Bissau (Joined on 2 May 1997)
 Mali (Founding Member)
 Niger (Founding Member)
 Senegal (Founding Member)
 Togo (Founding Member)

text: West African Monetary Zone[edit]

text: Formed in 2000, the West African Monetary Zone (WAMZ) is a group of six countries within ECOWAS that plan to introduce a common currency called the Eco.[23] The six member states of WAMZ are Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Nigeria and Sierra Leone who founded the organization together in 2000 and Liberia who joined on 16 February 2010. Apart from Guinea, which is Francophone, they are all English speaking countries. Along with Mauritania, Guinea opted out of the CFA franc currency shared by all other former French colonies in West and Central Africa.

text: The WAMZ attempts to establish a strong stable currency to rival the CFA franc, whose exchange rate is tied to that of the Euro and is guaranteed by the French Treasury. The eventual goal is for the CFA franc and Eco to merge, giving all of West and Central Africa a single, stable currency. The launch of the new currency is being developed by the West African Monetary Institute based in Accra, Ghana.

text: Membership[edit]

text:
Gambia (Founding Member)
 Ghana (Founding Member)
 Guinea (Founding Member)
 Liberia (Joined on 16 February 2010)[24][25]
 Nigeria (Founding Member)
 Sierra Leone (Founding Member)

text: Transport[edit]

text: A Trans-ECOWAS project, established in 2007, plans to upgrade railways in this zone.[26]