document_title: List of Ed, Edd n Eddy characters

question_text: who had plank in ed edd and eddy

question_tokens: who had plank in ed edd and eddy

text: List of Ed, Edd n Eddy characters

text: Creation

text: According to cartoonist and Ed, Edd n Eddy creator Danny Antonucci, he based the characters on real people in his life; the personalities of Ed, Edd, and Eddy are based on his own traits, and the activities of his two sons while the cul-de-sac children and the Kanker sisters were all based on children he grew up with.[1] Rolf is based on himself and his cousins, since he was part of an immigrant family, and grew up in a first generation foreign household with different customs and ways of living, compared to those born in Canada.[2] Jimmy is based on one of his cousins, who spent most of his time playing with girls than boys and was rather feminine.[3] Jonny and Plank are inspired by one of Antonucci's childhood friends, a loner who spent most of his time outside with his blanket.[3] He stated that he believed it was important to add Plank, a board of wood, to the show, and that he "thought it would be really cool to do the show with Plank taking on a character of his own" and to cause Jonny to do things he would usually never do.[1] Some wanted Plank to be able to talk, smile and blink as if he was alive, but Antonucci insisted that it should be treated as a piece of wood, brought to life by Jonny's imagination.[3]

text: All the children have multicolored tongues; Antonucci said that the idea came after he saw his son and his friends with different-colored tongues because of eating different candy while he was working on a storyboard.[3] The characters went through a number of "walking cycles", a process used to determine how each character should walk or run, turn around, blink, etc. before the crew came up with the final product.[3]

text: Protagonists

text: Eddy

text: Eddy (Tony Sampson) is the self-appointed leader of the Eds. He is selfish, loud-mouthed, immature, greedy, and hot-tempered. He loves money, jawbreakers (which he likes to spend his ill-earned money on), dirty magazines (as hinted in "Luck of the Ed"), his room, and Chunky Puffs. Eddy ordinarily comes up with the plans for scamming people, but they usually fail, much to his frustration. Eddy will often, especially in the early seasons, slack off by suntanning or drinking a soda while his fellow Eds do all the work. His prized possessions include his magazines, king-sized bed, and disco ball. He also has a Barry White album and is a fan of Tom Jones. Eddy is the shortest of the Eds and takes this very seriously, hating the thought of people calling him short, suggesting he may have a Napoleon complex. Eddy sometimes boasts about his older brother and uses this to his advantage to gain respect. Like Kevin, Eddy can be cruel and acerbic, with a tendency to tease his peers, but deep down, Eddy only wants to be liked by everyone.

text: Edd (Double D)

text: Edd (Samuel Vincent) is the smartest of the Eds and the most polite, mature, and considerate of the three. As a result, he is more socially accepted by the rest of the kids than Ed and Eddy, usually acting as a peacemaker or offering the rest of the kids advice. To differentiate his homophonic name from Ed and Eddy, he is referred to as Double-D. Edd has a high IQ and is top of the class in most subjects at school, though he is the physically weakest of the Eds and despises P.E. and other sporting activities. As the most creative of the trio, he is able to construct things like planes, rocket cars, and roller coasters with junk he comes across and enjoys doing so. He also is able to play pedal steel guitar, but does not like to do so often. He often speaks using complex words and struggles to speak normally in high anxiety situations. His clothing usually consists of an red/orange shirt, purple shorts, red socks, cyan shoes, and a black ski hat with two white lines on it. He sleeps in a footed onesie, and in the later seasons and the movie, he wears a tie when going to school. Double D never willingly removes his hat (except while bathing), so it is unknown what lies under it; Ed and Eddy see him twice without it. Whatever his hat hides, Edd is self conscious about it. He is also self-conscious about a gap in his front teeth thanks to Eddy poking fun at it. He is the only one of the trio to be an only child, and his parents leave sticky notes around his house as a means of communicating with him.

text: Like the other two Eds, Edd's personality is largely based upon series creator Danny Antonucci, who has said "there's my Edd side, neurotic, analytical, must be organized. Also if Eddy and Ed (single D) were not around, Edd would be happy with his own company, something that works for me too." Antonucci has also explained that the habit of Double Dee's parents to communicate with him through sticky notes was based on a habit of his own parents.[4]

text: Ed

text: Ed (Matt Hill) is the strong, airheaded, and usually quite random dogsbody of the group who has very short hair. He wears a red-and-white striped shirt, a green jacket with two white stripes on each sleeve and purple-blue jeans. His skin is yellow, unlike the other characters, and he is known to laugh a lot and is happy most of the time. Ed has amazing physical strength, which is humorously worked into many of the show's plots.[5] He has no chin and a unibrow, which is noted often by Eddy. His mind is a subculture grab-bag full of comics and monster movies,[5] which he often confuses with reality, and which leads him to speak in non sequiturs almost all the time. Ed (to the misfortune of many people) is utterly at the mercy of his tyrannical younger sister Sarah and is an easy target of her manipulations, with Sarah threatening to tell their mother if she does not get her way.

text: Ed is kindhearted, good-natured, and has a positive attitude towards almost everything and everyone, even to those who are not accommodating to him. He cares about the welfare of the other two Eds. He often sacrifices himself for his two best friends, the other cul-de-sac children, and even Sarah, for whom he cares deeply, though she treats him badly. He is absentminded and naive, making him the perfect candidate to help Eddy with his scams, as Ed hardly ever questions them. Even so, Ed never feels abused by Eddy.

text: Ed enjoys buttered toast, gravy, cereal (namely Chunky Puffs), pudding skin, chickens, comics and monster movies. Much to the dismay of mysophobic Edd, he has poor personal hygiene, even to the point of being terrified of soap and liking the smell of sweaty boots. Though the Eds were outcasts throughout the series, in the series' TV movie finale Ed, Edd n Eddy's Big Picture Show, the three become friends with all the cul-de-sac children; even Sarah starts treating Ed nicely.[6]

text: Creator Danny Antonucci explained Ed's inspiration saying, "Ed is...me, following his own path and slightly dysfunctional, a daydreamer who while people are doing one thing, will be busy thinking of another."[4] He also described Ed as "slow, living in his own world and he really doesn't fit in with the rest of the crowd,"[7] and explained that it was hard to decide who would voice him.[8] Ed ended up being voiced by Matt Hill.[8]

text: Supporting characters

text: Jonny

text: Jonny, also known as Jonny 2x4 (David Paul Grove), is a loner and considered by his peers to be a nuisance.[5] Jonny is often made fun of for his big head (Eddy usually refers to him as "Melonhead") and has a tendency of getting his head caught in branches when climbing trees. He talks a lot, and frequently gets on the other kids' nerves. He is rarely seen without his imaginary friend, a 2x4 wooden board with drawn-on eyes and a mouth, aptly named Plank.[5] Jonny seems innocent and gullible, and often forgives people no matter what they do. He does not seem to mind the antics of the Eds, and is often the most friendly out of all the cul-de-sac kids towards them. He is very protective of Plank, and will burst into acts of bravery or extreme aggression if Plank is stolen or harmed in some way. He does not seem to acknowledge that Plank is just an inanimate, silent, 2x4 piece of wood, and when asked for help with an imaginary friend, he claimed to have no clue what the Eds are talking about. He and Plank both have superhero alter egos (Captain Melonhead and Splinter the Wonderwood, respectively), which they assumed twice throughout the series; first in "Robbin' Ed" to thwart Eddy's "Thingamajig" scam and to fight Eddy's own one-time only alter ego, Professor Scam, and then in "Ed, Edd n Eddy's Big Picture Show" to hunt down and get revenge on the Eds. After "Big Picture Show," he and Plank become The Gourd and Timber the Dark Shard in order to take revenge on the entire cul-de-sac.

text: Jimmy

text: Jimmy (Keenan Christenson) is an insecure child, with a propensity to cry, and Sarah's best friend whom he is most often seen spending his time with.[5] Jimmy is highly accident-prone, often seen sporting bandages, casts, and braces (particularly headgear), and is considered the weakest kid in the cul-de-sac.[5] Though Jimmy has a cowardly, delicate, and effeminate personality, he truly wishes to be strong and muscular and many episodes demonstrate his desire for stardom. He can be crafty when motivated, and had twice made scams that were very successful. Jimmy has shown how deeply attached he is to Sarah when someone tries to take her away from him. For most of the series he wore a retainer to correct his teeth,[5] due to a bowling pin accident during one of Eddy's scams.

text: Sarah

text: Sarah (Janyse Jaud) is Ed's grouchy, spoiled, short-tempered younger sister who acts cute and kind to the Eds only when it suits her. She is commonly depicted with a disgruntled facial expression and treats her intimidated, trembling brother, frightened by his sister's constant threats of tattling on him, with complete disdain. Imposing, Sarah frequently orders people (sometimes even those of higher rightful authority than her) around, and her desires often have to be met or else she will fling herself into a violent temper tantrum or threaten the person in question. Throughout the course of the series, Sarah has been shown to possess an infatuation with Edd, but still occasionally subjects him to abuse due to guilt by association with the other Eds.

text: Kevin

text: Kevin (Kathleen Barr) is a stereotypical jock.[5] He is cynical, sarcastic and can be cruel at times.[5] Kevin has a garage full of jawbreakers, due to the fact that his father works at a jawbreaker factory. He loves customizing his bike, skateboards, and snowboards. When not riding his trusty bike, he usually hangs out with Rolf and Nazz in the Lane. He hates the Eds to the point of paranoia, but his animosity towards them is mostly geared towards Eddy. The two are mortal enemies and often go entirely out of their way to humiliate or physically harm each other at the first opportunity (with Eddy referring to Kevin as "Shovel Chin"). He tends to call the Eds "dorks" and has a habit of coming up with words merged with "dork" to suit the situation. Like Edd, Kevin normally wears a hat and rarely takes it off; in the episode Boys Will be Eds, Kevin takes off his hat for the first time and is shown to be bald, though a flashback episode reveals that he used to have long hair. In some episodes, he is shown to have a great fear of Eddy's brother; Eddy knows this and frequently uses his brother as leverage against Kevin.

text: Rolf

text: Rolf (Peter Kelamis) is a quirky, odd, and usually happy immigrant[5] of an undetermined origin and culture with odd customs (which he displays frequently, and it often involves a wide variety of meat) and has a thick accent to match.[5] He works on his parents' small farm within the cul-de-sac, and leads a scouting group called the "Urban Rangers," which includes Jimmy, Plank, and Jonny. Rolf usually refers to himself in third person, as well as being the son of a shepherd, in which he takes pride. His faithful farm animals are three pigs (one named Wilfred), a goat named Victor, at least six chickens (two named Bridget and Gertrude), a cow named Beatrice, and five sheep. He appears to be friendly with the Eds (whom he calls the "Ed boys") unless they make a fool out of him or offend him in some way, after which he is not afraid to use brute force. He seems to be very muscular, but this is usually only shown when he is angry. Rolf confuses the rest of the kids to no end with his unusual customs and food-making.

text: Nazz

text: Nazz Van Bartonschmeer (Tabitha St. Germain; Jenn Forgie; Erin Fitzgerald) is a good-natured, sweet, mature yet somewhat ditzy, fashionable local girl who normally treats her peers (including the Eds) respectfully; however, when antagonized she will react violently to the cause of her agitation or partake in harming the Eds as discipline for an alleged misdeed that they have committed. A majority of the male characters featured in the series are smitten with her, and an entire episode once chronicled their many failed attempts at wooing her. She also possesses a number of humorous eccentricities, such as the ability to yodel, substandard skills at playing a rather large tuba and is often depicted with poor table etiquette. Edd seems to be the Ed that Nazz is closest to, as he was the first character she'd kissed in the series in "The Day the Ed Stood Still", took him trick-or-treating in the Halloween special, and got him to dance with her at the school dance in "May I Have this Ed?". She appears to have a crush on Kevin, though he is mostly oblivious to this; he favors his bike more. Although the most mature of the neighborhood kids, she occasionally displays traits of the stereotypical "dumb blonde".

text: Other characters

text: Kanker Sisters

text: Lee (Janyse Jaud), Marie (Kathleen Barr), and May (Erin Fitzgerald; Jenn Forgie) are three half-sisters who serve as the main antagonists towards the cul-de-sac and its inhabitants.[5] Lee is the leader with curly red hair that covers her eyes, Marie has blue hair, and May is the buck-toothed blonde. They live in the nearby trailer park[5] called Park 'n' Flush. The mere presence of the Kankers is enough to terrify the cul-de-sac residents, and they have been shown to have volatile and destructive tempers. While all the Kankers supposedly like the Eds,[5] it has been shown that May prefers Ed, Marie prefers Edd, and Lee prefers Eddy. Throughout the series, each of the Kankers repeatedly get the Eds and privately force themselves onto them with romantic intention, much to their horror.

text: Eddy's Brother

text: Eddy's Brother (Terry Klassen) is mentioned frequently throughout the series, mostly by Eddy, though his name is never revealed. Eddy mentions how his brother taught him much about how to scam, and to be a con artist, and throughout the series many of the children are shown to have a great fear and respect for him. He was previously an unseen character, but he finally makes an appearance in the movie Ed, Edd n Eddy's Big Picture Show. Eddy's brother at first seems to be everything the other kids imagined, but it turns out that all of the folklore surrounding him was made up by Eddy to impress the other kids, and in reality he is a sadistic individual who refers to Eddy as a "pipsqueak" and bullies him mercilessly, which ultimately caused Eddy to become who he is. He works at the "Mondo a-Go Go" amusement park, but his specific job is unknown.

text: Reception, appearances in other media and merchandising

text: In 2004, the Eds also appeared in a short series of basketball commercials with NBA All-Star Steve Francis.[9] All three Eds have been the main roles in four Ed, Edd n Eddy-based video games, including Ed, Edd n Eddy: Jawbreakers! (2002),[10] Ed, Edd n Eddy: Giant Jawbreakers (2004),[11] Ed, Edd n Eddy: The Mis-Edventures (2005),[12] and Ed, Edd n Eddy: Scam of the Century (2007), [13] as well as appearing as playable characters in a number of Cartoon Network-based video games, including 2003's Cartoon Network: Block Party[14] and Cartoon Network Speedway.[15] All three Eds appear as Non-playable characters in the MMOG Cartoon Network Universe: FusionFall.[16] They also appear as Nanos (items that help the user or his/her party).[16] The Eds and Sarah have also been free toys in children's meals for Subway.[17] The three have also appeared on a number of Ed, Edd n Eddy T-shirts available for purchase on the Cartoon Network Shop.[18] A series of Ed, Edd n Eddy DVDs have been released.[19][20][21][22] The three have made a cameo appearance in a Foster's Home for Imaginary Friends episode, along with Dexter of Dexter's Laboratory,[23] and in a crossover of The Grim Adventures of Billy & Mandy and Codename: Kids Next Door entitled "The Grim Adventures of the Kids Next Door."[24] Ed appeared in the "Cartoon Network Elections 2004" with Grim from The Grim Adventures of Billy & Mandy as a team, and they ended up winning, due to the highest number of votes by viewers.[25]


document_title: Ok Jaanu

question_text: who sang humma humma in the movie ok jaanu

root

text: Ok Jaanu

text: Plot[edit]

text: Adi (Aditya Roy Kapur) is a video game developer who accidentally meets Tara (Shraddha Kapoor) at his friend's wedding. Tara is planning to pursue her studies in Paris, while Adi wants to achieve big in the United States as a video game developer and become a big shot like Mark Zuckerberg. They soon spend time together, and fall in love. They agree that marriage is not for them and decide to have a live-in relationship instead, and Tara moves into Adi's place, rented from Gopi Srivastava (Naseeruddin Shah). They wish to spend their time with each other before they go their separate ways for their respective careers. Tara and Adi live happily, being playful with each other.

tag: p

text: One early morning, Tara has a conversation with Gopi. She tells him that she might get her visa approved for going to Paris, and that it's hard for her to leave Adi and go far away. The next day Tara goes to Jaipur for her business, and Adi starts to miss her terribly. Upon seeing the love and patience his house owner Gopi has for his wife, Charu (Leela Samson), an Alzheimer's patient, who eventually forgets the way to her own house, they begin to understand the importance of each other's presence in their life.

text: Soon, Adi is selected to develop his skills in video games and to go to the United States. He tells his colleague that it's hard for him to leave Tara. The next day, both of them make an agreement to enjoy themselves to the maximum for the 10 days left before they separate. Nearing the last day, they begin to have little fights and arguments, which don't last long.

text: One day, Charu goes missing again, as she did when she forgot her house address. While looking for her, they continue arguing about their relationship and after finding her and bringing her back home to her husband, Adi finally proposes to Tara and they decide to get married. Post marriage, both of them continue to accomplish their own dreams, one in Paris, another in the United States, keeping in touch and waiting for the day they can be together again.

text: Cast[edit]

text:
Aditya Roy Kapur as Adi Gunjal
Shraddha Kapoor as Tara Agnihotri / Sarah
Naseeruddin Shah as Gopi Srivastava[8]
Leela Samson as Charu[8]
Jasmeet Singh Bhatia as Bantu[8]
Prahlad Kakkar as Adi's boss
Kitu Gidwani as Tara's Mother
Sanjay Gurbaxani as Deputy Commissioner of Police
Sarika Singh as Adi's Sister in Law
Sharma Vibhoutee as Jennifer
Vijayant Kohli as Adi's Brother

tag: ul

text: Soundtrack[edit]

text:
Ok Jaanu

Soundtrack album by A. R. Rahman

Released
4 January 2017

Genre
Feature film Soundtrack

Length
34:15

Language
Hindi

Label
Sony Music

Producer
A. R. Rahman

A. R. Rahman chronology

Mohenjo Daro
(2016)String Module Error: Match not found2016
OK Jaanu
(2017)
Viceroy's House
(2017)Viceroy's House2017

tag: table

text: The film score and soundtrack are composed by A. R. Rahman while the lyrics for songs are written by Gulzar. Rahman re-used most of his compositions from the Tamil soundtrack of O Kadhal Kanmani, with the exception of three songs. He composed two new songs for the film which are the Hindi counterparts of "Aye Sinamika" and "Malargal Kaetten" that were part of Tamil version. The Hindi counterpart of "Parandhu Sella Vaa" is a cover version of Rahman's yesteryear classic "Humma Humma" from the 1995 movie Mani Ratnam's Bombay. Dubbed as "The Humma Song", the cover was done by Badshah and Tanishk Bagchi.[8] The full soundtrack was released by Sony Music India on 4 January 2017.

text:
OK Jaanu Track listing

No.
Title
Lyrics
Singer(s)
Length

1.
"OK Jaanu"
Gulzar
A. R. Rahman, Shrinidhi Venkatesh
03:26

2.
"The Humma Song"
Mehboob (original lyrics)
Badshah (rap)
A. R. Rahman, Jubin Nautiyal, Shashaa Tirupati, Badshah, Tanishk Bagchi
02:59

3.
"Enna Sona"
Gulzar
Arijit Singh
03:33

4.
"Jee Lein"
Gulzar
Arjun Chandy, Neeti Mohan, Savithri R Prithvi
04:46

5.
"Kaara Fankaara"
Navneet Virk, Kaly, Hard Kaur & ADK
Kaly, Hard Kaur, ADK, Shashaa Tirupati, Ashima Mahajan, Paroma Das Gupta
05:47

6.
"Saajan Aayo Re"
Gulzar
Jonita Gandhi, Nakash Aziz.
06:09

7.
"Maula Wa Sallim"
Traditional
A. R. Ameen, A. R. Rahman
03:12

8.
"Sunn Bhavara"
Gulzar
Shashaa Tirupati
04:23

Total length:
34:15

text: Box office[edit]

text: The film grossed an estimated ₹41.04 crore (US$6.4 million) worldwide, with approximately ₹32.83 crore (US$5.1 million) earned domestically, and ₹8.21 crore (US$1.3 million) from international releases.[9]


document_title: Cheyenne

question_text: what does the name cheyenne mean in native american

question_tokens: what does the name cheyenne mean in native american

text: Cheyenne

text: Name[edit]

text: The Cheyenne Nation is composed of two tribes, the Só'taeo'o or Só'taétaneo'o (more commonly as Suhtai or Sutaio; singular: Só'taétane) and the Tsétsêhéstâhese (more commonly as the Tsitsistas; singular: Tsétsêhéstaestse), which translates to "those who are like this".[6] These two tribes had always traveled together, becoming fully merged sometime after 1831, when they were still noted as having separate camps. The Suhtai were said to have originally had slightly different speech and customs from their traveling companions.[7]

text: The name "Cheyenne" may be derived from Dakota Sioux exonym for them, Šahíyena (meaning "little Šahíya"). Though the identity of the Šahíya is not known, many Great Plains tribes assume it means Cree or some other people who spoke an Algonquian language related to Cree and Cheyenne.[8] The Cheyenne word for Ojibwe is Sáhea'eo'o, a word that sounds similar to the Dakota word Šahíya.

text: Another of the common etymologies for Cheyenne is "a bit like the [people of an] alien speech" (literally, "red-talker").[9] According to George Bird Grinnell, the Dakota had referred to themselves and fellow Siouan-language bands as "white talkers", and those of other language families, such as the Algonquian Cheyenne, as "red talkers" (Šahíyena).[7]

text: The etymology of the name Tsitsistas (technically Tsétsėhéstȧhese), which the Cheyenne call themselves, is uncertain. According to the Cheyenne dictionary, offered online by Chief Dull Knife College, there is no definitive consensus and various studies of the origins and the translation of the word has been suggested. Grinnell's record is typical; he states "They call themselves Tsistsistas [sic, Tsitsistas is the correct pronunciation], which the books commonly give as meaning "people". It most likely means related to one another, similarly bred, like us, our people, or us.[10] The term for the Cheyenne homeland is Tsiihistano."

text: Language[edit]

text: The Cheyenne of Montana and Oklahoma speak the Cheyenne language, known as Tsêhésenêstsestôtse (common spelling: Tsisinstsistots). Approximately 800 people speak Cheyenne in Oklahoma.[3] There are only a handful of vocabulary differences between the two locations. The Cheyenne alphabet contains 14 letters. The Cheyenne language is one of the larger Algonquian-language group. Formerly, the Só'taeo'o (Só'taétaneo'o) or Suhtai (Sutaio) bands of Southern and Northern Cheyenne spoke Só'taéka'ękóne or Só'taenęstsestôtse, a language so close to Tsêhésenêstsestôtse (Cheyenne language), that it is sometimes termed a Cheyenne dialect.[citation needed]

text: History[edit]

text: Early history[edit]

text: The earliest known written historical record of the Cheyenne comes from the mid-17th century, when a group of Cheyenne visited the French Fort Crevecoeur, near present-day Peoria, Illinois. The Cheyenne at this time lived between the Mississippi River and Mille Lacs Lake in present-day Minnesota. The Cheyenne economy was based on the collection of wild rice and hunting, especially of bison, which lived in the prairies 70–80 miles west of the Cheyenne villages.[11]

text: According to tribal history, during the 17th century, the Cheyenne had been driven by the Assiniboine (Hóheeheo'o - "wrapped ones or swaddled", adaptive from the Lakota/Dakota word Hóhe, meaning "rebels") from the Great Lakes region to present-day Minnesota and North Dakota, where they established villages. The most prominent of the ancient Cheyenne villages is Biesterfeldt Village, in eastern North Dakota along the Sheyenne River. The tribal history also relates that they first reached the Missouri River in 1676.[12] A more recent analysis of early records posits that at least some of the Cheyenne remained in the Mille Lac region of Minnesota until about 1765, when the Ojibwe defeated the Dakota with firearms — pushing the Cheyenne, in turn, to the Minnesota River, where they were reported in 1766.[13]

text: On the Missouri River, the Cheyenne came into contact with the neighboring Mandan, Hidatsa (Tsé-heše'émâheónese, "people who have soil houses"), and Arikara people (Ónoneo'o), and they adopted many of their cultural characteristics. They were first of the later Plains tribes into the Black Hills and Powder River Country. About 1730, they introduced the horse to Lakota bands (Ho'óhomo'eo'o - "the invited ones (to Cheyenne lands i.e. the Black Hills)"). Conflict with migrating Lakota and Ojibwe people forced the Cheyenne further west, and they, in turn, pushed the Kiowa to the south.[14]

text: By 1776, the Lakota had overwhelmed the Cheyenne and taken over much of their territory near the Black Hills. In 1804, Lewis and Clark visited a surviving Cheyenne village in North Dakota. Such European explorers learned many different names for the Cheyenne, and did not realize how the different sections were forming a unified tribe.[14]

text: The Cheyenne Nation is descended from two related tribes, the Tsétsêhéstâhese / Tsitsistas (Cheyenne proper) and Só'taeo'o / Só'taétaneo'o (better known as Suhtai or Sutaio), the latter may have joined the Tsétsêhéstâhese in the early 18th century. Their oral history relays that both tribal peoples are characterized, and represented by two cultural heroes or prophets who received divine articles from their god Ma'heo'o (″Sacred Being, God″, commonly in English Maheo, Mahiu, this is a post-missionary term, formerly the plural Ma'heono was used), which the Só'taeo'o called He'emo (″Goddess, Female Sacred Being, God″, equivalent to Ma'heo'o in the Tsétsêhéstâhese dialect).

text: The Tsétsêhéstâhese / Tsitsistas prophet Motsé'eóeve (Sweet Medicine Standing, Sweet Root Standing, commonly called Sweet Medicine) had received the Maahótse (in English known as Mahuts, a bundle of (Sacred) Arrows or the (Sacred) Arrows Bundle) at Nóávóse (″medicine(sacred)-hill″, name for Bear Butte, northwest of Rapid City, South Dakota),[15] which they carried when they waged tribal-level war[14][16][17] and were kept in the maahéome (Arrow Lodge or Arrow Tepee). He organized the structure of Cheyenne society, their military or war societies led by prominent warriors, their system of legal justice, and the Council of Forty-four peace chiefs, the latter was formed from four véhoo'o (chiefs or leaders) of the ten principal manaho (bands) and an additional four ″Old Man″ meeting to deliberate at regular tribal gatherings, centered around the Sun Dance.[3]

text: Sweet Medicine is the Cheyenne prophet who predicted the coming of the horse, cow, whiteman, etc. to the Cheyenne. He was named for motsé'eonȯtse (sweetgrass), one of the sacred plant medicines used by many Plains peoples in ceremonies.

text: The Só'taeo'o prophet Tomȯsévėséhe ("Erect Horns") had received the Ésevone (aka Is'siwun - "Sacred (Buffalo) Hat Bundle") at Toh'nihvoos (″Stone Hammer Mountain″) near the Great Lakes in the present state of Minnesota. The Ésevone / Hóhkėha'e (Sacred Buffalo Hat) is kept in the vonȧhéome (old term) or hóhkėha'éome (new term) ("Sacred Hat Lodge, Sacred Hat Tepee"). Erect Horns gave them the accompanying ceremonies and the Sun Dance. His vision convinced the tribe to abandon their earlier sedentary agricultural traditions to adopt nomadic Plains horse culture. They replaced their earth lodges with portable tipis and switched their diet from fish and agricultural produce, to mainly bison and wild fruits and vegetables. Their lands ranged from the upper Missouri River into what is now Wyoming, Montana, Colorado, and South Dakota.[citation needed]

text: The Ésevone / Hóhkėha'e ("Sacred Buffalo Hat") is kept among the Northern Cheyenne and Northern Só'taeo'o. The Tséá'enōvȧhtse (″Sacred (Buffalo) Hat Keeper″ or ″Keeper of the Sacred (Buffalo) Hat″) must belong to the Só'taeo'o (Northern or Southern alike). In the 1870s tribal leaders became disenchanted with the keeper of the bundle demanded the keeper Broken Dish give up the bundle; he agreed but his wife did not and desecrated the Sacred Hat and its contents; a ceremonial pipe and a buffalo horn were lost. In 1908 a Cheyenne named Three Fingers gave the horn back to the Hat; the pipe came into possession of a Cheyenne named Burnt All Over who gave it to Hattie Goit of Poteau, Oklahoma who in 1911 gave the pipe to the Oklahoma Historical Society. In 1997 the Oklahoma Historal Society negotiated with the Northern Cheyenne to return the pipe to the tribal keeper of the Sacred Medicine Hat Bundle James Black Wolf.[18]

text: The Maahótse (Sacred Arrows) are symbols of male power and the power of the Ésevone / Hóhkėha'e (Sacred Buffalo Hat) is female. The Sacred Buffalo Hat and the Sacred Arrows together form the two great covenants of the Cheyenne Nation. Through these two bundles, Ma'heo'o assures continual life and blessings for the people.

text: Historical Cheyenne bands[edit]

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text: Northern Cheyenne (known in Cheyenne either as Notameohmésêhese or Notameohmésėhétaneo'o meaning "Northern Eaters" or simply as Ohmésêhese / Ôhmésêheseo'o meaning "Eaters")

text:
Notameohmésêhese / Notameohmésėhétaneo'o proper ("Northern Eaters", also simply known as Ȯhmésėhese / Ôhmésêheseo'o or Omísis – "Eaters", went by this names because they were known as great hunters and therefore had a good supply of meat to feed their people, most populous Cheyenne group, inhabited land from the northern and western Black Hills (Mo'ȯhtávo'honáéva – ″black-rock-Location″) toward the Powder River Country (Páeo'hé'e – ″gunpowder river″ or ″coal river″), often they were accompanied by their Totoemanaho and Northern Só'taeo'o kin, had through intermarriages close ties to Lakota, today they – along with the Northern Só'taeo'o – are the most influential among the Northern Cheyenne)
Northern Oévemanaho / Oivimána (Northern Oévemana – "Northern Scabby", "Northern Scalpers", now living in and around Birney, Montana (Oévemanâhéno – ″scabby-band-place″) near the confluence of the Tongue River and Hanging Woman Creek in the southeastern corner of the Northern Cheyenne Indian Reservation)
Northern Só'taeo'o / Só'taétaneo'o (Suhtai or Sutaio, married only other Só'taeo'o (Northern or Southern alike) and camped always separate from the other Cheyenne camps, maintained closest ties to the Notameohmésêhese band, lived in the northern and western Black Hills (Mo'ȯhtávo'honáéva – ″black-rock-Location″) and roamed together with their Notameohmésêhese and Totoemanaho kin also in the Powder River Country (Páeo'hé'e), remained north of the Platte River, where they gained higher band numbers than their southern kin because of better Northern hunting and grass, now living in and around Birney, Montana (Oévemanâhéno – ″scabby-band-place″), today they – along with the Notameohmésêhese – are the most influential among the Northern Cheyenne)
first band
second band

text: Lesser northern bands (not represented in the Council of Forty-Four):

text:
Anskówînîs / Anskowinis ("Narrow Nose", "narrow-nose-bridge", named after their first chief, properly named Broken Dish, but nicknamed Anskówǐnǐs, they separated from the Ôhmésêheseo'o on account of a quarrel)
Moktavhetaneo / Mo'ȯhtávėhetaneo'o (Mo'ôhtávêhetane – "Black skinned Men", "Ute-like Men", because they had darker skin than other Cheyenne, they looked more like the Utes to their Cheyenne kin, also meaning ″Mountain Men″, maybe descended from Ute (Mo'ȯhtávėhetaneo'o) captives, living today in the Lame Deer, Montana (Mo'ȯhtávȯheomenéno – ″black-lodge-place″) district on the Northern Cheyenne Indian Reservation; because Lame Deer as tribal and government agency headquarters was also the place where rations were given out it is also known as Meaveʼhoʼeno – ″the giving place″ or ″giving-whiteman-place″)
Ononeo'o / Ononeo ("Arikara People" or ″Ree Band″, because they were through intermarriage of mixed Cheyenne-Arikara and Mandan heritage, formerly strong associated with the mixed Cheyenne-Lakota Masikota band, sometimes sought of as a Masikota subband, today they live in the nonofficial Rosebud/Ree district (Ónoneo'o), politically part of the Muddy Creek district, between Busby and Muddy Creek, some are also present in the Lame Deer district)
Totoemanaho / Totoimana (Totoemana, Tútoimanáh – "Backward Clan", "Shy Clan" or "Bashful Clan", also translated as ″Reticent Band″, and ″Unwilling Band″, so named because they prefer to camp by themselves, lived in the northern and western Black Hills (Mo'ȯhtávo'honáéva – ″black-rock-Location″) and along the Tongue River (Vétanovéo'hé'e – ″Tongue River″), roamed together with their Notameohmésêhese and Northern Só'taeo'o kin also in the Powder River Country (Páeo'hé'e), had through intermarriages close ties to Lakota, now centered in and around Ashland, Montana (Vóhkoohémâhoéve'ho'éno, formerly called Totoemanáheno) immediately east of the boundary of the Northern Cheyenne Indian Reservation)
Vóhpoométaneo'o / Woxpometaneo (Voxpometaneo – "White River People", ″White River Cheyenne″, named for the White River (Vóhpoome) near Pine Ridge in South Dakota, also named after a large extended family as Wóopotsît or Wóhkpotsit – "White Wolf", ″White Crafty People″, the majority joined their Cheyenne kin and settled 1891 south of Kirby, Montana near the headwaters of the Rosebud Creek and are now centered in and around Busby, Montana (Vóhpoométanéno) on the Northern Cheyenne Indian Reservation, some stayed on the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation with their Oglala Lakota kin and are known as Tsėhésė-ho'óhomo'eo'o – ″Cheyenne-Sioux″)

text: Southern Cheyenne (known in Cheyenne as Heévâhetaneo'o meaning "Roped People" – after the most populous band, also commonly known as Sówoniá – "the Southern People")

text:
Heévâhetaneo'o / Hevhaitaneo proper (Hévhaitanio – "Haire Rope Men", "Hairy People", also ″Fur Men″, were close affiliated to Arapaho, known as great warriors and noted among the Cheyenne as the best horse tamers and horse raiders from surrounding tribes - especially from the horse-rich Kiowa (Vétapâhaetó'eo'o – ″greasy-wood-ones″) and Comanche (Šé'šenovotsétaneo'o – ″snake people″) to the south, they initiated in 1826 under their Chief Yellow Wolf (Ho'néoxheóvaestse) – together with some Arapaho – the migration of some Cheyenne bands south of the Platte River (Meneo'hé'e – ″Moon Shell River″, North Platte River was known by the same name) toward the Arkansas River (Mótsėsóoneo'hé'e – ″Flint River″) and the establishment of Bents Fort, their tribal lands were between that of the Southern Oévemanaho in the west, the Wotápio in the east and the Dog Soldiers and Hesé'omeétaneo'o in the north, heavy cholera losses in 1849, perhaps half of the survivors were lost at Sand Creek, including the chiefs Yellow Wolf and Big Man; they are today predominant among the Southern Cheyenne)
Hesé'omeétaneo'o / Hisiometaneo (Hisíometanio or Issiometaniu – "Ridge People/Men" or ″Hill Band″, also given as ″Pipestem (River) People″, originally part of the Heévâhetaneo'o, also had close ties with the Oglala and Sičháŋǧu (Brulé) Lakota, first living just south of the Masikota along the Niobrara River north of the North Platte River in Nebraska, later they moved south into the hill country along the Upper Smoky Hill River and north of the Upper Arkansas River in Colorado – in lands mostly west of the closely associated Southern Só'taeo'o and Dog Soldiers band and north of the Southern Oévemanaho and Heévâhetaneo'o, ranged sometimes with Comanche south onto the Staked Plains, under chief White Antelope at Sand Creek they experienced heavy losses)
Heviksnipahis / Iviststsinihpah ("Aorta People" or "Burnt Aorta People"; as caretakers for the Sacred Arrows, they were also considered as the Tsétsêhéstâhese / Tsitsistas proper or known to the other bands as ″Arrow People″, originally living along the forks of the Cheyenne River and in the eastern Black Hills in western Wyoming, they moved between 1815 and 1825 south to the forks of the North and South Platte River (Vétaneo'hé'e – ″Fat River″ or ″Tallow River″), which made sense geographically since their lands was a central location for all bands and convenient for the performance of the annual ceremonies; later, they moved further south and ranged between the Dog Soldiers band in the north, the Oo'kóhta'oná in the southeast, the Hónowa and Wotápio in the south)
Hónowa / Háovȯhnóvȧhese / Nėstamenóoheo'o (Háovôhnóva, Hownowa, Hotnowa – "Poor People", also known as ″Red Lodges People″, lived south of the Oo'kóhta'oná and east of the Wotápio)
Southern Oévemanaho / Oivimána (Southern Oévemana - "Southern Scabby", "Southern Scalpers", originally part of the Heévâhetaneo'o, were also close affiliated to Arapaho, moved together with the Heévâhetaneo'o under Chief Yellow Wolf in 1826 south of the Platte River to the Arkansas River, ranged south of the Hesé'omeétaneo'o and west of the Heévâhetaneo'o, led by War Bonnet they lost at Sand Creek about half their number, now living near Watonga (Tséh-ma'ėho'a'ē'ta – ″where there are red (hills) facing together″, also called Oévemanâhéno – ″scabby-band-place″) and Canton, Blaine County, on lands of the former Cheyenne and Arapaho Indian Reservation in Oklahoma)
Masikota ("Crickets", "Grasshoppers", ″Grey Hair(ed) band″, ″Flexed Leg band″ or ″Wrinkled Up band″, perhaps a Lakotiyapi word mazikute – "iron (rifle) shooters", from mazi – "iron" and kute – "to shoot", mixed Cheyenne-Lakota band, were known by the latter as 'Sheo', lived southeast of the Black Hills along the White River (Vóhpoome), intermarried with Oglala Lakota and Sičháŋǧu Oyáte (Brule Lakota), was the first group of the tribal unit on the Plains, hence their name First Named, almost wiped out by the cholera epidemic of 1849, joined afterwards the military society Dog Soldiers (Hotamétaneo'o), which took their place as a band in the Cheyenne tribal circle, not present at Sand Creek in 1864, important at Battle of Summit Springs of 1869)
Oo'kóhta'oná / Ohktounna (Oktogona, Oktogana, Oqtóguna or Oktoguna – "Bare Legged", "Protruding Jaw", referring to the art of dancing the Deer Dance before they were going to war, formerly strong associated with the mixed Cheyenne-Lakota Masikota band, sometimes sought of as a Masikota subband, living north of the Hónowa and south of the Heviksnipahis, almost wiped out by an cholera epidemic in 1849, perhaps also joining the Dog Soldiers)
Wotápio / Wutapai (from the Lakotiyapi word Wutapiu: – "Eat with Lakota-Sioux", "Half-Cheyenne", "Cheyenne-Sioux", originally a band of Lakota Sioux which joined the Southern Cheyenne, by 1820 they had moved south to the Arkansas River in Colorado, where they lived and camped together with their Kiowa allies, through intermarriage becoming a mixed Cheyenne-speaking and identifying hybrid Cheyenne-Kiowa band with Lakota origin, their hunting lands were between the Hónowa in the east, the Heévâhetaneo'o to the west, and the Heviksnipahis to the north, hardest hit by the Sand Creek Massacre of 1864)
Southern Só'taeo'o / Só'taétaneo'o (Suhtai or Sutaio, married only other Só'taeo'o (Northern or Southern alike) and always camped separately from the other Cheyenne camps, maintained closest ties to the Hesé'omeétaneo'o band, joined together with the emerging Dog Soldiers band lands along the Smoky Hill River (Mano'éo'hé'e – ″gather(timber) river″), Saline (Šéstotó'eo'hé'e – "Cedar River") and Solomon Rivers (Ma'xêhe'néo'hé'e – "turkey-creek"), in north-central Kansas, their favourite hunting grounds were north of the Dog Soldiers along the upper subbasins of the Republican River (Ma'êhóóhévâhtseo'hé'e – ″Red Shield River″, so named because there gathered the warriors of the Ma'ėhoohēvȧhtse (Red Shield Warriors Society)) especially along the Beaver Creek, which was although a spiritual place, the Hesé'omeétaneo'o mostly ranged west and northwest of them)[19]
first band
second band

text: lesser southern bands (not represented in the Council of Forty-Four):

text:
Moiseo / Moiseyu (Monsoni – "Flint-Men", called after the Flintmen Society (Motsêsóonetaneo'o), were also called Otata-voha - "Blue Horses", after Blue Horse, the first leader of the Coyote Warriors Society (O'ôhoménotâxeo'o), both were branches of the Fox Warriors Society (Vóhkêséhetaneo'o or Monêsóonetaneo'o), one of the four original Cheyenne military societies, also known as ″Flies″, originally a Sioux band from Minnesota, the greater part departed from the Cheyenne about 1815 joining Sioux bands in Minnesota, the remaining were associated strong with / or joined the Wotápio)
Ná'kuimana / Nakoimana (Nakoimanah – "Bear People")

text: The Heviksnipahis (Iviststsinihpah, also known as the Tsétsêhéstâhese / Tsitsistas proper), Heévâhetaneo'o (Hevhaitaneo), Masikota (in Lakotiyapi: Sheo), Omísis (Ôhmésêheseo'o, the Notameohmésêhese proper), Só'taeo'o / Só'taétaneo'o (Suhtai or Sutaio, Northern and Southern), Wotápio (Wutapai), Oévemanaho (Oivimána or Oévemana, Northern and Southern), Hesé'omeétaneo'o (Hisiometaneo or Issiometaniu), Oo'kóhta'oná (Ohktounna or Oqtóguna) and the Hónowa (Háovȯhnóvȧhese or Nėstamenóoheo'o) were the ten principal bands that had the right to send four chief delegates representing them in the Council of Forty-Four.

text: After the Masikota and Oo'kóhta'oná bands had been almost wiped out through a cholera epidemic in 1849, the remaining Masikota joined the Dog Soldiers warrior society (Hotamétaneo'o). They effectively became a separate band and in 1850 took over the position in the camp circle formerly occupied by the Masikota. The members often opposed policies of peace chiefs such as Black Kettle. Over time, the Dog Soldiers took a prominent leadership role in the wars against the whites. In 1867, most of the band were killed by United States Army forces in the Battle of Summit Springs.

text: Due to an increasing division between the Dog Soldiers and the council chiefs with respect to policy towards the whites, the Dog Soldiers became separated from the other Cheyenne bands. They effectively became a third division of the Cheyenne people, between the Northern Cheyenne, who ranged north of the Platte River, and the Southern Cheyenne, who occupied the area north of the Arkansas River.

text: Expansion on the Plains[edit]

text: After being pushed south and westward by the Lakota, the unified Cheyenne people began to create and expand a new territory of their own. Sometime around 1811 the Cheyenne made a formal alliance with the Arapaho people (Hetanevo'eo'o – "People of the Sky", "Cloud People", because of their close interaction also known as Héstanėheo'o – "people, mankind, tribe of people"), which would remain strong throughout their history and into modern times. The alliance helped the Cheyenne expand their territory which stretched from southern Montana, through most of Wyoming, the eastern half of Colorado, far western Nebraska, and far western Kansas. As early as 1820, traders and explorers reported contact with Cheyenne at present-day Denver, Colorado and on the Arkansas River. They were probably hunting and trading in that area earlier. They may have migrated to the south for winter. The Hairy Rope band is reputed to have been the first band to move south, capturing wild horses as far south as the Cimarron River Valley.[20] In response to the construction of Bent's Fort by Charles Bent, a friend of the Cheyenne who established a popular trading area for the Cheyenne, a large portion of the tribe moved further south and stayed around the area.[21] The other part of the tribe continued to live along the headwaters of the North Platte and Yellowstone rivers. The groups became the Southern Cheyenne, known as Sówoníă (Southerners) and the Northern Cheyenne, known as O'mǐ'sǐs (Eaters). The separation of the tribe was only a geographic one and the two divisions had regular and close contact.

text: In the southern portion of their territory the Cheyenne and Arapaho warred with the allied Comanche, Kiowa, and Plains Apache. Numerous battles were fought including a notable fight along the Washita River in 1836 with the Kiowa which resulted in the death of 48 Cheyenne warriors of the Bowstring society.[22] In summer 1838, many Cheyenne and Arapaho attacked a camp of Kiowa and Comanche along Wolf Creek in Oklahoma resulting in heavy losses from both sides. Conflict with the Comanche, Kiowa, and Plains Apache ended in 1840 when the tribes made an alliance with each other. The new alliance allowed the Cheyenne to enter the Llano Estacado in the Texas and Oklahoma panhandles and northeastern New Mexico to hunt bison and trade. Their expansion in the south and alliance with the Kiowa led to their first raid into Mexico in 1853. The raid ended in disaster with heavy resistance from Mexican lancers, resulting in all but three of the war party being killed. To the north the Cheyenne made a strong alliance with the Lakota Sioux, which allowed them to expand their territory into part of their former lands around the Black Hills. They managed to escape the smallpox epidemics, which swept across the plains from white settlements in 1837-39, by heading into the Rocky Mountains, but were greatly affected by the Cholera epidemic in 1849. Contact with Euro-Americans was mostly light, with most contact involving mountain men, traders, explorers, treaty makers, and painters.

text: Enemies and warrior culture[edit]

text: Like many other plains Indian nations, the Cheyenne were a horse and warrior people who developed as skilled and powerful mounted warriors. A warrior was viewed by the people not as a maker of war but as a protector, provider, and leader. Warriors gained rank in Cheyenne society by performing and accumulating various acts of bravery in battle known as coups. The title of war chief could be earned by any warrior who performs enough of the specific coups required to become a war chief. Specific warrior societies developed among the Cheyenne as with other plains nations. Each society had selected leaders who would invite those that they saw worthy enough to their society lodge for initiation into the society. Often, societies would have minor rivalries; however, they might work together as a unit when warring with an enemy. Military societies played an important role in Cheyenne government. Society leaders were often in charge of organizing hunts and raids as well as ensuring proper discipline and the enforcement of laws within the nation.[23] Each of the six distinct warrior societies of the Cheyenne would take turns assuming the leadership role within the nation.[24] The four original military societies of the Cheyenne were the Swift Fox Society, Elk Horn Scrapper or Crooked Lance Society, Shield Society, and the Bowstring Men Society. The fifth society is split between the Crazy Dog Society and the famous Dog Soldiers. The sixth society is the Contrary Warrior Society, most notable for riding backwards into battle as a sign of bravery.[6] All six societies and their various branches exist among the Southern and Northern Cheyenne Nations in present times. Warriors used a combination of traditional weapons such as various types of war clubs, tomahawks, bows and arrows, and lances as well as non-traditional weapons such as revolvers, rifles, and shotguns acquired through raid and trade.

text: The enemies of the Cheyenne included the Crow (Óoetaneo'o – "crow (bird) people"), Shoshone (Sósone'eo'o), Blackfeet (Mo'ôhtávêhahtátaneo'o, same literal meaning), Flathead (Kȧhkoestséataneo'o – "flat-headed-people"), Nez Perce (Otaesétaneo'o - "pierced nose people"), Arikara, Gros Ventre (Hestóetaneo'o – "beggars for meat", "spongers" or Môhónooneo'o – lit. "scouting all over ones"), Assiniboine, and Plains Cree (Vóhkoohétaneo'o – "rabbit people") to the north and west of Cheyenne territory. By the help of the Medicine Arrows (the Mahuts), the Cheyenne tribe massacred a Crow camp in 1820.[25] To the east of Cheyenne Territory they fought with the Sioux, Pawnee (Ho'néhetaneo'o – "wolf people", possibly an adaptive from the Skiri/Skidi Pawnee or Wolf Pawnee), Ponca (Onéhao'o), Kaw (Oo'kóhtâxétaneo'o – "cut hair people"), Iowa, Ho-Chunk and Omaha (Onéhao'o). The Cheyenne lost the Medicine Arrows during an attack on a hunting camp of Pawnees around 1830.[26] South of Cheyenne territory they fought with the Kiowa (Vétapâhaetó'eo'o – "greasy wood ones"), Comanche (Šé'šenovotsétaneo'o – "snake people"), Ute (Mo'ȯhtávėhetaneo'o – "black (skinned) people"), Plains Apache (Mȯhtséheonetaneo'o – "occupied.comp-people"), Osage (Oo'kóhtâxétaneo'o – "cut hair people"), Wichita people, various Apache tribes and Navajo (Hotamó'keeho – "Indians from out west"; collective name for tribes of the Southswest and Great Basin). Many of the enemies the Cheyenne fought were only encountered occasionally, such as on a long distance raid or hunt. Some of their enemies, particularly the Indian peoples of the eastern great plains such as the Pawnee and Osage would act as Indian Scouts for the US Army, providing valuable tracking skills and information regarding Cheyenne habits and fighting strategies to US soldiers. Some of their enemies such as the Lakota would later in their history become their strong allies, helping the Cheyenne fight against the United States Army during Red Cloud's War and the Great Sioux War of 1876. The Comanche, Kiowa and Plains Apache became allies of the Cheyenne towards the end of the Indian wars on the southern plains, fighting together during conflicts such as the Red River War.[27]

text: Relationship with the Arapaho[edit]

text: The Cheyenne and Arapaho people formed an alliance around 1811 that helped them expand their territories and strengthen their presence on the plains. Like the Cheyenne, the Arapaho language is part of the Algonquian group, although the two languages are not mutually intelligible. The Arapaho remained strong allies with the Cheyenne and helped them fight alongside the Sioux during Red Cloud's War and the Great Sioux War of 1876, also known commonly as the Black Hills War. On the southern plains, the Arapaho and Cheyenne allied with the Comanche, Kiowa, and Plains Apache to fight invading settlers and US soldiers. The Arapaho were present with the Cheyenne at the Sand Creek Massacre when a peaceful encampment of mostly women, children, and the elderly were attacked and massacred by US soldiers. Both major divisions of the Cheyenne, the Northern Cheyenne and Southern Cheyenne were allies to the Arapaho who like the Cheyenne are split into northern and southern divisions. The Southern Cheyenne and Southern Arapaho were assigned to the same reservation in Oklahoma Indian Territory and remained together as the federally recognized Cheyenne and Arapaho Tribes after the reservation was opened to American settlement and into modern times.[28] The Northern Arapaho were to be assigned a reservation of their own or share one with the Cheyenne however the government failed to provide them with either and placed them on the already established Wind River Indian Reservation in Wyoming with their former enemies the Shoshone.

text: Treaty of 1825[edit]

text: In the summer of 1825, the tribe was visited on the upper Missouri by a US treaty commission consisting of General Henry Atkinson and Indian agent Benjamin O'Fallon, accompanied by a military escort of 476 men. General Atkinson and his fellow commissioner left Fort Atkinson on May 16, 1825. Ascending the Missouri, they negotiated treaties of friendship and trade with tribes of the upper Missouri, including the Arikara, the Cheyenne, the Crow, the Mandan, the Ponca, and several bands of the Sioux. At that time, the US had competition on the upper Missouri from British traders, who came south from Canada.

text: The treaties acknowledged that the tribes lived within the United States, vowed perpetual friendship between the US and the tribes, and, recognizing the right of the United States to regulate trade, the tribes promised to deal only with licensed traders. The tribes agreed to forswear private retaliation for injuries, and to return or indemnify the owner of stolen horses or other goods. The commission's efforts to contact the Blackfoot and the Assiniboine were unsuccessful. During their return to Fort Atkinson at the Council Bluff in Nebraska, the commission had successful negotiations with the Ota, the Pawnee and the Omaha.[29]

text: Effects of the Emigrant Trail[edit]

text: Increased traffic of emigrants along the related Oregon, Mormon and California trails, beginning in the early 1840s, heightened competition with Native Americans for scarce resources of water and game in arid areas. With resource depletion along the trails, the Cheyenne became increasingly divided into the Northern Cheyenne and Southern Cheyenne, where they could have adequate territory for sustenance.

text: During the California Gold Rush, emigrants brought in cholera. It spread in mining camps and waterways due to poor sanitation. The disease was generally a major cause of death for emigrants, about one-tenth of whom died during their journeys.

text: Perhaps from traders, the cholera epidemic reached the Plains Indians in 1849, resulting in severe loss of life during the summer of that year. Historians estimate about 2,000 Cheyenne died, one-half to two-thirds of their population. There were significant losses among other tribes as well, which weakened their social structures. Perhaps because of severe loss of trade during the 1849 season, Bent's Fort was abandoned and burned.[30]

text: Fort Laramie Treaty of 1851[edit]

text: In 1846, Thomas Fitzpatrick was appointed US Indian agent for the upper Arkansas and Platte River. His efforts to negotiate with the Northern Cheyenne, the Arapaho and other tribes led to a great council at Fort Laramie in 1851. Treaties were negotiated by a commission consisting of Fitzpatrick and David Dawson Mitchell, US Superintendent of Indian Affairs, with the Indians of the northern plains.

text: To reduce intertribal warfare on the Plains, the government officials "assigned" territories to each tribe and had them pledge mutual peace. In addition, the government secured permission to build and maintain roads for European-American travelers and traders through Indian country on the Plains, such as the Emigrant Trail and the Santa Fe Trail, and to maintain forts to guard them. The tribes were compensated with annuities of cash and supplies for such encroachment on their territories. The Fort Laramie Treaty of 1851 affirmed the Cheyenne and Arapaho territory on the Great Plains between the North Platte River and the Arkansas. This territory included what is now Colorado, east of the Front Range of the Rockies and north of the Arkansas River; Wyoming and Nebraska, south of the North Platte River; and extreme western Kansas.[31]

text: Punitive US expedition of 1857[edit]

text: In April 1856, an incident at the Platte River Bridge (near present-day Casper, Wyoming), resulted in the wounding of a Cheyenne warrior. He returned to the Cheyenne on the plains. During the summer of 1856, Indians attacked travelers along the Emigrant Trail near Fort Kearny. In retaliation, the US Cavalry attacked a Cheyenne camp on Grand Island in Nebraska. They killed ten Cheyenne warriors and wounded eight or more.

text: Cheyenne parties attacked at least three emigrant settler parties before returning to the Republican River. The Indian agent at Fort Laramie negotiated with the Cheyenne to reduce hostilities, but the Secretary of War ordered the 1st Cavalry Regiment (1855) to carry out a punitive expedition under the command of Colonel Edwin V. Sumner. He went against the Cheyenne in the spring of 1857. Major John Sedgwick led part of the expedition up the Arkansas River, and via Fountain Creek to the South Platte River. Sumner's command went west along the North Platte to Fort Laramie, then down along the Front Range to the South Platte. The combined force of 400 troops went east through the plains searching for Cheyenne.[32][33][34]

text: Under the influence of the medicine man White Bull (also called Ice) and Grey Beard (also called Dark), the Cheyenne went into battle believing that strong spiritual medicine would prevent the soldiers' guns from firing. They were told that if they dipped their hands in a nearby spring, they had only to raise their hands to repel army bullets. Hands raised, the Cheyenne surrounded the advancing troops as they advanced near the Solomon River. Sumner ordered a cavalry charge and the troops charged with drawn sabers; the Cheyenne fled. With tired horses after long marches, the cavalry could not engage more than a few Cheyenne, as their horses were fresh.

text: This was the first battle which the Cheyenne fought against the US Army. Casualties were few on each side; J.E.B. Stuart, then a young lieutenant, was shot in the breast while attacking a Cheyenne warrior with a sabre. The troops continued on and two days later burned a hastily abandoned Cheyenne camp; they destroyed lodges and the winter supply of buffalo meat.[33][34][35][36]

text: Sumner continued to Bent's Fort. To punish the Cheyenne, he distributed their annuities to the Arapaho. He intended further punitive actions, but the Army ordered him to Utah because of an outbreak of trouble with the Mormons (this would be known as the Utah War). The Cheyenne moved below the Arkansas into Kiowa and Comanche country. In the fall, the Northern Cheyenne returned to their country north of the Platte.[33][35][37]

text: Pike's Peak Gold Rush[edit]

text: Starting in 1859 with the Colorado Gold Rush, European-American settlers moved into lands reserved for the Cheyenne and other Plains Indians. Travel greatly increased along the Emigrant Trail along the South Platte River and some emigrants stopped before going on to California. For several years there was peace between settlers and Indians. The only conflicts were related to the endemic warfare between the Cheyenne and Arapaho of the plains and the Utes of the mountains.

text: US negotiations with Black Kettle and other Cheyenne favoring peace resulted in the Treaty of Fort Wise: it established a small reservation for the Cheyenne in southeastern Colorado in exchange for the territory agreed to in the Fort Laramie Treaty of 1851. Many Cheyenne did not sign the treaty, and they continued to live and hunt on their traditional grounds in the Smokey Hill and Republican basins, between the Arkansas and the South Platte, where there were plentiful buffalo.[38]

text: Efforts to make a wider peace continued, but in the spring of 1864, John Evans, governor of Colorado Territory, and John Chivington, commander of the Colorado Volunteers, a citizens militia, began a series of attacks on Indians camping or hunting on the plains. They killed any Indian on sight and initiated the Colorado War. General warfare broke out and Indians made many raids on the trail along the South Platte, which Denver depended on for supplies. The Army closed the road from August 15 until September 24, 1864.[38]

text: On November 29, 1864, the Colorado Militia attacked a Cheyenne and Arapaho encampment under Chief Black Kettle, although it flew a flag of truce and indicated its allegiance to the US government. The Sand Creek massacre, as it came to be known, resulted in the death of between 150 and 200 Cheyenne, mostly unarmed women and children. The survivors fled northeast and joined the camps of the Cheyenne on the Smokey Hill and Republican rivers. There warriors smoked the war pipe, passing it from camp to camp among the Sioux, Cheyenne and Arapaho.[39]

text: In January 1865, they planned and carried out an attack with about 1000 warriors on Camp Rankin, a stage station and fort at Julesburg. The Indians made numerous raids along the South Platte, both east and west of Julesburg, and raided the fort again in early February. They captured much loot and killed many European Americans. Most of the Indians moved north into Nebraska on their way to the Black Hills and the Powder River.[39] (See Battle of Julesburg, Battle of Mud Springs, Battle of Rush Creek, Powder River Expedition, Battle of Platte Bridge)

text: Black Kettle continued to desire peace and did not join in the second raid or in the plan to go north to the Powder River country. He left the large camp and returned with 80 lodges of his tribesmen to the Arkansas River, where he intended to seek peace with the US.[40]

text: Battle of Washita River[edit]

text: Four years later, on November 27, 1868, George Armstrong Custer and his troops attacked Black Kettle's band at the Battle of Washita River. Although his band was camped on a defined reservation, complying with the government's orders, some of its members had been linked to raiding into Kansas by bands operating out of the Indian Territory. Custer claimed 103 Cheyenne "warriors" and an unspecified number of women and children killed whereas different Cheyenne informants named between 11 and 18 men (mostly 10 Cheyenne, 2 Arapaho, 1 Mexican trader) and between 17 and 25 women and children killed in the village.[citation needed]

text: There are conflicting claims as to whether the band was hostile or friendly. Historians believe that Chief Black Kettle, head of the band, was not part of the war party but the peace party within the Cheyenne nation. But, he did not command absolute authority over members of his band and the European Americans did not understand this. When younger members of the band took part in raiding parties, European Americans blamed the entire band for the incidents and casualties.[citation needed]

text: Battle of the Little Bighorn[edit]

text: This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (May 2014)

text: The Northern Cheyenne fought in the Battle of the Little Bighorn, which took place on June 25, 1876. The Cheyenne, together with the Lakota, other Sioux warriors and a small band of Arapaho, killed General George Armstrong Custer and much of his 7th Cavalry contingent of soldiers. Historians have estimated that the population of the Cheyenne, Lakota and Arapaho encampment along the Little Bighorn River was approximately 10,000, making it one of the largest gatherings of Native Americans in North America in pre-reservation times. News of the event traveled across the United States and reached Washington, D.C., just as the nation was celebrating its Centennial. Public reaction arose in outrage against the Cheyenne.

text: Northern Cheyenne Exodus[edit]

text: Following the Battle of the Little Bighorn, the US Army increased attempts to capture the Cheyenne. In 1879, after the Dull Knife Fight, when Crazy Horse surrendered at Fort Robinson, a few Cheyenne chiefs and their people surrendered as well. They were Dull Knife, Standing Elk and Wild Hog with around 130 Cheyenne. Later that year Two Moons surrendered at Fort Keogh, with 300 Cheyenne. The Cheyenne wanted and expected to live on the reservation with the Sioux in accordance to an April 29, 1868 treaty of Fort Laramie, which both Dull Knife and Little Wolf had signed.[41]

text: As part of a US increase in troops following the Battle of the Little Bighorn, the Army reassigned Colonel Ranald S. Mackenzie and his Fourth Cavalry to the Department of the Platte. Stationed initially at Camp Robinson, they formed the core of the Powder River Expedition. It departed in October 1876 to locate the northern Cheyenne villages. On November 25, 1876, his column discovered and defeated a village of Northern Cheyenne in the Dull Knife Fight in Wyoming Territory. After the soldiers destroyed the lodges and supplies, and confiscated the horses, the Northern Cheyenne soon surrendered. They hoped to remain with the Sioux in the north but the US pressured them to locate with the Southern Cheyenne on their reservation in Indian Territory. After a difficult council, the Northern Cheyenne eventually agreed to go South.

text: When the Northern Cheyenne arrived at Indian Territory, conditions were very difficult: rations were inadequate, there were no buffalo near the reservation and, according to several sources, there was malaria among the people. On 9 September 1878, a portion of the Northern Cheyenne, led by Little Wolf and Dull Knife started their trek back to the north. On reaching the northern area, they split into two bands. That led by Dull Knife (mostly women, children and elders) surrendered and were taken to Fort Robinson, where subsequent events became known as the Fort Robinson tragedy. Dull Knife's group was first offered food and firewood and then, after a week and a half, they were told to go back to Indian territory. When they said no, they were then locked in the wooden barracks with no food, water or firewood for heat for four days. Most escaped in an estimated forty degrees below zero on January 9, 1879, but all were recaptured or killed.[41][42]

text: Eventually the US forced the Northern Cheyenne onto a reservation, in southern Montana.[41][42][43]

text: Northern Cheyenne Indian Reservation[edit]

text: The Cheyenne who traveled to Fort Keogh (present day Miles City, Montana), including Little Wolf, settled near the fort.[41] Many of the Cheyenne worked with the army as scouts. The Cheyenne scouts were pivotal in helping the Army find Chief Joseph and his band of Nez Percé in northern Montana. Fort Keogh became a staging and gathering point for the Northern Cheyenne. Many families began to migrate south to the Tongue River watershed area, where they established homesteads.[44]

text: The US established the Tongue River Indian Reservation, now named the Northern Cheyenne Indian Reservation, of 371,200 acres (1,502 km2) by the executive order of President Chester A. Arthur November 16, 1884. It excluded Cheyenne who had homesteaded further east near the Tongue River. The western boundary is the Crow Indian Reservation. On March 19, 1900, President William McKinley extended the reservation to the west bank of the Tongue River, making a total of 444,157 acres (1,797 km2). Those who had homesteaded east of the Tongue River were relocated to the west of the river.[44]

text: The Northern Cheyenne, who were sharing the Lakota land at Pine Ridge Indian Reservation were finally allowed to return to the Tongue River on their own reservation. Along with the Lakota and Apache, the Cheyenne were the last nations to be subdued and placed on reservations. (The Seminole tribe of Florida never made a treaty with the US government.)

text: The Northern Cheyenne were given the right to remain in the north, near the Black Hills, land which they consider sacred. The Cheyenne also managed to retain their culture, religion and language. Today, the Northern Cheyenne Nation is one of the few American Indian nations to have control over the majority of its land base, currently 98%.

text: Culture[edit]

text: Over the past 400 years, the Cheyenne have changed their lifestyles. In the 16th century, they lived in the regions near the Great Lakes.[3] They farmed corn, squash, and beans, and harvested wild rice like other indigenous peoples of the Northeastern Woodlands. They migrated west in the 18th century and hunted bison on the Great Plains.[3] By the mid-19th century, the US forced them onto reservations.[3]

text: The traditional Cheyenne government system is a politically unified system. The central traditional government system of the Cheyenne is the Arrow Keeper, followed by the Council of Forty-Four. Early in Cheyenne history, three related tribes, known as the Heviqsnipahis, the Só'taeo'o and the Masikota, unified themselves to form the Tsé-tsêhéstâhese or the "Like Hearted People" who are known today as the "Cheyenne". The unified tribe then divided themselves into ten principal bands:

text:
Heviksnipahis (Iviststsinihpah)
Hévhaitanio (Heévâhetaneo'o)
Masikota
Omísis (Ôhmésêheseo'o, the Notameohmésêhese proper)
Só'taeo'o (Suhtai or Sutaio, Northern and Southern)
Wotápio
Oivimána (Oévemana, Northern and Southern)
Hisíometanio (Hesé'omeétaneo'o or Issiometaniu)
Ohktounna (Oqtóguna)
Hónowa (Háovôhnóva)

text: Each of the ten bands had four seated chief delegates; the remaining four chiefs were the principal advisers of the other delegates. Smaller bands or sub-bands had no right to send delegates to the council. This system also regulated the Cheyenne military societies that developed for planning warfare, enforcing rules, and conducting ceremonies.

text: Anthropologists debate about Cheyenne society organization. On the plains, it appears that they had a bilateral band kinship system. However, some anthropologists reported that the Cheyenne had a matrilineal band system. Studies into whether, and if so, how much the Cheyenne developed a matrilineal clan system are continuing.

text: Traditional Cheyenne plains culture[edit]

text: While they participated in nomadic Plains horse culture, men hunted and occasionally fought with and raided other tribes.[45] The women tanned and dressed hides for clothing, shelter, and other uses.[46] They also gathered roots, berries, and other useful plants.[47] From the products of hunting and gathering, the women also made lodges, clothing, and other equipment.[48] Their lives were active and physically demanding.[49] The range of the Cheyenne was first the area in and near the Black Hills, but later all the Great Plains from Dakota to the Arkansas River.

text: Role models[edit]

text: A Cheyenne woman has a higher status if she is part of an extended family with distinguished ancestors. Also, if she is friendly and compatible with her female relatives and does not have members in her extended family who are alcoholics or otherwise in disrepute. It is expected of all Cheyenne women to be hardworking, chaste, modest, skilled in traditional crafts, knowledgeable about Cheyenne culture and history and speak Cheyenne fluently. Tribal powwow princesses are expected to have these characteristics.[50]

text: Ethnobotany[edit]

text: An infusion of the pulverized leaves and blossoms of tansy is used for dizziness and weakness.[51] They give dried leaves of Sagittaria cuneata to horses for urinary troubles and for a sore mouth.[52]

text: Notable Cheyenne[edit]

text:
Black Kettle (in Cheyenne: Moke-tav-a-to or Mo'ôhtavetoo'o, since 1854 member of the Council of Forty-four and chief of the Wotapio band of Southern Cheyenne, killed by George Armstrong Custer at Battle of Washita River)
Morning Star (in Cheyenne: Vóóhéhéve, better known as Dull Knife, a translation of his Lakota name Tamílapéšni,[53] Head chief of the Northern Cheyenne)
Little Wolf (in Cheyenne: Ó'kôhómôxháahketa, more correctly translated Little Coyote, Northern Só'taeo'o chief and Sweet Medicine Chief, was one of the "Old Man" chiefs among the Council of Forty-four, belonged to the Elk Horn Scrapers (Hémo'eoxeso), one of the four original Cheyenne military societies)
Owl Woman, daughter of White Thunder and wife of William Bent
Roman Nose (in Cheyenne: Woo-ka-nay, Northern Cheyenne, legendary war hero and chief of the Elk Horn Scrapers (Hémo'eoxeso), one of the four original Cheyenne military societies)
Tall Bull, chief of the Cheyenne Dog Soldiers, killed at Battle of Summit Springs
Two Moons (famous Northern Cheyenne Chief, in Cheyenne: Éše'he Ȯhnéšesėstse, also known as Ónonevóo'xénéhe - ″Ree Roman Nose″ or Mȧsėhávoo'xénéhe - ″Crazy Roman Nose″)
Wooden Leg, Northern Cheyenne, warrior fought at Little Bighorn
Wolf Robe, chief, Southern Cheyenne, peacemaker
George Bent, son of Owl Woman, interpreter and Cheyenne historian
Jimmy Carl Black, drummer and vocalist for The Mothers of Invention
Ben Nighthorse Campbell, Northern Cheyenne, former US Senator, State of Colorado, United States Congress
Chris Eyre, Southern Cheyenne and Southern Arapaho, directed the films: Smoke Signals and Skins
Joseph Fire Crow, Northern Cheyenne, Cheyenne flutist and recording artist, Grammy Nominee and Nammy winner
Sr. Gordon Yellowman, Southern Cheyenne, Chief of the Southern Cheyenne.
Suzan Shown Harjo, Southern Cheyenne and Muscogee (Creek), Founding Trustee, Smithsonian National Museum of the American Indian; President, Morning Star Institute (a Native rights advocacy organization based in Washington DC).
Eugene Little Coyote, Northern Cheyenne, former president of the Northern Cheyenne Indian Reservation
St. David Pendleton Oakerhater, Okuhhatuh or "Making Medicine," Southern Cheyenne (1847–1931), veteran of the Red River War, Fort Marion prisoner of war, ledger artist, deacon of Whirlwind Mission, sun dancer, canonized saint in the Episcopal Church
Harvey Pratt, Southern Cheyenne and Southern Arapaho, painter, sculptor and a leading forensic artist in the United States
W. Richard West Jr., Southern Cheyenne, Founding Director, Smithsonian National Museum of the American Indian
W. Richard West, Sr., "Dick West" or Wahpahnahyah, Southern Cheyenne painter, educator, and Director of Art at Bacone College


document_title: Drainage in New Orleans

question_text: when were the levees in new orleans built

text: Drainage in New Orleans

text: Geography[edit]

text: The city of New Orleans is located in the Mississippi River Delta on the east and west banks of the Mississippi River and south of Lake Pontchartrain. The city was originally settled on the natural levees or high ground, along the river. In the 1960s, floodwalls and man-made levees were constructed around a much larger geographic footprint that included previous marshland and swamp. Over time, pumping of nearby marshland allowed for development into lower elevation areas. Today, a large portion of New Orleans is at or below local mean sea level and evidence suggests that portions of the city may be dropping in elevation due to subsidence.

text: A 2007 study by Tulane and Xavier University suggested that "51%... of the contiguous urbanized portions of Orleans, Jefferson, and St. Bernard parishes lie at or above sea level," with the more densely populated areas generally on higher ground. A more recent study published by the ASCE Journal of Hydrologic Engineering in 2016, however, stated:

text:
“
...most of New Orleans proper - about 65% - is at or below mean sea level, as defined by the average elevation of Lake Pontchartrain[3]
”

text: Because of the low terrain of the New Orleans area, a complex system of levees, canals, and pumps are required to reduce the risk of flooding.

text: History of Flood Control[edit]

text: The natural levees along the Mississippi River were a result of soil deposits left from the river's annual floods. The site chosen for New Orleans had many advantages. Because it sits where distance between the river and Lake Pontchartrain is shortest, Louisiana Indians had long used the area as a depot and market for goods carried between the two waterways. The narrow strip of land also aided rapid troop movements, and the river's crescent shape slowed ships approaching from downriver and exposed them to gunfire,[4] however flooding was always a hazard.

text: The first artificial levees and canals were built in early colonial times. They were erected to protect New Orleans against routine flooding from the Mississippi River. The "back of town" away from the river originally drained down into the swamps running toward Lake Pontchartrain. Flooding from the lake side was rare and less severe as most of the old town had been built on high ground along the riverfront.

text: As the city grew, demand for more land encouraged expansion into lower areas more prone to periodic flooding. For most of the 19th century most residential buildings were raised up at least a foot above street level (often several feet), since periodic flooding of the streets was a certainty at the time.

text: In the 1830s state engineer George T. Dunbar proposed an ambitious system of underground drainage canals beneath the streets. The goal was to drain water by gravity into the low lying swamps, supplementing this with canals and mechanical pumps. The first of the city's steam engine powered drainage pumps, adapted from a ship's paddle wheel and used to push water along the Orleans Canal out to Bayou St. John, was constructed in this decade. However, only a few of Dunbar's plans were actually implemented as the panic of 1837 largely ended major systematic improvements for a generation.

text: In 1859 surveyor Louis H. Pilié improved the drainage canals, bricking in some portions. Four large steam "draining machines" were built to push water through the canals into the lake.

text: In 1871, some 36 miles (58 km) of canals were built in the city for both improved drainage and small vessel shipping within town. However, despite earlier efforts, at the end of the 19th century it was still common for water to cover streets from curb to curb after rainstorms, sometimes for days.

text: In 1893, the city government formed the Drainage Advisory Board to come up with better solutions to the city's drainage problems. Extensive topographical maps were made and some of the nation's top engineers were consulted. In 1899, a bond was floated, and a 2 mill per dollar property tax approved, which funded and founded the Sewerage & Water Board of New Orleans. The Sewerage & Water Board had the responsibility of draining the city along with constructing a modern sewage and tap water system for the city, which, at the time, still relied heavily on cisterns and outhouses. (A different entity, the Orleans Levee Board, was in charge of supervision of the city's levee and floodwall system.)

text: The Sewerage & Water Board found A. Baldwin Wood, a young engineer who not only supervised the plans for improved drainage and pumping, but also invented a number of improvements in pumps and plumbing in the process. These improvements were not only used in New Orleans, but adopted all over the world.

text: As the 20th century progressed, much of the land that had previously been swampland or considered fit for no other use than cow pasture (due to periodic flooding), was drained. The city then expanded back from the natural higher ground close to the river and the natural bayou formed ridges.

text: On 15 April 1927 in what became known as the Great Mississippi Flood of 1927, the city was deluged by a downpour of some 15 inches (380 mm) of rain within 19 hours. At the time, almost all of the city's pumps relied completely on the municipal electricity system, which went out early in the storm, thus knocking the pumps off line, which led to extensive flooding in the city. After this, back up diesel generators with sufficient fuel to run the pumps for at least a day if electricity failed were added to the pumping stations. The "Good Friday Flood", as it was known locally, happened when the Mississippi River levels were dangerously high along the levees at the city, but was not directly connected to the more wide-ranging flood.

text: 1927 also saw the start of a project to build a more extensive system of levees on the shoreline of Lake Pontchartrain. After 1945, all land up to the lake had been developed.

text: The city's system was effective when the 1947 Fort Lauderdale Hurricane directly hit the city. Wood's drainage pumps kept the city proper mostly dry, while the neighboring suburbs on the East Bank of Jefferson Parish (which at the time did not have a comparable system operational), flooded under up to 6 feet (1.8 m) of water.

text: Most of the city weathered Hurricane Betsy in 1965 without severe flooding, with the major exception of the Lower Ninth Ward neighborhood. The Lower Ninth Ward is separated from the rest of the city by the Industrial Canal and Gulf Intracoastal Waterway. It was flooded not by rainfall, but by a breach in the Industrial Canal levee, resulting in catastrophic flooding and loss of life in the neighborhood.

text: By the 1980s, the city boasted a system of 20 pumping stations with 89 pumps, with a combined capacity of 15,642,000 US gallons (59,210,000 L) per minute, equal to the flow of the Ohio River.

text: In May 1995, torrential rains (up to 20 inches (510 mm) in 12 hours in some places) overwhelmed pumping capacity, flooding substantial portions of the city. Slab houses in some low areas were flooded, and great numbers of automobiles on the city's flooded streets were declared insurance write-offs. This prompted projects increasing drainage capacity in the worst hit areas.

text: By early 2005, the city had 148 drainage pumps.

text: Hurricane Katrina[edit]

text: The greatest catastrophe in the city's drainage history occurred at the end of August 2005 when it was hit by Hurricane Katrina, after which eighty percent of the city flooded. Katrina brought tropical storm conditions to the city starting the night of 28 August, with hurricane conditions beginning the following day and lasting through the afternoon.

text: The hurricane itself did not flood the city. Rather, a series of failures in mis-designed levees and floodwalls allowed water from the Gulf of Mexico and Lake Pontchartrain to flow into the city.

text: The Industrial Canal was overwhelmed when a storm surge, funneled in by the Mississippi River Gulf Outlet, overflowed and breached levees and floodwalls in several locations, flooding not only the Lower Ninth Ward, but also Eastern New Orleans and portions of the Upper Ninth Ward west of the Canal.

text: Meanwhile, waters from storm-swollen Lake Pontchartrain poured into the city, first from a breach in the 17th Street Canal, and then from a pair of breaches in both sides of the London Avenue Canal. These canals were among those used to channel water pumped from city streets into the lake. The storm caused the flow to reverse, and as water levels rose the entire drainage system failed. Examinations afterwards showed that water levels in these locations never topped the floodwalls, but instead the levees failed with a water level supposedly within their safe tolerance.

text: In much of town west of the Industrial Canal, residents who did not evacuate before the storm reported that after the storm they were relieved to see their streets dry and the precipitation from the storm successfully pumped out. However, disaster was already spreading from the series of levee breaches. In areas of town far from the breaches, flood water came not in through the streets, but up from the storm drains beneath the street, in some places changing streets from dry to under 3 feet (0.91 m) of water within half an hour.

text: By the evening of August 30, some 80% of the city was under water. (This figure includes areas of widely differing flood levels, ranging from areas where streets were covered with water which never rose into homes to areas where homes were entirely submerged over the rooftops.) Most of the city's pumping stations were submerged. The few above the water line had no power and the emergency diesel fuel had run out. These few were often tiny islands in the flood, inaccessible even if intact enough to hypothetically be turned back on.

text: For most of the city to the west of the Industrial Canal, the flood levels were much the same as those reached in mid-19th century storms when, like Katrina, major hurricanes created a "lake flood" by pushing Lake Pontchartrain up into the South Shore. At the time of these earlier storms the lower lying areas of the city had little development, so effects on life and property were much less severe.

text: West of the Industrial Canal, the parts of the city unflooded or minimally flooded largely corresponded with areas of the city developed on naturally higher ground before 1900.

text: On August 31, flood levels started to subside. The water level in the city had reached that of Lake Pontchartrain, and as the lake started to drain back into the Gulf, some water in the city started to flow into the lake via the same levee breaches they had entered through. In 19th century lake floods, the water soon flowed back into the lake as there were no levees on that side. In 2005, while the levees proved inadequate to keep the lake out of the city, even in breached form they were sufficient to keep much of the flooding from flowing back out. As breaches were gradually filled, some city pumps were reactivated, supplemented by additional pumps brought in by the United States Army Corps of Engineers. Some of the city's pumps which survived could not be reactivated because of the failures of the canals that they pumped flood waters into. The combined task of closing breaches and pumping the flood waters out took weeks and was compounded by a setback in late September due to further flooding from Hurricane Rita.

text: Katrina Aftermath[edit]

text: By the start of October 2005, only a few small areas of flood waters remained within the city, but the disastrous flooding in the aftermath of Katrina left the majority of the city's houses and businesses so damaged as to be unusable until major renovations or repairs could be made. An article in the New Orleans Times-Picayune on 30 November 2005 reported that studies showed the 17th Street Canal levee was "destined to fail" as a result of fundamental design mistakes by the United States Army Corps of Engineers.[5]

text: Additional investigations found more problems with the design and construction of the London Avenue Canal, Industrial Canal, MRGO, and other levees and flood walls.

text: While the majority of the city's drainage pumps were able to be reactivated after the storm, some of the usually reliable pumps failed in 2006 due to corrosion. This was caused by wiring being submerged in the brackish water from Katrina.

text: As a stop-gap measure, the Corps of Engineers installed flood gates at the mouths of the drainage canals at Lake Pontchartrain, to be closed if the lake water level rises. While this prevents lake waters from flowing into the vulnerable canals, it also severely limits the ability of the city to pump out rain water while the gates are closed.

text: In March 2006, it was revealed that temporary pumps installed by the USACE were defective.[6][7]

text: Post-Katrina Flood Concerns[edit]

text: In 2008, Hurricane Gustav impacted the southeast Louisiana coast, but caused minimal flood impacts.[8]

text: In 2012, slow-moving Hurricane Isaac dropped up to 20 inches (51 cm) of rainfall on isolated parts of the city which exceeded New Orleans' pumping capacity, however minimal flood impacts were noted.[3]

text: On the afternoon of August 5, 2017, heavy rainfall over a roughly 3-4 hour period caused significant flooding across central sections of New Orleans. The rainfall - estimated as having only a 1-in-10 to 1-in-100 chance of occurring annually[9] - was higher than the city's pumping capacity. Numerous roadways were flooding with several feet of water, vehicles were flooded, and water entered some structures.[10] It was later revealed that 16 of New Orleans' 148 drainage pumps and 3 of 5 turbines which provide power to the pumping system were out of service, severely reducing pumping capacity during the rain event.[11]