document_title: Muhammad Iqbal

question_text: which book of allama iqbal published after his death

question_tokens: which book of allama iqbal published after his death

text: Muhammad Iqbal

text: Personal life[edit]

text: Background[edit]

text: Iqbal was born on 9 November 1877 in Sialkot within the Punjab Province of British India (now in Pakistan). His grandparents were Kashmiri Pandits, Brahmins of the Sapru clan from Kashmir who converted to Islam.[12][16] In the 19th century, when the Sikh Empire was conquering Kashmir, his grandfather's family migrated to Punjab. Iqbal often mentioned and commemorated his Kashmiri lineage in his writings.[17][12]

text: Iqbal's father, Sheikh Noor Muhammad (died 1930), was a tailor, not formally educated but a religious man.[18][19] Iqbal's mother Imam Bibi was evidently a Sialkoti Punjabi. Iqbal's mother Imam Bibi, a local Punjabi Muslim, was described as a polite and humble woman who helped the poor and her neighbours with their problems. She died on 9 November 1914 in Sialkot.[16][20] Iqbal loved his mother, and on her death he expressed his feelings of pathos in a poetic form elegy.[18]

text: Who would wait for me anxiously in my native place?

text:
Who would display restlessness if my letter fails to arrive?
I will visit thy grave with this complaint:
Who will now think of me in midnight prayers?
All thy life thy love served me with devotion—
When I became fit to serve thee, thou hast departed.[18]

text: Iqbal was four years old when he was admitted to the mosque to learn the Qur'an. He learned the Arabic language from his teacher, Syed Mir Hassan, the head of the madrasa and professor of Arabic at Scotch Mission College in Sialkot, where he matriculated in 1893. He received Intermediate with the Faculty of Arts diploma in 1895.[12][20][21] The same year he enrolled at Government College University, where he obtained his Bachelor of Arts in philosophy, English literature and Arabic in 1897, and won the Khan Bahadurddin F.S. Jalaluddin medal as he performed well in Arabic.[20] In 1899, he received his Master of Arts degree from the same college and had the first place in University of the Punjab.[12][20][21]

text: Iqbal married three times, in 1895 while studying Bachelor of Arts he had his first marriage with Karim Bibi, the daughter of physician Khan Bahadur Ata Muhammad Khan (the maternal grandfather of director and music composer Khwaja Khurshid Anwar),[22][23] through an arranged marriage. They had daughter Miraj Begum and son Aftab Iqbal. Later Iqbal's second marriage was with Sardar Begum mother of Javed Iqbal, and his third marriage was with Mukhtar Begum in December 1914.[11][20]

text: Higher education in Europe[edit]

text: Iqbal was influenced by the teachings of Sir Thomas Arnold, his philosophy teacher at Government college Lahore. Arnold's teachings determined Iqbal to pursue higher education in the West, and in 1905, he travelled to England for that purpose. Iqbal qualified for a scholarship from Trinity College, University of Cambridge and obtained Bachelor of Arts in 1906, and in the same year he was called to the bar as a barrister from Lincoln's Inn. In 1907, Iqbal moved to Germany to pursue his doctoral studies, and earned a Doctor of Philosophy degree from the Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich in 1908. Working under the guidance of Friedrich Hommel, Iqbal's doctoral thesis entitled The Development of Metaphysics in Persia was published.[12][24][25][26]

text: During Iqbal's stay in Heidelberg in 1907 his German professor Emma Wegenast taught him about Goethe's Faust, Heine and Nietzsche.[27] During his study in Europe, Iqbal began to write poetry in Persian. He prioritised it because he believed he had found an easy way to express his thoughts. He would write continuously in Persian throughout his life.[12]

text: Academic career[edit]

text: Iqbal, after completing his Master of Arts degree in 1899, began his career as a reader of Arabic at Oriental College and shortly afterwards was selected as a junior professor of philosophy at Government College Lahore, where he had also been a student in the past. He worked there until he left for England in 1905. In 1908, he returned from England and joined the same college again as a professor of philosophy and English literature.[28] In the same period Iqbal began practising law at Chief Court Lahore, but he soon quit law practice and devoted himself in literary works, becoming an active member of Anjuman-e-Himayat-e-Islam.[20] In 1919, he became the general secretary of the same organisation. Iqbal's thoughts in his work primarily focus on the spiritual direction and development of human society, centred around experiences from his travels and stays in Western Europe and the Middle East. He was profoundly influenced by Western philosophers such as Friedrich Nietzsche, Henri Bergson and Goethe.[18][27]

text: The poetry and philosophy of Mawlana Rumi bore the deepest influence on Iqbal's mind. Deeply grounded in religion since childhood, Iqbal began concentrating intensely on the study of Islam, the culture and history of Islamic civilisation and its political future, while embracing Rumi as "his guide".[18] Iqbal would feature Rumi in the role of guide in many of his poems. Iqbal's works focus on reminding his readers of the past glories of Islamic civilisation, and delivering the message of a pure, spiritual focus on Islam as a source for socio-political liberation and greatness. Iqbal denounced political divisions within and amongst Muslim nations, and frequently alluded to and spoke in terms of the global Muslim community or the Ummah.[8][18]

text: Iqbal's poetry has been translated into many European languages, at the time when his work was famous during the early part of the 20th century.[7] Iqbal's Asrar-i-Khudi and Javed Nama were translated into English by R. A. Nicholson and A. J. Arberry respectively.[7][13]

text: Final years and death[edit]

text: In 1933, after returning from a trip to Spain and Afghanistan, Iqbal suffered from a mysterious throat illness.[29] He spent his final years helping Chaudhry Niaz Ali Khan to establish the Dar ul Islam Trust Institute at Jamalpur estate near Pathankot,[30][31] where there were plans to subsidise studies in classical Islam and contemporary social science. He also advocated for an independent Muslim state.

text: Iqbal ceased practising law in 1934 and was granted a pension by the Nawab of Bhopal. In his final years, he frequently visited the Dargah of famous Sufi Ali Hujwiri in Lahore for spiritual guidance. After suffering for months from his illness, Iqbal died in Lahore on 21 April 1938.[8][12] His tomb is located in Hazuri Bagh, the enclosed garden between the entrance of the Badshahi Mosque and the Lahore Fort, and official guards are provided by the Government of Pakistan.

text: Iqbal is commemorated widely in Pakistan, where he is regarded as the ideological founder of the state. His Tarana-e-Hind is a song that is widely used in India as a patriotic song speaking of communal harmony. His birthday is annually commemorated in Pakistan as Iqbal Day. Iqbal is the namesake of many public institutions, including the Allama Iqbal Campus Punjab University in Lahore, the Allama Iqbal Medical College in Lahore, Iqbal Stadium in Faisalabad, Allama Iqbal Open University in Pakistan, the Allama Iqbal International Airport in Lahore, Iqbal Hostel in Government College University, Lahore, the Allama Iqbal hall in Nishtar Medical College in Multan, Gulshan-e-Iqbal Town in Karachi, Allama Iqbal Town in Lahore, and Allama Iqbal Hall at Aligarh Muslim University.

text: The government and public organisations have sponsored the establishment of educational institutions, colleges and schools dedicated to Iqbal, and have established the Iqbal Academy Pakistan to research, teach and preserve his works, literature and philosophy. Allama Iqbal Stamps Society was established for the promotion of Iqbaliyat in philately and in other hobbies. His son Javid Iqbal has served as a justice on the Supreme Court of Pakistan. Javaid Manzil was Iqbal's last residence.[32]

text: Efforts and influences[edit]

text: Political[edit]

text: As Iqbal was interested in the national affairs since his youth and he had got considerable recognition after his return in 1908 from England by Punjabi elite, he was closely associated with Mian Muhammad Shafi. So when All-India Muslim League was expanded to provincial level and Mian Mohammad Shafi got major role to play in the structural organization of Provincial League, Iqbal was made one of the three first joint secretaries of Punjab Muslim League with Shaikh Abdul Aziz and Maulvi Mahbub Alam.[33] While dividing his time between law practice and poetry, Iqbal had remained active in the Muslim League. He did not support Indian involvement in World War I and remained in close touch with Muslim political leaders such as Mohammad Ali Jouhar and Muhammad Ali Jinnah. He was a critic of the mainstream Indian National Congress, which he regarded as dominated by Hindus, and was disappointed with the League when during the 1920s, it was absorbed in factional divides between the pro-British group led by Sir Muhammad Shafi and the centrist group led by Jinnah.[34][unreliable source?]

text: In November 1926, with the encouragement of friends and supporters, Iqbal contested the election for a seat in the Punjab Legislative Assembly from the Muslim district of Lahore, and defeated his opponent by a margin of 3,177 votes.[8] He supported the constitutional proposals presented by Jinnah with the aim of guaranteeing Muslim political rights and influence in a coalition with the Congress, and worked with the Aga Khan and other Muslim leaders to mend the factional divisions and achieve unity in the Muslim League.[34][unreliable source?] While in Lahore he was a friend of Abdul Sattar Ranjoor.[35]

text: Iqbal, Jinnah and concept of Pakistan[edit]

text: Ideologically separated from Congress Muslim leaders, Iqbal had also been disillusioned with the politicians of the Muslim League owing to the factional conflict that plagued the League in the 1920s. Discontent with factional leaders like Muhammad Shafi and Fazl-ur-Rahman, Iqbal came to believe that only Jinnah was a political leader capable of preserving unity and fulfilling the League's objectives of Muslim political empowerment. Building a strong, personal correspondence with Jinnah, Iqbal was an influential force in convincing Jinnah to end his self-imposed exile in London, return to India and take charge of the League. Iqbal firmly believed that Jinnah was the only leader capable of drawing Indian Muslims to the League and maintaining party unity before the British and the Congress:

text: I know you are a busy man but I do hope you won't mind my writing to you often, as you are the only Muslim in India today to whom the community has right to look up for safe guidance through the storm which is coming to North-West India and, perhaps, to the whole of India.[36]

text: While Iqbal espoused the idea of Muslim-majority provinces in 1930, Jinnah would continue to hold talks with the Congress through the decade and only officially embraced the goal of Pakistan in 1940. Some historians postulate that Jinnah always remained hopeful for an agreement with the Congress and never fully desired the partition of India.[37] Iqbal's close correspondence with Jinnah is speculated by some historians as having been responsible for Jinnah's embrace of the idea of Pakistan. Iqbal elucidated to Jinnah his vision of a separate Muslim state in a letter sent on 21 June 1937:

text: A separate federation of Muslim Provinces, reformed on the lines I have suggested above, is the only course by which we can secure a peaceful India and save Muslims from the domination of Non-Muslims. Why should not the Muslims of North-West India and Bengal be considered as nations entitled to self-determination just as other nations in India and outside India are.[8]

text: Iqbal, serving as president of the Punjab Muslim League, criticised Jinnah's political actions, including a political agreement with Punjabi leader Sir Sikandar Hyat Khan, whom Iqbal saw as a representative of feudal classes and not committed to Islam as the core political philosophy. Nevertheless, Iqbal worked constantly to encourage Muslim leaders and masses to support Jinnah and the League. Speaking about the political future of Muslims in India, Iqbal said:

text: There is only one way out. Muslims should strengthen Jinnah's hands. They should join the Muslim League. Indian question, as is now being solved, can be countered by our united front against both the Hindus and the English. Without it, our demands are not going to be accepted. People say our demands smack of communalism. This is sheer propaganda. These demands relate to the defense of our national existence.... The united front can be formed under the leadership of the Muslim League. And the Muslim League can succeed only on account of Jinnah. Now none but Jinnah is capable of leading the Muslims.[36]

text: Revival of Islamic polity[edit]

text: Iqbal's six English lectures were published in Lahore in 1930, and then by the Oxford University Press in 1934 in a book titled The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam. The lectures had been delivered at Madras, Hyderabad and Aligarh.[8] These lectures dwell on the role of Islam as a religion as well as a political and legal philosophy in the modern age.[8] In these lectures Iqbal firmly rejects the political attitudes and conduct of Muslim politicians, whom he saw as morally misguided, attached to power and without any standing with the Muslim masses.

text: Iqbal expressed fears that not only would secularism weaken the spiritual foundations of Islam and Muslim society, but that India's Hindu-majority population would crowd out Muslim heritage, culture and political influence. In his travels to Egypt, Afghanistan, Iran and Turkey, he promoted ideas of greater Islamic political co-operation and unity, calling for the shedding of nationalist differences.[18] He also speculated on different political arrangements to guarantee Muslim political power; in a dialogue with Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, Iqbal expressed his desire to see Indian provinces as autonomous units under the direct control of the British government and with no central Indian government. He envisaged autonomous Muslim provinces in India. Under a single Indian union he feared for Muslims, who would suffer in many respects especially with regard to their existentially separate entity as Muslims.[8]

text: Iqbal was elected president of the Muslim League in 1930 at its session in Allahabad in the United Provinces, as well as for the session in Lahore in 1932. In his presidential address on 29 December 1930 he outlined a vision of an independent state for Muslim-majority provinces in northwestern India:[8]

text: I would like to see the Punjab, North-West Frontier Province, Sind and Baluchistan amalgamated into a single state. Self-government within the British Empire, or without the British Empire, the formation of a consolidated Northwest Indian Muslim state appears to me to be the final destiny of the Muslims, at least of Northwest India.[8]

text: In his speech, Iqbal emphasised that unlike Christianity, Islam came with "legal concepts" with "civic significance," with its "religious ideals" considered as inseparable from social order: "therefore, the construction of a policy on national lines, if it means a displacement of the Islamic principle of solidarity, is simply unthinkable to a Muslim."[38] Iqbal thus stressed not only the need for the political unity of Muslim communities but the undesirability of blending the Muslim population into a wider society not based on Islamic principles.

text: He thus became the first politician to articulate what would become known as the Two-nation theory—that Muslims are a distinct nation and thus deserve political independence from other regions and communities of India. Even as he rejected secularism and nationalism he would not elucidate or specify if his ideal Islamic state would construe a theocracy, and criticized the "intellectual attitudes" of Islamic scholars (Ulema) as having "reduced the Law of Islam practically to the state of immobility".[39]

text: The latter part of Iqbal's life was concentrated on political activity. He traveled across Europe and West Asia to garner political and financial support for the League, he reiterated the ideas of his 1932 address, and, during the Third round-Table Conference, he opposed the Congress and proposals for transfer of power without considerable autonomy or independence for Muslim provinces.

text: He would serve as president of the Punjab Muslim League, and would deliver speeches and publish articles in an attempt to rally Muslims across India as a single political entity. Iqbal consistently criticised feudal classes in Punjab as well as Muslim politicians averse to the League. Many unnoticed accounts of Iqbal's frustration toward Congress leadership were also pivotal in providing a vision for the two nation theory.

text: Patron of the Journal Tolu-e-Islam[edit]

text: Iqbal was the first patron of Tolu-e-Islam, a historical, political, religious and cultural journal of the Muslims of British India. In 1935, according to his instructions, Syed Nazeer Niazi initiated and edited the journal,[40] named after the famous poem of Iqbal, Tulu'i Islam. Niazi also dedicated the first edition of this journal to Iqbal. For a long time, Iqbal wanted a journal to propagate his ideas and the aims and objectives of the All India Muslim League. The journal played an important role in the Pakistan movement.[34]

text: Later, the journal was continued[41] by Ghulam Ahmed Pervez, who had already contributed many articles in its early editions.

text: Literary work[edit]

text: Persian[edit]

text: Iqbal's poetic works are written primarily in Persian rather than Urdu.[citation needed] Among his 12,000 verses of poetry, about 7,000 verses are in Persian.[citation needed] In 1915, he published his first collection of poetry, the Asrar-i-Khudi (Secrets of the Self) in Persian. The poems emphasise the spirit and self from a religious, spiritual perspective. Many critics have called this Iqbal's finest poetic work[42] In Asrar-e-Khudi, Iqbal explains his philosophy of "Khudi," or "Self."[8][18] Iqbal's use of the term "Khudi" is synonymous with the word "Rooh" mentioned in the Quran. "Rooh" is that divine spark which is present in every human being, and was present in Adam, for which God ordered all of the angels to prostrate in front of Adam. One has to make a great journey of transformation to realise that divine spirit.[8]

text: The same concept was used by Farid ud Din Attar in his "Mantaq-ul-Tair". He proves by various means that the whole universe obeys the will of the "Self." Iqbal condemns self-destruction. For him, the aim of life is self-realization and self-knowledge. He charts the stages through which the "Self" has to pass before finally arriving at its point of perfection, enabling the knower of the "Self" to become a vice-regent of God.[8]

text: In his Rumuz-i-Bekhudi (Hints of Selflessness), Iqbal seeks to prove the Islamic way of life is the best code of conduct for a nation's viability. A person must keep his individual characteristics intact, but once this is achieved he should sacrifice his personal ambitions for the needs of the nation. Man cannot realise the "Self" outside of society. Also in Persian and published in 1917, this group of poems has as its main themes the ideal community,[8] Islamic ethical and social principles, and the relationship between the individual and society. Although he is true throughout to Islam, Iqbal also recognises the positive analogous aspects of other religions. The Rumuz-i-Bekhudi complements the emphasis on the self in the Asrar-e-Khudi and the two collections are often put in the same volume under the title Asrar-i-Rumuz (Hinting Secrets). It is addressed to the world's Muslims.[8]

text: Iqbal's 1924 publication, the Payam-e-Mashriq (The Message of the East) is closely connected to the West-östlicher Diwan by the German poet Goethe. Goethe bemoans the West having become too materialistic in outlook, and expects the East will provide a message of hope to resuscitate spiritual values. Iqbal styles his work as a reminder to the West of the importance of morality, religion and civilisation by underlining the need for cultivating feeling, ardour and dynamism. He explains that an individual can never aspire to higher dimensions unless he learns of the nature of spirituality.[8] In his first visit to Afghanistan, he presented his book "Payam-e Mashreq" to King Amanullah Khan in which he admired the liberal movements of Afghanistan against the British Empire. In 1933, he was officially invited to Afghanistan to join the meetings regarding the establishment of Kabul University.[27]

text: The Zabur-e-Ajam (Persian Psalms), published in 1927, includes the poems Gulshan-e-Raz-e-Jadeed (Garden of New Secrets) and Bandagi Nama (Book of Slavery). In Gulshan-e-Raz-e-Jadeed, Iqbal first poses questions, then answers them with the help of ancient and modern insight, showing how it affects and concerns the world of action. Bandagi Nama denounces slavery by attempting to explain the spirit behind the fine arts of enslaved societies. Here as in other books, Iqbal insists on remembering the past, doing well in the present and preparing for the future, while emphasising love, enthusiasm and energy to fulfil the ideal life.[8]

text: Iqbal's 1932 work, the Javed Nama (Book of Javed) is named after and in a manner addressed to his son, who is featured in the poems. It follows the examples of the works of Ibn Arabi and Dante's The Divine Comedy, through mystical and exaggerated depictions across time. Iqbal depicts himself as Zinda Rud ("A stream full of life") guided by Rumi, "the master," through various heavens and spheres and has the honour of approaching divinity and coming in contact with divine illuminations. In a passage re-living a historical period, Iqbal condemns the Muslim who were instrumental in the defeat and death of Nawab Siraj-ud-Daula of Bengal and Tipu Sultan of Mysore respectively by betraying them for the benefit of the British colonists, and thus delivering their country to the shackles of slavery. At the end, by addressing his son Javid, he speaks to the young people at large, and provides guidance to the "new generation."[8]

text: His love of the Persian language is evident in his works and poetry. He says in one of his poems:[43]

text: گرچہ ہندی در عذوبت شکر است[44]

text: garchi Hindi dar uzūbat shakkar ast

text: طرز گفتار دري شيرين تر است

text: tarz-i guftar-i Dari shirin tar ast

text: Translation: Even though in sweetness Hindi* is sugar – (but) speech method in Dari (Persian dialect) is sweeter *

text: Urdu[edit]

text: Iqbal's Bang-e-Dara (The Call of the Marching Bell), his first collection of Urdu poetry, was published in 1924. It was written in three distinct phases of his life.[8] The poems he wrote up to 1905—the year he left for England—reflect patriotism and imagery of nature, including the Tarana-e-Hind (The song of India),[27] and Tarana-e-Milli (The song of the Community). The second set of poems date from 1905–1908, when Iqbal studied in Europe, and dwell upon the nature of European society, which he emphasised had lost spiritual and religious values. This inspired Iqbal to write poems on the historical and cultural heritage of Islam and the Muslim community, with a global perspective. Iqbal urges the entire Muslim community, addressed as the Ummah, to define personal, social and political existence by the values and teachings of Islam.[8]

text: Iqbal's works were in Persian for most of his career, but after 1930 his works were mainly in Urdu. His works in this period were often specifically directed at the Muslim masses of India, with an even stronger emphasis on Islam and Muslim spiritual and political reawakening. Published in 1935, the Bal-e-Jibril (Wings of Gabriel) is considered by many critics as his finest Urdu poetry, and was inspired by his visit to Spain, where he visited the monuments and legacy of the kingdom of the Moors. It consists of ghazals, poems, quatrains, epigrams and carries a strong sense of religious passion.[8]

text: The Pas Cheh Bayed Kard ai Aqwam-e-Sharq (What are we to do, O Nations of the East?) includes the poem Musafir (Traveler). Again, Iqbal depicts Rumi as a character and an exposition of the mysteries of Islamic laws and Sufi perceptions is given. Iqbal laments the dissension and disunity among the Indian Muslims as well as Muslim nations. Musafir is an account of one of Iqbal's journeys to Afghanistan, in which the Pashtun people are counselled to learn the "secret of Islam" and to "build up the self" within themselves.[8] Iqbal's final work was the Armughan-e-Hijaz (The Gift of Hijaz), published posthumously in 1938. The first part contains quatrains in Persian, and the second part contains some poems and epigrams in Urdu. The Persian quatrains convey the impression that the poet is travelling through the Hijaz in his imagination. Profundity of ideas and intensity of passion are the salient features of these short poems.[8]

text: Iqbal's vision of mystical experience is clear in one of his Urdu ghazals, which was written in London during his days of studying there. Some verses of that ghazal are:[8]

text: At last the silent tongue of Hijaz has

text:
announced to the ardent ear the tiding
That the covenant which had been given to the
desert-[dwellers] is going to be renewed
vigorously:
The lion who had emerged from the desert and
had toppled the Roman Empire is
As I am told by the angels, about to get up
again (from his slumbers.)
You the [dwellers] of the West, should know that
the world of God is not a shop (of yours).
Your imagined pure gold is about to lose it
standard value (as fixed by you).
Your civilization will commit suicide with its own daggers.
For a house built on a fragile bark of wood is not longlasting[8]

text: English[edit]

text: Iqbal also wrote two books on the topic of The Development of Metaphysics in Persia and The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam and many letters in the English language. In these, he revealed his thoughts regarding Persian ideology and Islamic Sufism – in particular, his beliefs that Islamic Sufism activates the searching soul to a superior perception of life. He also discussed philosophy, God and the meaning of prayer, human spirit and Muslim culture, as well as other political, social and religious problems.[8]

text: Iqbal was invited to Cambridge to participate in a conference in 1931, where he expressed his views, including that on Separation of church and state to participants which included the students of that university :[8]

text: I would like to offer a few pieces of advice to the youngmen who are at present studying at Cambridge. ... I advise you to guard against atheism and materialism. The biggest blunder made by Europe was the separation of Church and State. This deprived their culture of moral soul and diverted it to the atheistic materialism. I had twenty-five years ago seen through the drawbacks of this civilization and therefore, had made some prophecies. They had been delivered by my tongue although I did not quite understand them. This happened in 1907. ... After six or seven years, my prophecies came true, word by word. The European war of 1914 was an outcome of the aforesaid mistakes made by the European nations in the separation of the Church and the State.[8]

text: Iqbal known in subcontinent[edit]

text: As Poet of the East[edit]

text: Iqbal has been recognised and quoted as "Poet of the East" by academics and institutions and media.[13][45][46][47][48][49][50]

text: The Vice-Chancellor, Quaid-e-Azam University, Dr Masoom Yasinzai described in a seminar as chief guest addressing to a distinguished gathering of educationists and intellectuals, that Iqbal is not a poet of the East only, actually he is a universal poet. Moreover, Iqbal is not restricted to any specific segment of the world community but he is for the entire humanity.[51]

text: Yet it should also be born in mind that whilst dedicating his Eastern Divan to Goethe, the cultural icon par excellence, Iqbal's Payam-i-Mashriq constituted both a reply as well as a corrective to the Western Divan of Goethe. For by stylising himself as the representative of the East, Iqbal's endeavour was to talk on equal terms to Goethe as the representative of West."[52]

text: Iqbal's revolutionary works through his poetry awakened the Muslims of the subcontinent. Iqbal was confident that the Muslims had long been suppressed by the colonial enlargement and growth of the West. In this concept Iqbal is recognised as the "Poet of the East".[46][53][54]

text: So to conclude, let me cite Annemarie Schimmel in Gabriel's Wing who lauds Iqbal's 'unique way of weaving a grand tapestry of thought from eastern and western yarns' (p. xv), a creative activity which, to cite my own volume Revisioning Iqbal, endows Muhammad Iqbal with the stature of a "universalist poet" and thinker whose principal aim was to explore mitigating alternative discourses with a view to constructing a bridge between the 'East' and the 'West'.[52]

text: Urdu world is very familiar Iqbal as the "Poet of the East".[54] Iqbal is also called Muffakir-e-Pakistan, "The Thinker of Pakistan") and Hakeem-ul-Ummat "The Sage of the Ummah"). The Pakistan government officially named him a "national poet".[7]

text: Iqbal in Iran[edit]

text: In Iran, he is famous as Iqbāl-e Lāhorī. (Iqbal of Lahore) Iqbal's "Asrare-i-Khudi" and "Bal-i-Jibreel" are known in Iran, while many scholars in Iran have recognised the importance of Iqbal's poetry in inspiring and sustaining the Iranian Revolution of 1979.[55][5] During the early phases of the revolutionary movement, it was a common thing to see people gathering in a park or corner to listen to someone reciting Iqbal's blood-warming Persian poetry, that is why people of all ages in Iran today are familiar with at least some of his poetry, notably "Az-zabur-e-Ajam".[56][5]

text: After the death of Iqbal in 1938, by the early 1950s, Iqbal became known among the intelligentsia of the academic circles of Iran. Iran poet laureate Muhammad Taqi Bahar universalize Iqbal in Iran. He highly praised the work of Iqbal in Persian.

text: In 1952, the Iranian Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadeq, the national hero because of his oil nationalisation policy broadcast a special radio message on Iqbal Day and praised his role in the struggle of the Indian Muslims against British imperialism. At the end of the 1950s, Iranians published the complete works of Persian. In the 1960s, Iqbal thesis on Persian philosophy was translated from English to Persian. Ali Shariati, a Sorbonne-educated sociologist, supported Iqbal as his role model as Iqbal had Rumi. It is the best example of admiration and appreciation of Iran that they gave him the place of honour in the pantheon of the Persian elegy writers.

text: In 1970, Iran realised Iqbal. Iqbal verses appeared on the banners and poetry recited at meetings of the intellectuals. Iqbal inspired many intellectuals, including famous names, Ali Shariati, Mehdi Bazargan, Sayyed Ali Khamenei and Dr Abdulkarim Soroush.[5]

text: Key Iranian thinkers and leaders who were influenced by Iqbal's poetry during the rise of the Iranian revolution include Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Ali Shariati, and Abdolkarim Soroush; although much of the revolutionary guard was intimately familiar with numerous verses of Iqbal's body of poetry.[57] In fact, at the inauguration of the First Iqbal Summit in Tehran (1986), The Supreme Leader of the Iranian Revolution, Ayatollah Khamenei stated that in its 'conviction that the Quran and Islam are to be made the basis of all revolutions and movements', Iran was 'exactly following the path that was shown to us by Iqbal'.[57] Ali Shariati, who has been described as a core ideologue for the Iranian Revolution, described Iqbal as a figure who brought a message of "rejuvenation", "awakening" and "power" to the Muslim World.[58]

text: International influence[edit]

text: Iqbal and the West[edit]

text: Iqbal's views on the Western world were applauded by men including United States Supreme Court Associate Justice William O. Douglas, who said that Iqbal's beliefs had "universal appeal".[60] In his Soviet biography N. P. Anikoy wrote:

text: [Iqbal is] great for his passionate condemnation of weak will and passiveness, his angry protest against inequality, discrimination and oppression in all forms i.e., economic, social, political, national, racial, religious, etc., his preaching of optimism, an active attitude towards life and man's high purpose in the world, in a word, he is great for his assertion of the noble ideals and principles of humanism, democracy, peace and friendship among peoples.[60]

text: Others, including Wilfred Cantwell Smith, stated that with Iqbal's anti-capitalist holdings he was 'anti-intellect', because "capitalism fosters intellect".[60] Professor Freeland Abbot objected to Iqbal's views saying that Iqbal's view of the West was based on the role of imperialism and Iqbal was not immersed enough in Western culture to learn about the various benefits of the modern democracies, economic practices and science.[60] Critics of Abbot's viewpoint note that Iqbal was raised and educated in the European way of life, and spent enough time there to grasp the general concepts of Western civilisation.[60]

text: Bibliography[edit]

text: Prose book

text: Ilm ul Iqtisad (1903)[8]

text: Poetic books in Persian

text:
Asrar-i-Khudi (1915)[8]
Rumuz-i-Bekhudi (1917)[8]
Payam-i-Mashriq (1923)[8]
Zabur-i-Ajam (1927)[8]
Javid Nama (1932)[8]
Pas Cheh Bayed Kard ai Aqwam-e-Sharq (1936)[8]
Armughan-e-Hijaz (1938)[7][8][34] (in Persian and Urdu)

text: Poetic books in Urdu

text:
Bang-i-Dara (1924)[8]
Bal-i-Jibril (1935)[8]
Zarb-i Kalim (1936)[8]

text: Books in English

text:
The Development of Metaphysics in Persia (1908)[7][8]
The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam (1930)[7][8]

text: Gallery[edit]

text:
Father of Allama Iqbal(Shaikh Noor Muhammad)

Iqbal in London in 1931

At a party during the 2nd Round Table Conference in London in 1931

A view of the conference in West Jerusalem. Iqbal is seen sitting on the extreme right in the first row(1931)

Allama Iqbal reception given by the National League, London in 1932

Allama Muhammad Iqbal in 1933

Iqbal in a reception given by citizens of Lahore in 1933

Iqbal in 1934

Allama in Afghanistan with Sulmain Nadavi and Sir Ross Masood


document_title: National Football League Cheerleading

question_text: what teams in the nfl don't have cheerleaders

question_tokens: what teams in the nfl do n 't have cheerleaders

root

text: National Football League Cheerleading

text: Cheerleader competitions[edit]

text: The first "Battle of the NFL Cheerleaders" was held in 1979 in Hollywood, Florida. Two cheerleaders from each cheerleading team compete against other mini-teams in various athletic events. The events include kayaking, 100 yard dash, obstacle courses, and other events. The Minnesota Vikings Cheerleaders took home the title in 1979. In 1980, it was held in Atlantic City, New Jersey and the Washington Redskinettes were the champions. The winners were Shiona Baum and Jeannie Fritz, and each received a car as the grand prize. The competition was resurrected in 2006 by the NFL Network, and was called NFL Cheerleader Playoffs. The playoffs were taped between July 17 and July 21, 2006 at Six Flags New England in Agawam, Massachusetts. Two-person teams of cheerleaders from 25 of the NFL's 32 teams participated in a four-event series of competitions. The first two events tested the cheerleaders' athletic abilities in events like the 100-yard dash, kayaking, tandem cycling, and the obstacle course. The third event was a trivia challenge called "Know Your NFL." The final competition was a one-minute dance routine, similar to what they normally perform on NFL sidelines. The San Diego Chargers team (Casie and Shantel) defeated the Atlanta Falcons and St. Louis Rams squads to win the overall championship. The 3 teams finished in a three-way tie, with 210 points. The Chargers were declared the winners based on winning the dance competition.

tag: p

text: Teams[edit]

text: Listed by name, with corresponding NFL football team.

text:
Current or Last Name
Year Established and Former Names
NFL Team

Arizona Cardinals Cheerleaders
1964–1987 St. Louis Cardinals Cheerleaders
1988–1993 Phoenix Cardinals Cheerleaders
1994–present Arizona Cardinals Cheerleaders
Arizona Cardinals

Atlanta Falcons Cheerleaders
1969–1976 The Falconettes
1976–present Atlanta Falcons Cheerleaders
Atlanta Falcons

Baltimore Ravens Cheerleaders
1998–present
Baltimore Ravens

Buffalo Jills
1960–1965 Buffalo Bills Cheerleaders
1966–2013 Buffalo Jills
Buffalo Bills

Carolina Topcats
1995–present
Carolina Panthers

Chicago Honey Bears
1976–1985[1]
Chicago Bears

Cincinnati Ben–Gals
1976–present[2]
Cincinnati Bengals

Dallas Cowboys Cheerleaders
1962–1971 CowBelles & Beaux
1972–present Dallas Cowboys Cheerleaders[3]
Dallas Cowboys

Denver Broncos Cheerleaders
1971–1976 Bronco Belles
1977–1980 Pony Express
1993–present Denver Broncos Cheerleaders
Denver Broncos

Detroit Lions Cheerleaders
1963-1972[4]
2016–present Detroit Lions Cheerleaders[5]
Detroit Lions

Green Bay Packers Cheerleaders
1957–1961 Packerettes
1961–1972 Golden Girls
1973–1977 Packerettes[6][7]
1977–1986 Sideliners[8]
1987–2006 University of Wisconsin–Green Bay cheerleaders
2007–present UWGB and St. Norbert College cheerleaders
Green Bay Packers

Houston Texans Cheerleaders
2002–present
Houston Texans

Indianapolis Colts Cheerleaders
1954–1983 Baltimore Colts Cheerleaders
1984–present Indianapolis Colts Cheerleaders
Indianapolis Colts

Jacksonville ROAR
1995–present
Jacksonville Jaguars

Kansas City Chiefs Cheerleaders
1964 Chiefs Cheerleaders
1971-85 Chiefettes
1986–present Chiefs Cheerleaders[9]
Kansas City Chiefs

Los Angeles Charger Girls
1960s–70s Chargettes
1990–2016 San Diego Charger Girls
2017–present Los Angeles Charger Girls[10]
Los Angeles Chargers

Los Angeles Rams Cheerleaders
1974–1994 Embraceable Ewes
1995–2015 St. Louis Rams Cheerleaders
2016–present Los Angeles Rams Cheerleaders
Los Angeles Rams

Miami Dolphins Cheerleaders[11]
1966–1977 Dolphin Dolls
1978–1983 Dolphins Starbrites
1984–present Miami Dolphins Cheerleaders
Miami Dolphins

Minnesota Vikings Cheerleaders
1961–1963 Vi-Queens
1964–1983 The Parkettes (St. Louis Park High School)
1984–present Minnesota Vikings Cheerleaders
Minnesota Vikings

New England Patriots Cheerleaders
1977–present
New England Patriots

New Orleans Saintsations
1967 Louisiannes/Saints Dancers
1968 Mademoiselles
1971 Mam’selles
1975–78 Bonnies Amies
1978 Angels
1987–present Saintsations
New Orleans Saints

New York Jets Flight Crew
2006 Jets Flag Crew
2007–present Jets Flight Crew
New York Jets

Oakland Raiderettes
1961–present[12]
Oakland Raiders

Philadelphia Eagles Cheerleaders
1948–1970s Eaglettes
1970s Liberty Belles
1980s–present The Eagles Cheerleaders
Philadelphia Eagles

Pittsburgh Steelerettes
1960–1969[13]
Pittsburgh Steelers

San Francisco Gold Rush
1979–present[14]
San Francisco 49ers

Seattle Sea Gals
1976–present[15]
Seattle Seahawks

Tampa Bay Buccaneers Cheerleaders
1976–1998 SwashBucklers
1999–present Tampa Bay Buccaneers Cheerleaders[16]
Tampa Bay Buccaneers

Tennessee Titans Cheerleaders
1975–1997 The Derrick Dolls
1998–present Tennessee Titans Cheerleaders
Tennessee Titans

Washington Redskins Cheerleaders
1962 Redskinettes
1963–present Washington Redskins Cheerleaders[17][18]
Washington Redskins

tag: table

text: Teams without cheerleaders[edit]

text: As of 2016, six teams do not have cheerleading squads: Buffalo Bills, Chicago Bears, Cleveland Browns, Green Bay Packers, New York Giants, and the Pittsburgh Steelers. The Packers do, however, use a collegiate squad to cheer at home games.[19] Super Bowl XLV between the Steelers and the Packers in February 2011 was the first time a Super Bowl featured no cheerleaders. The Browns and the Giants are the only NFL teams that have never had cheerleaders, while the other aforementioned teams have had cheer squads in the past.

text: The Buffalo Bills endorsed the officially independent Buffalo Jills from 1966 to 2013; when several cheerleaders sued both the Jills and the Bills organizations, the Jills suspended operations.[20]

text: Teams of "unofficial" cheerleaders began emerging in 2010 for NFL teams that don't have their own dance squad. These unofficial cheerleaders aren't sanctioned by the NFL or any franchise in the NFL and therefore are not allowed to perform at games, represent the football team at any outside functions, or use any of the team's branding or trademarked colors on their uniforms. The teams are sponsored by local businesses, and the cheerleaders perform prior to the game, at tailgate parties, and other local events. Some also attend the local NFL games in uniform, and sit together in their block of season ticket seats. Their audition process, costuming, and choreography are very similar to official NFL cheer teams. Some also produce an annual swimsuit calendar, just like the legitimate cheerleaders. All of the independent teams hope at some point to be embraced by the NFL as "official" cheerleaders of their local teams.

text:
The Detroit Pride Cheerleaders were the first independent professional team, put together in August 2010 to support the Lions.[21] However, as the squad was not officially recognized by the Lions, it could not use the Lions' logos nor colors.[22] In 2016, the Lions started an official cheerleading squad.
The Gotham City Cheerleaders were organized in August 2011 to support all New York sports, but are most closely associated with the Giants. The team has also been known as the New York Unofficials, the Unofficial Dancers of the New York Giants, and the Gotham’s Team Blue Army Dancers.[23]
The Cleveland Spirit Cheerleaders were created in September 2012 to support the Browns as a test team to attract fan interest.[22] This cheer team was created by the same people responsible for the Detroit Pride.[24]

tag: ul

text: Pro Bowl[edit]

text: A top honor for an NFL Cheerleader is to be selected as a Pro Bowl Cheerleader. The group is composed of an all-star cheerleader (one from each NFL cheer team) that represents her NFL team at the Pro Bowl in Hawaii. The Pro Bowl Cheerleaders were founded in 1992 and directed by Jay Howarth and Angela King-Twitero. Each year, one squad member from every NFL team is chosen to participate in the collective Pro Bowl cheerleading squad.[25]


document_title: End of Roman rule in Britain

question_text: when the romans left britain who took over the land

text: End of Roman rule in Britain

text: Background[edit]

text: By the early 5th century, the Roman Empire could no longer defend itself against either internal rebellion or the external threat posed by expanding Germanic tribes in Northern Europe. This situation and its consequences governed the eventual permanence of Britain's detachment from the rest of the Empire.

text: In the late 4th century, the empire was controlled by members of a dynasty that included the Emperor Theodosius I. This family retained political power within itself and formed alliances by intermarriage with other dynasties, at the same time engaging in internecine power struggles and fighting off outside contenders (called "usurpers") attempting to replace the ruling dynasty with one of their own. These internal machinations drained the Empire of both military and civilian resources. Many thousands of soldiers were lost in battling attempted coups by figures such as Firmus, Magnus Maximus and Eugenius.

text: The Empire's historical relationship with Germanic tribes was sometimes hostile, at other times cooperative, but ultimately fatal, as it was unable to prevent those tribes from assuming a dominant role in the relationship. By the early 5th century, as a result of severe losses and depleted tax income, the Western Roman Empire's military forces were dominated by Germanic troops, and Romanised Germans played a significant role in the empire's internal politics. Various Germanic and other tribes beyond the frontiers were able to take advantage of the Empire's weakened state, both to expand into Roman territory and, in some cases, to move their entire populations into lands once considered exclusively Roman, culminating in various successful migrations from 406 onwards. The crossing of the Rhine caused intense fear in Britannia, prone as it was to being cut off from the Empire by raids on the primary communications route from Italy, to Trier to the Channel Coast. In the event, this was much more than just another raid.

text: Chronology[edit]

text: In 383, the Roman general then assigned to Britain, Magnus Maximus, launched his successful bid for imperial power,[1] crossing to Gaul with his troops. He killed the Western Roman Emperor Gratian and ruled Gaul and Britain as Caesar (i.e., as a "sub-emperor" under Theodosius I). 383 is the last date for any evidence of a Roman presence in the north and west of Britain,[2] perhaps excepting troop assignments at the tower on Holyhead Mountain in Anglesey and at western coastal posts such as Lancaster. These outposts may have lasted into the 390s, but they were a very minor presence,[3] intended primarily to stop attacks and settlement by groups from Ireland.

text: Coins dated later than 383 have been excavated along Hadrian's Wall, suggesting that troops were not stripped from it, as once thought[4] or, if they were, they were quickly returned as soon as Maximus had won his victory in Gaul. In the De Excidio et Conquestu Britanniae, written c. 540, Gildas attributed an exodus of troops and senior administrators from Britain to Maximus, saying that he left not only with all of its troops, but also with all of its armed bands, governors, and the flower of its youth, never to return.[5]

text: Raids by Saxons, Picts, and the Scoti of Ireland had been ongoing in the late 4th century, but these increased in the years after 383. There were also large-scale permanent Irish settlements made along the coasts of Wales under circumstances that remain unclear.[6][7][8][9] Maximus campaigned in Britain against both the Picts and Scoti,[10][11] with historians differing on whether this was in the year 382 or 384 (i.e., whether the campaign was before or after he became Caesar). Welsh legend relates that before launching his usurpation, Maximus made preparations for an altered governmental and defence framework for the beleaguered provinces. Figures such as Coel Hen were said to be placed into key positions to protect the island in Maximus' absence. As such claims were designed to buttress Welsh genealogy and land claims, they should be viewed with some scepticism.

text: In 388, Maximus led his army across the Alps into Italy in an attempt to claim the purple. The effort failed when he was defeated in Pannonia at the Battle of the Save (in modern Croatia) and at the Battle of Poetovio (at Ptuj in modern Slovenia). He was then executed by Theodosius.[12]

text: With Maximus' death, Britain came back under the rule of Emperor Theodosius I until 392, when the usurper Eugenius would successfully bid for imperial power in the Western Roman Empire, surviving until 394 when he was defeated and killed by Theodosius. When Theodosius died in 395, his 10-year-old son Honorius succeeded him as Western Roman Emperor. The real power behind the throne, however, was Stilicho, the son-in-law of Theodosius' brother and the father-in-law of Honorius.

text: Britain was suffering raids by the Scoti, Saxons, and Picts and, sometime between 396 and 398, Stilicho allegedly ordered a campaign against the Picts,[13] likely a naval campaign intended to end their seaborne raids on the east coast of Britain.[14] He may also have ordered campaigns against the Scoti and Saxons at the same time,[15] but either way this would be the last Roman campaign in Britain of which there is any record.[16]

text: In 401 or 402 Stilicho faced wars with the Visigothic king Alaric and the Ostrogothic king Radagaisus. Needing military manpower, he stripped Hadrian's Wall of troops for the final time.[15][17][18] 402 is the last date of any Roman coinage found in large numbers in Britain, suggesting either that Stilicho also stripped the remaining troops from Britain, or that the Empire could no longer afford to pay the troops who were still there.[19] Meanwhile, the Picts, Saxons and Scoti continued their raids, which may have increased in scope. In 405, for example, Niall of the Nine Hostages is described as having raided along the southern coast of Britain.[20]

text: On the last day of December 406 (or, perhaps, 405[21]), the Alans, Vandals, and Suebi living east of Gaul crossed the Rhine, possibly when it was frozen over, and began widespread devastation.[20][22]

text: As there was no effective Roman response, the remaining Roman military in Britain feared that a Germanic crossing of the Channel into Britain was next, and dispensed with imperial authority – an action perhaps made easier by the high probability that the troops had not been paid for some time.[3] Their intent was to choose a commander who would lead them in securing their future but their first two choices, Marcus and Gratian, did not meet their expectations and were killed. Their third choice was the soldier Constantine III.[23]

text: In 407 Constantine took charge of the remaining troops in Britain, led them across the Channel into Gaul, rallied support there, and attempted to set himself up as Western Roman Emperor.[20] Honorius' loyalist forces south of the Alps were preoccupied with fending off the Visigoths and were unable to put down the rebellion swiftly, giving Constantine the opportunity to extend his new empire to include Spain.[24][25]

text: In 409 Constantine's control of his empire fell apart. Part of his military forces were in Spain, making them unavailable for action in Gaul, and some of those in Gaul were swayed against him by loyalist Roman generals. The Germans living west of the Rhine River rose against him, perhaps encouraged by Roman loyalists,[26][27] and those living east of the river crossed into Gaul.[28] Britain, now without any troops for protection and having suffered particularly severe Saxon raids in 408 and 409, viewed the situation in Gaul with renewed alarm. Perhaps feeling they had no hope of relief under Constantine, both the Romano-Britons and some of the Gauls expelled Constantine's magistrates in 409 or 410.[29][30][31] The Byzantine historian Zosimus (fl. 490's – 510's) directly blamed Constantine for the expulsion, saying that he had allowed the Saxons to raid, and that the Britons and Gauls were reduced to such straits that they revolted from the Roman Empire, 'rejected Roman law, reverted to their native customs, and armed themselves to ensure their own safety'.[32]

text: It has been suggested[by whom?] that when Zosimus records that the natives expelled the Roman civilian administration in 409 he might have been referring to the Bacaudic rebellion of the Breton inhabitants of Armorica since he describes how, in the aftermath of the revolt, all of Armorica and the rest of Gaul followed the example of the Brettaniai. A later appeal for help by the British communities was, according to Zosimus, rejected by the Emperor Honorius in 410 AD. In the text called the Rescript of Honorius of 411, the Western Emperor Honorius tells the British civitates to look to their own defence as his regime was still fighting usurpers in the south of Gaul and trying to deal with the Visigoths who were in the very south of Italy. The first reference to this rescript is written by the sixth-century Byzantine scholar Zosimus and is located randomly in the middle of a discussion of southern Italy; no further mention of Britain is made, which has led some, though not all, modern academics to suggest that the rescript does not apply to Britain, but to Bruttium in Italy.[33][34][35]

text: Historian Christopher Snyder wrote that protocol dictated that Honorius address his correspondences to imperial officials, and the fact that he did not implies that the cities of Britain were now the highest Roman authority remaining on the island.[36] The idea that there may have been larger-scale political formations still intact on the island has not been completely discredited however.

text: At the time that the Rescript was sent, Honorius was holed up in Ravenna by the Visigoths and was unable to prevent their Sack of Rome (410).[36] He was certainly in no position to offer any relief to anyone. As for Constantine III, he was not equal to the intrigues of imperial Rome and by 411 his cause was spent. His son was killed along with those major supporters who had not turned against him, and he himself was assassinated.[37]

text: Interpretative variations[edit]

text: There are various interpretations that characterise the events in a way that supports a particular thesis without taking issue with the basic chronology.

text:
The historian Theodor Mommsen (Britain, 1885) said that "It was not Britain that gave up Rome, but Rome that gave up Britain ...", arguing that Roman needs and priorities lay elsewhere.
[38] His position has retained scholarly support over the passage of time.

text: Michael Jones (The End of Roman Britain, 1998) took the opposite view, saying that it was Britain that left Rome, arguing that numerous usurpers based in Britain combined with poor administration caused the Romano-Britons to revolt.

text: Factual disputes[edit]

text: Regarding the events of 409 and 410 when the Romano-Britons expelled Roman officials and sent a request for aid to Honorius, Michael Jones (The End of Roman Britain, 1998) offered a different chronology to the same end result: he suggested that the Britons first appealed to Rome and when no help was forthcoming, they expelled the Roman officials and took charge of their own affairs.[39]

text: One theory that occurs in some modern histories concerns the Rescript of Honorius, holding that it refers to the cities of the Bruttii (who lived at the "toe" of Italy in modern Calabria), rather than to the cities of the Britons.[40][41][42] The suggestion is based on the assumption that the source (Zosimus) or a copyist made an error and actually meant Brettia when Brettania was written, and noting that the passage that contains the Rescript is otherwise concerned with events in northern Italy.

text: Criticisms of the suggestion range from treating the passage in the way it was written by Zosimus and ignoring the suggestion,[43] to simply noting its speculative nature,[44] to a discussion of problems with the suggestion (e.g., 'why would Honorius write to the cities of the Bruttii rather than to his own provincial governor for that region?', and 'why does far-off southern Italy belong in a passage about northern Italy any more than far-off Britain?').[45][46] The theory also contradicts the account of Gildas, who provides independent support that the reference is to Britain by repeating the essence of Zosimus' account and clearly applying it to Britain.[47]

text: E. A. Thompson ("Britain, A.D. 406–410", in Britannia, 8 (1977), pp. 303–318) offered a more provocative theory to explain the expulsion of officials and appeal for Roman aid. He suggested that a revolt consisting of dissident peasants, not unlike the Bagaudae of Gaul, also existing in Britain, and when they revolted and expelled the Roman officials, the landowning class then made an appeal for Roman aid.[48] There is no textual proof that that was so, though it might be plausible if the definition of 'bagaudae' is changed to fit the circumstances. There is no need to do this, as any number of rational scenarios already fit the circumstances.[49] There is the possibility that some form of bagaudae existed in Britain, but were not necessarily relevant to the events of 409 and 410. The alleged ubiquity of Pelagianism amongst the British population may have contributed to such a movement if it had existed, not to mention large-scale purges amongst the British elite over previous decades. Among the works that mention but skirt the issue is Koch's Celtic Culture (2005), which cites Thompson's translation of Zosimus and goes on to say "The revolt in Britain may have involved bacaudae or peasant rebels as was the case in Armorica, but this is not certain."[50]

text: Notes[edit]

text:
Jump up ^ Snyder 1998:13, An Age of Tyrants. Snyder cites Zosimus 4.35.2-6 and 37.1-3, and Orosius (7.34.9-10), with the latter saying that Maximus was an unwilling usurper.

Jump up ^ Frere 1987:354, Britannia, The End of Roman Britain. Specifically, Frere refers to Wales, the western Pennines, and the fortress at Deva; he then goes on to suggest that the same was true north of Hadrian's Wall, referring to the lands of the Damnonii, Votadini, and the Novantae.

^ Jump up to: a b Higham 1992:75, Rome, Britain and the Anglo-Saxons, "Britain Without Rome".

Jump up ^ Frere 1987:354, Britannia, The End of Roman Britain. Frere notes that excavation of coins dated after 383 suggests that Maximus did not strip the Wall of troops.

Jump up ^ Giles 1841:13, The Works of Gildas, The History, ch. 14

Jump up ^ Laing 1975:93, Early Celtic Britain and Ireland, Wales and the Isle of Man.

Jump up ^ Miller, Mollie (1977), "Date-Guessing and Dyfed", Studia Celtica, 12, Cardiff: University of Wales, pp. 33–61

Jump up ^ Coplestone-Crow, Bruce (1981), "The Dual Nature of Irish Colonization of Dyfed in the Dark Ages", Studia Celtica, 16, Cardiff: University of Wales, pp. 1–24

Jump up ^ Meyer, Kuno (1896), "Early Relations Between Gael and Brython",  in Evans, E. Vincent, Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion, Session 1895–1896, I, London: Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion, pp. 55–86

Jump up ^ Mattingly 2006:232, An Imperial Possession. The Gallic Chronicle of 452 is cited as giving the year 382/383.

Jump up ^ Frere 1987:354, In "Britannia, The End of Roman Britain," Frere suggests that Maximus would return to Britain in 384, after he became Augustus, to campaign against the Scoti and Picts.

Jump up ^ Snyder 1998:13, Age of Tyrants. Snyder cites Sozomen 7.13, and Orosius 7.35.3-4.

Jump up ^ Snyder 2003:62, The Britons. The date is given as 398. Stilicho himself was suppressing revolts in Africa at the time.

Jump up ^ Frere 1987:355, Britannia, "The End of Roman Britain".

^ Jump up to: a b Jones & Mattingly 1990:307, An Atlas of Roman Britain.

Jump up ^ Mattingly 2006:238, An Imperial Possession.

Jump up ^ Snyder 2003:62–63, The Britons. Stilicho had ordered measures for new fortifications in Britain prior to removing the troops.

Jump up ^ Snyder 1998:18, An Age of Tyrants. Snyder notes that the sometimes confused effort of Gildas to relate history may contain references to Stilicho's actions in Britain. In De Excidio, ch. 16-18, he talks of campaigns against the Scoti, Saxons and Picts, and then mistakenly says that that is when Hadrian's Wall was built, followed by the removal of troops.

Jump up ^ Snyder 1998:18, An Age of Tyrants.

^ Jump up to: a b c Frere 1987:357, Britannia.

Jump up ^ Michael Kulikowski, "Barbarians in Gaul, Usurpers in Britain" Britannia 31 (2000:325-345).

Jump up ^ Snyder 1998:18, Age of Tyrants.

Jump up ^ Snyder 1998:19, Age of Tyrants.

Jump up ^ Frere 1987:358, Britannia.

Jump up ^ Snyder 1998:19–20, Age of Tyrants.

Jump up ^ Snyder 2003:79, The Britons.

Jump up ^ Higham 1992:72, Rome, Britain and the Anglo-Saxons, "Britain Without Rome".

Jump up ^ Snyder 1998:20–21, Age of Tyrants.

Jump up ^ Frere 1987:358–359, Britannia.

Jump up ^ Snyder 1998:20, Age of Tyrants.

Jump up ^ Higham 1992:71–72, Rome, Britain and the Anglo-Saxons, "Britain Without Rome".

Jump up ^ Snyder 1998:22, An Age of Tyrants.

Jump up ^ Birley, Anthony Richard The Roman Government of Britain OUP Oxford (29 Sep 2005) ISBN 978-0199252374 pp.461-463 [1]

Jump up ^ Halsall, Guy Barbarian Migrations and the Roman West, 376-568 Cambridge University Press; illustrated edition (20 Dec 2007) ISBN 978-0521434911, pp. 217-18

Jump up ^ Discussion in Martin Millett, The Romanization of Britain, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990) and in Philip Bartholomew 'Fifth-Century Facts' Britannia vol. 13, 1982, p. 260

^ Jump up to: a b Snyder 1998:21, Age of Tyrants.

Jump up ^ Snyder 1998:21–22, Age of Tyrants.

Jump up ^ Mommsen, Theodor (1885), "Britain",  in Dickson, William P. (translator), The Provinces of the Roman Empire, I, New York: Charles Scribner's Sons (published 1887), p. 211

Jump up ^ Snyder 1998:25, Age of Tyrants.

Jump up ^ Birley, Anthony (2005) The Roman Government of Britain. Oxford: Oxford University Press ISBN 0-19-925237-8, pp. 461–463

Jump up ^ Halsall, Guy Barbarian migrations and the Roman West, 376-568 Cambridge University Press; illustrated edition (20 Dec 2007) ISBN 978-0-521-43491-1 pp.217-218

Jump up ^ Discussion in Martin Millett, The Romanization of Britain, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990) and in Philip Bartholomew 'Fifth-Century Facts' Britannia vol. 13, 1982 p. 260

Jump up ^ Frere 1987:359, Britannia, "The End of Roman Britain".

Jump up ^ Higham 1992:73, Rome, Britain and the Anglo-Saxons, "Britain Without Rome".

Jump up ^ Snyder 1998:24, Age of Tyrants.

Jump up ^ Woolf, Alex (2003), "The Britons: from Romans to Barbarians",  in Goetz, Hans Werner; Jarnut, Jörg; Pohl, Walter, Regna and Gentes, Brill, pp. 346–347, ISBN 90-04-12524-8 . Woolf cites the argument of E. A. Thompson but does not choose sides, saying that the issue is neither provable nor disprovable.

Jump up ^ Snyder 1998:18, Age of Tyrants. Gildas (De Excidio, 18.1) is quoted as saying "The Romans therefore informed our country that they could not go on being bothered with such troublesome expeditions. ... Rather, the British should stand alone, get used to arms, fight bravely, and defend with all their powers their land."

Jump up ^ Snyder 1998:22, Age of Tyrants.

Jump up ^ Snyder 1998:23–24, Age of Tyrants.

Jump up ^ Koch, John T., ed. (2005), "Civitas", Celtic Culture: A Historical Encyclopedia, ABL-CLIO (published 2006), pp. 450–451, ISBN 978-1-85109-440-0

tag: ol


document_title: Montgomery bus boycott

question_text: when did the supreme court ruled that bus segregation was unconstitutional

text: Montgomery bus boycott

text: Events leading up to the bus boycott[edit]

text: Prior to the bus boycott, Jim Crow laws enabled the racial segregation of the Montgomery Bus Line. As a result of this segregation African Americans were not hired as drivers, were forced to ride in the back of the bus, and were frequently ordered to surrender their seats to white people even though black passengers made up 75% of the bus system's riders.[2]

text: African-American passengers were also attacked by bus drivers and shortchanged and left stranded after paying their fares.[3] A number of reasons have been given for why bus drivers acted in this manner, including racism,[4] frustrations over labor disputes and labor conditions, and increased animosity towards blacks in reaction to the 1954 Brown decision, with many of the drivers joining the White Citizens Councils as a result of the decision.[5]

text: The boycott also took place within a larger statewide and national movement for civil rights, including court cases such as Morgan v. Virginia, the earlier Baton Rouge bus boycott, and the arrest of Claudette Colvin.

text: Morgan v. Virginia decision[edit]

text: The NAACP had accepted and litigated other cases, including that of Irene Morgan in 1946, which resulted in a victory in the U.S. Supreme Court on the grounds that segregated interstate bus lines violated the Commerce Clause.[6] That victory, however, overturned state segregation laws only insofar as they applied to travel in interstate commerce, such as interstate bus travel,[7] and Southern bus companies immediately circumvented the Morgan ruling by instituting their own Jim Crow regulations.[8] Further incidents continued to take place in Montgomery, including the arrest for disorderly conduct in May 1951 of Lillie Mae Bradford, who refused to leave the white folks' section until the bus driver corrected an incorrect charge on her transfer ticket.[9]

text: Baton Rouge bus boycott[edit]

text: On February 25, 1953, the Baton Rouge, Louisiana city-parish council passed Ordinance 222, after the city saw protesting from African-Americans when the council raised the city's bus fares.[10] The ordinance abolished race-based reserved seating requirements and allowed the admission of African-Americans in the front sections of city buses if there were no white passengers present, but still required African-Americans to enter from the rear, rather than the front of the buses.[11] However, the ordinance was largely unenforced by the city bus drivers. The drivers later went on strike after city authorities refused to arrest Rev. T.J. Jemison for sitting in a front row.[12] Four days after the strike began, Louisiana Attorney General and former Baton Rouge mayor Fred S. LeBlanc declared the ordinance unconstitutional under Louisiana state law.[11] This led Rev. Jemison to organize what historians believe to be the first bus boycott of the civil rights movement.[13] The boycott ended after eight days when an agreement was reached to only retain the first two front and back rows as racially reserved seating areas.[10]

text: Arrest of Claudette Colvin[edit]

text: Black activists had begun to build a case to challenge state bus segregation laws around the arrest of a 15-year-old girl, Claudette Colvin, a student at Booker T. Washington High School in Montgomery. On March 2, 1955, Colvin was handcuffed, arrested and forcibly removed from a public bus when she refused to give up her seat to a white man. At the time, Colvin was an active member in the NAACP Youth Council; Rosa Parks was an advisor.[14] Colvin's legal case formed the core of Browder v. Gayle, which ended the Montgomery bus boycott when the Supreme Court ruled on it in December 1956.

text: Keys v. Carolina Coach Co. decision[edit]

text: In November 1955, just three weeks before Parks' defiance of Jim Crow laws in Montgomery, the Interstate Commerce Commission, in response to a complaint filed by Women's Army Corps private Sarah Keys, closed the legal loophole left by the Morgan ruling in a landmark case known as Sarah Keys v. Carolina Coach Company.[15] The ICC prohibited individual carriers from imposing their own segregation rules on interstate travelers, declaring that to do so was a violation of the anti-discrimination provision of the Interstate Commerce Act. But neither the Supreme Court's Morgan ruling nor the ICC's Keys ruling addressed the matter of Jim Crow travel within the individual states.

text: History[edit]

text: Under the system of segregation used on Montgomery buses, the ten front seats were reserved for whites at all times. The ten back seats were supposed to be reserved for blacks at all times. The middle section of the bus consisted of sixteen unreserved seats for whites and blacks on a segregated basis.[16] Whites filled the middle seats from the front to back, and blacks filled seats from the back to front until the bus was full. If other black people boarded the bus, they were required to stand. If another white person boarded the bus, then everyone in the black row nearest the front had to get up and stand, so that a new row for white people could be created; it was illegal for whites and blacks to sit next to each other. When Rosa Parks refused to give up her seat for a white person, she was sitting in the first row of the middle section.

text: Often when boarding the buses, black people were required to pay at the front, get off, and reenter the bus through a separate door at the back.[17] Occasionally, bus drivers would drive away before black passengers were able to reboard.[18] National City Lines owned the Montgomery Bus Line at the time of the Montgomery bus boycott.[19]

text: Rosa Parks[edit]

text: Rosa Parks (February 4, 1913 – October 24, 2005) was a seamstress by profession; she was also the secretary for the Montgomery chapter of the NAACP. Twelve years before her history-making arrest, Parks was stopped from boarding a city bus by driver James F. Blake, who ordered her to board at the back door and then drove off without her. Parks vowed never again to ride a bus driven by Blake. As a member of the NAACP, Parks was an investigator assigned to cases of sexual assault. In 1945, she was sent to Abbeville, Alabama, to investigate the gang rape of Recy Taylor. The protest that arose around the Taylor case was the first instance of a nationwide civil rights protest, and it laid the groundwork for the Montgomery bus boycott.[20]

text: In 1955, Parks completed a course in "Race Relations" at the Highlander Folk School in Tennessee, where nonviolent civil disobedience had been discussed as a tactic. On December 1, 1955, Parks was sitting in the front row black people could sit in (the middle section). When a white man boarded the bus, the bus driver told everyone in her row to move back. At that moment, Parks realized that she was again on a bus driven by Blake. While all of the other black people in her row complied, Parks refused, and she was arrested[21] for failing to obey the driver's seat assignments, as city ordinances did not explicitly mandate segregation but did give the bus driver authority to assign seats. Found guilty on December 5,[22] Parks was fined $10 plus a court cost of $4[23], but she appealed.

text: E. D. Nixon[edit]

text: This section does not cite any sources. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (November 2012) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)

text: Some action against segregation had been in the works for some time before Parks' arrest, under the leadership of E. D. Nixon, president of the local NAACP chapter and a member of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters. Nixon intended that her arrest be a test case to allow Montgomery's black citizens to challenge segregation on the city's public buses. With this goal, community leaders had been waiting for the right person to be arrested, a person who would anger the black community into action, who would agree to test the segregation laws in court, and who, most importantly, was "above reproach". When Colvin was arrested in March 1955, Nixon thought he had found the perfect person, but the teenager turned out to be pregnant. Nixon later explained, "I had to be sure that I had somebody I could win with." Parks was a good candidate because of her employment and marital status, along with her good standing in the community.

text: Between Parks' arrest and trial, Nixon organized a meeting of local ministers at Martin Luther King Jr.'s church. Though Nixon could not attend the meeting because of his work schedule, he arranged that no election of a leader for the proposed boycott would take place until his return. When he returned, he caucused with Ralph Abernathy and Rev. E.N. French to name the association to lead the boycott to the city (they selected the "Montgomery Improvement Association", "MIA"), and they selected King (Nixon's choice) to lead the boycott. Nixon wanted King to lead the boycott because the young minister was new to Montgomery and the city fathers had not had time to intimidate him. At a subsequent, larger meeting of ministers, Nixon's agenda was threatened by the clergymen's reluctance to support the campaign. Nixon was indignant, pointing out that their poor congregations worked to put money into the collection plates so these ministers could live well, and when those congregations needed the clergy to stand up for them, those comfortable ministers refused to do so. Nixon threatened to reveal the ministers' cowardice to the black community, and King spoke up, denying he was afraid to support the boycott. King agreed to lead the MIA, and Nixon was elected its treasurer.

text: Boycott[edit]

text: On the night of Rosa Parks' arrest, the Women's Political Council, led by Jo Ann Robinson, printed and circulated a flyer[24] throughout Montgomery's black community that read as follows:

text: Another woman has been arrested and thrown in jail because she refused to get up out of her seat on the bus for a white person to sit down. It is the second time since the Claudette Colvin case that a Negro woman has been arrested for the same thing. This has to be stopped. Negroes have rights too, for if Negroes did not ride the buses, they could not operate. Three-fourths of the riders are Negro, yet we are arrested, or have to stand over empty seats. If we do not do something to stop these arrests, they will continue. The next time it may be you, or your daughter, or mother. This woman's case will come up on Monday. We are, therefore, asking every Negro to stay off the buses Monday in protest of the arrest and trial. Don't ride the buses to work, to town, to school, or anywhere on Monday. You can afford to stay out of school for one day if you have no other way to go except by bus. You can also afford to stay out of town for one day. If you work, take a cab, or walk. But please, children and grown-ups, don't ride the bus at all on Monday. Please stay off all buses Monday.[23]

text: The next morning there was a meeting led by the new MIA head, King, where a group of 16 to 18 people gathered at the Mt. Zion Church to discuss boycott strategies. At that time Rosa Parks was introduced but not asked to speak, despite a standing ovation and calls from the crowd for her to speak; when she asked if she should say something, the reply was, "Why, you've said enough."[25] A citywide boycott of public transit was proposed to demand a fixed dividing line for the segregated sections of the buses. Such a line would have meant that if the white section of the bus was oversubscribed, whites would have to stand; blacks would not be forced to give up their seats to whites.

text: This demand was a compromise for the leaders of the boycott, who believed that the city of Montgomery would be more likely to accept it rather than a demand for a full integration of the buses. In this respect, the MIA leaders followed the pattern of 1950s boycott campaigns in the Deep South, including the successful boycott a few years earlier of service stations in Mississippi for refusing to provide restrooms for blacks. The organizer of that campaign, T. R. M. Howard of the Regional Council of Negro Leadership, had spoken on the brutal slaying of Emmett Till as King's guest at the Dexter Avenue Baptist Church only four days before Parks's arrest. Parks was in the audience and later said that Emmett Till was on her mind when she refused to give up her seat.[26]

text: The MIA's demand for a fixed dividing line was to be supplemented by a requirement that all bus passengers receive courteous treatment by bus operators, be seated on a first-come, first-served basis, and that blacks be employed as bus drivers.[27] The proposal was passed, and the boycott was to commence the following Monday. To publicize the impending boycott it was advertised at black churches throughout Montgomery the following Sunday.

text: On Saturday, December 3, it was evident that the black community would support the boycott, and very few blacks rode the buses that day. On December 5, a mass meeting was held at the Holt Street Baptist Church to determine if the protest would continue.[28] Given twenty minutes notice, King gave a speech[29] asking for a bus boycott and attendees enthusiastically agreed. Starting December 7, Hoover's FBI noted the "agitation among negroes" and tried to find "derogatory information" about King.[30]

text: The boycott proved extremely effective, with enough riders lost to the city transit system to cause serious economic distress. Martin Luther King later wrote "[a] miracle had taken place." Instead of riding buses, boycotters organized a system of carpools, with car owners volunteering their vehicles or themselves driving people to various destinations. Some white housewives also drove their black domestic servants to work. When the city pressured local insurance companies to stop insuring cars used in the carpools, the boycott leaders arranged policies at Lloyd's of London.

text: Black taxi drivers charged ten cents per ride, a fare equal to the cost to ride the bus, in support of the boycott. When word of this reached city officials on December 8, the order went out to fine any cab driver who charged a rider less than 45 cents. In addition to using private motor vehicles, some people used non-motorized means to get around, such as cycling, walking, or even riding mules or driving horse-drawn buggies. Some people also hitchhiked. During rush hours, sidewalks were often crowded. As the buses received few, if any, passengers, their officials asked the City Commission to allow stopping service to black communities.[31] Across the nation, black churches raised money to support the boycott and collected new and slightly used shoes to replace the tattered footwear of Montgomery's black citizens, many of whom walked everywhere rather than ride the buses and submit to Jim Crow laws.[citation needed]

text: In response, opposing whites swelled the ranks of the White Citizens' Council, the membership of which doubled during the course of the boycott. The councils sometimes resorted to violence: King's and Abernathy's houses were firebombed, as were four black Baptist churches. Boycotters were often physically attacked. After the attack at King's house, he gave a speech to the 300 angry African Americans who had gathered outside. He said:

text: If you have weapons, take them home; if you do not have them, please do not seek to get them. We cannot solve this problem through retaliatory violence. We must meet violence with nonviolence. Remember the words of Jesus: "He who lives by the sword will perish by the sword". We must love our white brothers, no matter what they do to us. We must make them know that we love them. Jesus still cries out in words that echo across the centuries: "Love your enemies; bless them that curse you; pray for them that despitefully use you". This is what we must live by. We must meet hate with love. Remember, if I am stopped, this movement will not stop, because God is with the movement. Go home with this glowing faith and this radiant assurance.[32]

text: King and 89 other boycott leaders and carpool drivers were indicted[33] for conspiring to interfere with a business under a 1921 ordinance.[34] Rather than wait to be arrested, they boldly turned themselves in as an act of defiance.

text: King was ordered to pay a $500 fine or serve 386 days in jail. He ended up spending two weeks in jail. The move backfired by bringing national attention to the protest. King commented on the arrest by saying: "I was proud of my crime. It was the crime of joining my people in a nonviolent protest against injustice."[35]

text: Also important during the bus boycott were grass-roots activist groups that helped to catalyze both fund-raising and morale. Groups such as the Club from Nowhere helped to sustain the boycott by finding new ways of raising money and offering support to boycott participants.[36] Many members of these organizations were women and their contributions to the effort have been described by some as essential to the success of the bus boycott.[37][38]

text: Victory[edit]

text: Pressure increased across the country. The related civil suit was heard in federal district court and, on June 4, 1956, the court ruled in Browder v. Gayle (1956) that Alabama's racial segregation laws for buses were unconstitutional. As the state appealed the decision, the boycott continued. The case moved on to the United States Supreme Court. On November 13, 1956, the Supreme Court upheld the district court's ruling, ruling that segregation on public buses and transportation was against the law.

text: The boycott officially ended December 20, 1956, after 381 days. The city passed an ordinance authorizing black bus passengers to sit virtually anywhere they chose on buses. The Montgomery bus boycott resounded far beyond the desegregation of public buses. It stimulated activism and participation from the South in the national Civil Rights Movement and gave King national attention as a rising leader.[40][41]

text: Aftermath[edit]

text: White backlash against the court victory was quick, brutal, and, in the short-term, effective.[42][43] Two days after the inauguration of desegregated seating, someone fired a shotgun through the front door of Martin Luther King's home. A day later, on Christmas Eve, white men attacked a black teenager as she exited a bus. Four days after that, two buses were fired upon by snipers. In one sniper incident, a pregnant woman was shot in both legs. On January 10, 1957, bombs destroyed five black churches and the home of Reverend Robert S. Graetz, one of the few white Montgomerians who had publicly sided with the MIA.[44][45]

text: The City suspended bus service for several weeks on account of the violence. According to legal historian Randall Kennedy, "When the violence subsided and service was restored, many black Montgomerians enjoyed their newly recognized right only abstractly... In practically every other setting, Montgomery remained overwhelmingly segregated…"[45] On January 23, a group of Klansmen (who would later be charged for the bombings) lynched a black man, Willie Edwards, on the pretext that he was dating a white woman.[46]

text: The City's elite moved to strengthen segregation in other areas, and in March 1957 passed an ordinance making it "unlawful for white and colored persons to play together, or, in company with each other . . . in any game of cards, dice, dominoes, checkers, pool, billiards, softball, basketball, baseball, football, golf, track, and at swimming pools, beaches, lakes or ponds or any other game or games or athletic contests, either indoors or outdoors."[45]

text: Later in the year, Montgomery police charged seven Klansmen with the bombings, but all of the defendants were acquitted. About the same time, the Alabama Supreme Court ruled against Martin Luther King's appeal of his "illegal boycott" conviction.[47] Rosa Parks left Montgomery due to death threats and employment blacklisting.[48] According to Charles Silberman, "by 1963, most Negroes in Montgomery had returned to the old custom of riding in the back of the bus."[49]

text: Participants[edit]

text: People[edit]

text:
Ralph Abernathy
Hugo Black
James F. Blake
Aurelia Browder
Mary Fair Burks
Johnnie Carr
Claudette Colvin
Clifford Durr
Mildred Fahrni[50]
Georgia Gilmore
Robert Graetz
Fred Gray
Grover C. Hall, Jr.
Coretta Scott King
Martin Luther King Jr.
Theodora Lacey
Edgar Nixon
Rosa Parks
Mother Pollard
Jo Ann Robinson
Bayard Rustin
Nate Singleton
Glenn Smiley
Mary Louise Smith

text: Organizations[edit]

text:
Committee for Nonviolent Integration
Fellowship of Reconciliation
Georgia Gilmore
Men of Montgomery
Montgomery Improvement Association
National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
Women's Political Council


document_title: Kentucky Derby top four finishers

question_text: who came in third in the kentucky derby

question_tokens: who came in third in the kentucky derby

text: Kentucky Derby top four finishers

text: This is a listing of first-place, second-place, third-place and fourth-place finishers, and the number of starters in the Kentucky Derby, a Grade I American Thoroughbred race run at 1 1⁄4 miles on dirt for three-year-olds. It is the first leg of the American Triple Crown, run at Churchill Downs in Louisville, Kentucky.[1]

text:
Year
Winner
Second
Third
Fourth
Starters

2018
Justify
Good Magic
Audible
Instilled Regard
20

2017
Always Dreaming
Lookin At Lee
Battle of Midway
Classic Empire
20

2016
Nyquist
Exaggerator
Gun Runner
Mohaymen
20

2015
American Pharoah †
Firing Line
Dortmund
Frosted
18

2014
California Chrome
Commanding Curve
Danza
Wicked Strong
19

2013
Orb
Golden Soul
Revolutionary
Normandy Invasion
19

2012
I'll Have Another
Bodemeister
Dullahan
Went The Day Well
20

2011
Animal Kingdom
Nehro
Mucho Macho Man
Shackleford
19

2010
Super Saver
Ice Box
Paddy O'Prado
Make Music for Me
20

2009
Mine That Bird
Pioneerof the Nile
Musket Man
Papa Clem
19

2008
Big Brown
Eight Belles
Denis of Cork
Tale of Ekati
20

2007
Street Sense
Hard Spun
Curlin
Imawildandcrazyguy
20

2006
Barbaro
Bluegrass Cat
Steppenwolfer
Jazil
20

2005
Giacomo
Closing Argument
Afleet Alex
Don't Get Mad
20

2004
Smarty Jones
Lion Heart
Imperialism
Limehouse
18

2003
Funny Cide
Empire Maker
Peace Rules
Atswhatimtalkinbout
16

2002
War Emblem
Proud Citizen
Perfect Drift
Medaglia d'Oro
18

2001
Monarchos
Invisible Ink
Congaree
Thunder Blitz
17

2000
Fusaichi Pegasus
Aptitude
Impeachment
More Than Ready
19

1999
Charismatic
Menifee
Cat Thief
Prime Timber
19

1998
Real Quiet
Victory Gallop
Indian Charlie
Halory Hunter
15

1997
Silver Charm
Captain Bodgit
Free House
Pulpit
13

1996
Grindstone
Cavonnier
Prince of Thieves
Halo Sunshine
19

1995
Thunder Gulch
Tejano Run
Timber Country
Jumron
19

1994
Go for Gin
Strodes Creek
Blumin Affair
Brocco
14

1993
Sea Hero
Prairie Bayou
Wild Gale
Personal Hope
19

1992
Lil E. Tee
Casual Lies
Dance Floor
Conte Di Savoya
18

1991
Strike the Gold
Best Pal
Mane Minister
Green Alligator
16

1990
Unbridled
Summer Squall
Pleasant Tap
Video Ranger
15

1989
Sunday Silence
Easy Goer
Awe Inspiring
Dansil
15

1988
Winning Colors
Forty Niner
Risen Star
Proper Reality
17

1987
Alysheba
Bet Twice
Avies Copy
Cryptoclearance
17

1986
Ferdinand
Bold Arrangement
Broad Brush
Rampage
16

1985
Spend A Buck
Stephan's Odyssey
Chief's Crown
Fast Account
13

1984 *
Swale
Coax Me Chad
At The Threshold
Fali Time
20

1983
Sunny's Halo
Desert Wine
Caveat
Slew o' Gold
20

1982
Gato Del Sol
Laser Light
Reinvested
Water Bank
19

1981
Pleasant Colony
Woodchopper
Partez
Classic Go Go
21

1980
Genuine Risk
Rumbo
Jaklin Klugman
Super Moment
13

1979
Spectacular Bid
General Assembly
Golden Act
King Celebrity
10

1978
Affirmed †
Alydar
Believe It
Darby Creek Road
11

1977
Seattle Slew †
Run Dusty Run
Sanhedrin
Get the Axe
15

1976
Bold Forbes
Honest Pleasure
Elocutionist
Amano
9

1975
Foolish Pleasure
Avatar
Diabolo
Master Derby
15

1974
Cannonade
Hudson County
Agitate
J. R.'s Pet
23

1973
Secretariat †
Sham
Our Native
Forego
13

1972
Riva Ridge
No Le Hace
Hold Your Peace
Introductivo
16

1971
Canonero II
Jim French
Bold Reason
Eastern Fleet
20

1970
Dust Commander
My Dad George
High Echelon
Naskra
17

1969
Majestic Prince
Arts and Letters
Dike
Traffic Mark
8

1968 *
Forward Pass
Francie's Hat
T.V. Commercial
Kentucky Sherry
14

1967
Proud Clarion
Barbs Delight
Damascus
Reason to Hail
14

1966
Kauai King
Advocator
Blue Skyer
Stupendous
15

1965
Lucky Debonair
Dapper Dan
Tom Rolfe
Native Charger
11

1964
Northern Dancer
Hill Rise
The Scoundrel
Roman Brother
12

1963
Chateaugay
Never Bend
Candy Spots
On My Honor
9

1962
Decidedly
Roman Line
Ridan
Sir Ribot
15

1961
Carry Back
Crozier
Bass Clef
Dr. Miller
15

1960
Venetian Way
Bally Ache
Victoria Park
Tompion
13

1959
Tomy Lee
Sword Dancer
First Landing
Royal Orbit
17

1958
Tim Tam
Lincoln Road
Noureddin
Jewel's Reward
14

1957
Iron Liege
Gallant Man
Round Table
Bold Ruler
9

1956
Needles
Fabius
Come On Red
Count Chic
17

1955
Swaps
Nashua
Summer Tan
Racing Fool
10

1954
Determine
Hasty Road
Hasseyampa
Goyamo
17

1953
Dark Star
Native Dancer
Invigorator
Royal Bay Gem
11

1952
Hill Gail
Sub Fleet
Blue Man
Master Fiddle
16

1951
Count Turf
Royal Mustang
Ruhe
Phil D
20

1950
Middleground
Hill Prince
Mr. Trouble
Sunglow
14

1949
Ponder
Capot
Palestinian
Old Rockport
14

1948
Citation †
Coaltown
My Request
Billings
6

1947
Jet Pilot
Phalanx
Faultless
On Trust
13

1946
Assault †
Spy Song
Hampden
Lord Boswell
17

1945
Hoop Jr.
Pot o' Luck
Darby Dieppe
Air Sailor
16

1944
Pensive
Broadcloth
Stir Up
Shut Up
16

1943
Count Fleet †
Blue Swords
Slide Rule
Amber Light
10

1942
Shut Out
Alsab
Valdina Orphan
With Regards
15

1941
Whirlaway †
Staretor
Market Wise
Porter's Cap
11

1940
Gallahadion
Bimelech
Dit
Mioland
8

1939
Johnstown
Challedon
Heather Broom
Viscountyb
8

1938
Lawrin
Dauber
Can't Wait
Menow
10

1937
War Admiral †
Pompoon
Reaping Reward
Melodist
20

1936
Bold Venture
Brevity
Indian Broom
Coldstream
14

1935
Omaha †
Roman Soldier
Whiskolo
Nellie Flag
18

1934
Cavalcade
Discovery
Agrarian
Mata Hari
13

1933
Brokers Tip
Head Play
Charley O.
Ladysman
13

1932
Burgoo King
Economic
Stepenfetchit
Brandon Mint
20

1931
Twenty Grand
Sweep All
Mate
Spanish Play
12

1930
Gallant Fox †
Gallant Knight
Ned O.
Gone Away
15

1929
Clyde Van Dusen
Naishapur
Panchio
Blue Larkspur
21

1928
Reigh Count
Misstep
Toro
Jack Higgins
22

1927
Whiskery
Osmand
Jock
Hydromel
15

1926
Bubbling Over
Bagenbaggage
Rock Man
Rhinock
13

1925
Flying Ebony
Captain Hal
Son of John
Single Foot
20

1924
Black Gold
Chilhowee
Beau Butler
Altawood
19

1923
Zev
Martingale
Vigil
Nassau
21

1922
Morvich
Bet Mosie
John Finn
Deadlock
10

1921
Behave Yourself
Black Servant
Prudery
Tryster
12

1920
Paul Jones
Upset
On Watch
Damask
17

1919
Sir Barton †
Billy Kelly
Under Fire
Valcanite
12

1918
Exterminator
Escoba
Viva America
War Cloud
8

1917
Omar Khayyam
Ticket
Midway
Rickety
15

1916
George Smith
Star Hawk
Franklin
Dodge
9

1915
Regret
Pebbles I
Sharpshooter
Royal II
16

1914
Old Rosebud
Hodge
Bronzewing
John Gund
7

1913
Donerail
Ten Point
Gowell
Foundation
8

1912
Worth
Duval
Flamma
Free Lance
7

1911
Meridian
Governor Gray
Colston
Mud Sill
7

1910
Donau
Joe Morris
Fighting Bob
Boola Boola
7

1909
Wintergreen
Miami
Dr. Barkley
Sir Catesby
10

1908
Stone Street
Sir Cleges
Dunvegan
Synchronized
8

1907
Pink Star
Zal
Ovelando
Red Gauntlet
6

1906
Sir Huon
Lady Navarre
James Reddick
Hyperion II
6

1905
Agile
Ram's Horn
Layson
none
3

1904
Elwood
Ed Tierney
Brancas
Prince Silverwings
5

1903
Judge Himes
Early
Bourbon
Bad News
6

1902
Alan-a-Dale
Inventor
The Rival
Abe Frank
4

1901
His Eminence
Sannazarro
Driscoll
Amur
5

1900
Lieut. Gibson
Florizar
Thrive
Highland Lad
7

1899
Manuel
Corsini
Mazo
His Lordship
5

1898
Plaudit
Lieber Karl
Isabey
Han d'Or
4

1897
Typhoon II
Ornament
Dr. Catlett
Dr. Shepard
6

1896
Ben Brush
Ben Eder
Semper Ego
First Mate
8

1895
Halma
Basso
Laureate
Curator
4

1894
Chant
Pearl Song
Sigurd
Al Boyer
5

1893
Lookout
Plutus
Boundless
Buck McCann
6

1892
Azra
Huron
Phil Dwyer
none
3

1891
Kingman
Balgowan
High Tariff
Hart Wallace
4

1890
Riley
Bill Letcher
Robespierre
Palisade
6

1889
Spokane
Proctor Knott
Once Again
Hindoocraft
8

1888
Macbeth II
Gallifet
White
Alexandria
7

1887
Montrose
Jim Gore
Jacobin
Banburg
7

1886
Ben Ali
Blue Wing
Free Knight
Lijero
10

1885
Joe Cotton
Bersan
Ten Booker
Favor
10

1884
Buchanan
Loftin
Audrain
Bob Miles
9

1883
Leonatus
Drake Carter
Lord Raglan
Ascender
7

1882
Apollo
Runnymede
Bengal
Harry Gilmore
14

1881
Hindoo
Lelex
Alfambra
Sligo
6

1880
Fonso
Kimball
Bancroft
Boulevard
5

1879
Lord Murphy
Falsetto
Strathmore
Trinadad
9

1878
Day Star
Himyar
Leveler
Solicitor
9

1877
Baden-Baden
Leonard
King William
Vera Cruz
11

1876
Vagrant
Creedmore
Harry Hill
Parole
11

1875
Aristides
Volcano
Verdigris
Bob Wooley
15

text: A † designates a Triple Crown Winner.

text: Note: D. Wayne Lukas swept the 1995 Triple Crown with two different horses.

text: *In 1968, Dancer's Image finished first, but was disqualified after a post-race urine sample revealed traces of a banned drug in the horse. The drug in question - phenylbutazone - illegal at the time, is now legal for use on racehorses in many states, including Kentucky. Forward Pass is now the 1968 winner of the Kentucky Derby.

text: *In 1984, Gate Dancer finished fourth, but was disqualified for fouling Fali Time, who was then moved up from 5th to 4th place.