document_title: History of New Zealand

question_text: when did the first settlers come to new zealand

question_tokens: when did the first settlers come to new zealand

text: History of New Zealand

text: Māori arrival and settlement[edit]

text: New Zealand was originally settled by Polynesians from Eastern Polynesia. Genetic and archaeological evidence suggests that humans emigrated from Taiwan to Melanesia and then travelled east through to the Society Islands; after a pause of 70 to 265 years, a new wave of exploration led to the discovery and settlement of New Zealand.[4] The most current reliable evidence strongly indicates that initial settlement of New Zealand occurred around 1280 CE.[4] Previous dating of some Kiore (Polynesian rat) bones at 50 – 150 CE has now been shown to have been unreliable; new samples of bone (and now also of unequivocally rat-gnawed woody seed cases) match the 1280 CE date of the earliest archaeological sites and the beginning of sustained, anthropogenic deforestation.[5]

text: The descendants of these settlers became known as the Māori, forming a distinct culture of their own. The separate settlement of the tiny Chatham Islands in the east of New Zealand about 1500 CE produced the Moriori; linguistic evidence indicates that the Moriori were mainland Māori who ventured eastward.[6]

text: The original settlers quickly exploited the abundant large game in New Zealand, such as moa, which were large flightless ratites pushed to extinction by about 1500. As moa and other large game became scarce or extinct, Māori culture underwent major change, with regional differences. In areas where it was possible to grow taro and kūmara, horticulture became more important. This was not possible in the south of the South Island, but wild plants such as fernroot were often available and cabbage trees were harvested and cultivated for food. Warfare also increased in importance, reflecting increased competition for land and other resources. In this period, fortified pā became more common, although there is debate about the actual frequency of warfare. As elsewhere in the Pacific, cannibalism was part of warfare.[7]

text: Leadership was based on a system of chieftainship, which was often but not always hereditary, although chiefs (male or female) needed to demonstrate leadership abilities to avoid being superseded by more dynamic individuals. The most important units of pre-European Māori society were the whānau or extended family, and the hapū or group of whānau. After these came the iwi or tribe, consisting of groups of hapū. Related hapū would often trade goods and co-operate on major projects, but conflict between hapū was also relatively common. Traditional Māori society preserved history orally through narratives, songs, and chants; skilled experts could recite the tribal genealogies (whakapapa) back for hundreds of years. Arts included whaikōrero (oratory), song composition in multiple genres, dance forms including haka, as well as weaving, highly developed wood carving, and tā moko (tattoo).

text: New Zealand has no native land mammals (apart from some rare bats) so birds, fish and sea mammals were important sources of protein. Māori cultivated food plants which they had brought with them from Polynesia, including sweet potatoes (called kūmara), taro, gourds, and yams. They also cultivated the cabbage tree, a plant endemic to New Zealand, and exploited wild foods such as fern root, which provided a starchy paste.

text: Early contact periods[edit]

text: Early European exploration[edit]

text: The first Europeans known to reach New Zealand were the crew of Dutch explorer Abel Tasman who arrived in his ships Heemskerck and Zeehaen. Tasman anchored at the northern end of the South Island in Golden Bay (he named it Murderers' Bay) in December 1642 and sailed northward to Tonga following an attack by local Māori. Tasman sketched sections of the two main islands' west coasts. Tasman called them Staten Landt, after the States General of the Netherlands, and that name appeared on his first maps of the country. In 1645 Dutch cartographers changed the name to Nova Zeelandia in Latin, from Nieuw Zeeland, after the Dutch province of Zeeland. It was subsequently anglicised as New Zealand by British naval captain James Cook of HM Bark Endeavour who visited the islands more than 100 years after Tasman during 1769–1770. Cook returned to New Zealand on both of his subsequent voyages.

text: Various claims have been made that New Zealand was reached by other non-Polynesian voyagers before Tasman, but these are not widely accepted. Peter Trickett, for example, argues in Beyond Capricorn that the Portuguese explorer Cristóvão de Mendonça reached New Zealand in the 1520s, and the Tamil bell[8] discovered by missionary William Colenso has given rise to a number of theories,[9][10] but historians generally believe the bell 'is not in itself proof of early Tamil contact with New Zealand'.[11][12][13]

text: From the 1790s, the waters around New Zealand were visited by British, French and American whaling, sealing and trading ships. Their crews traded European goods, including guns and metal tools, for Māori food, water, wood, flax and sex.[14] Māori were reputed to be enthusiastic and canny traders, even though the levels of technology, institutions and property rights differed greatly from the standards in European societies.[15] Although there were some conflicts, such as the killing of French explorer Marc-Joseph Marion du Fresne in 1772 and the destruction of the Boyd in 1809, most contact between Māori and European was peaceful.

text: European settlement[edit]

text: European (Pākehā) settlement increased through the early decades of the 19th century, with numerous trading stations established, especially in the North Island. Christianity was introduced to New Zealand in 1814 by Samuel Marsden, who travelled to the Bay of Islands where he founded a mission station on behalf of the Church of England's Church Missionary Society.[16] By 1840 over 20 stations had been established. From missionaries, the Māori learnt not just about Christianity but also about European farming practices and trades, and how to read and write.[17] Beginning in 1820, linguist Samuel Lee worked with Māori chief Hongi Hika to transcribe the Māori language into written form.[16]

text: The first full-blooded European infant in the territory, Thomas Holloway King, was born on 21 Feb 1815 at the Oihi Mission Station near Hohi Bay[18] in the Bay of Islands. Kerikeri, founded in 1822, and Bluff founded in 1823, both claim to be the oldest European settlements in New Zealand.[19] Many European settlers bought land from Māori, but misunderstanding and different concepts of land ownership led to conflict and bitterness.[17] In 1839, the New Zealand Company announced plans to buy large tracts of land and establish colonies in New Zealand.[20] This alarmed the missionaries, who called for British control of European settlers in New Zealand.

text: Māori response[edit]

text: The effect of contact on Māori varied. In some inland areas life went on more or less unchanged, although a European metal tool such as a fish-hook or hand axe might be acquired through trade with other tribes. At the other end of the scale, tribes that frequently encountered Europeans, such as Ngāpuhi in Northland, underwent major changes.[16]

text: Pre-European Māori had no distance weapons except for tao (spears)[21] and the introduction of the musket had an enormous impact on Māori warfare. Tribes with muskets would attack tribes without them, killing or enslaving many.[22] As a result, guns became very valuable and Māori would trade huge quantities of goods for a single musket. From 1805 to 1843 the Musket Wars raged until a new balance of power was achieved after most tribes had acquired muskets. In 1835, the peaceful Moriori of the Chatham Islands were attacked, enslaved, and nearly exterminated by mainland Ngāti Mutunga and Ngāti Tama Māori.[23] In the 1901 census, only 35 Moriori were recorded although the numbers subsequently increased.[24]

text: Around this time, many Māori converted to Christianity.[16] The reasons for this have been hotly debated, and may include social and cultural disruption caused by the Musket Wars and European contact. Other factors may have been the appeal of a religion that promotes peace and forgiveness, a desire to emulate the Europeans and to gain a similar abundance of material goods, and the Māori's polytheistic culture that easily accepted the new God.

text: British sovereignty[edit]

text: In 1788 the Colony of New South Wales had been founded. According to the future Governor, Captain Arthur Phillip's amended Commission, dated 25 April 1787 the colony of New South Wales included "all the islands adjacent in the Pacific Ocean within the latitudes of 10°37'S and 43°39'S" which included most of New Zealand except for the southern half of the South Island.[25] In 1825 with Van Diemen's Land becoming a separate colony, the southern boundary of New South Wales was altered[26] to the islands adjacent in the Pacific Ocean with a southern boundary of 39°12'S which included only the northern half of the North Island. However, these boundaries had no real impact as the New South Wales administration had little interest in New Zealand.[27]

text: New Zealand was first mentioned in British statute in the Murders Abroad Act 1817. It made it easier for a court to punish "murders or manslaughters committed in places not within His Majesty's dominions",[28] and the Governor of New South Wales was given increased legal authority over New Zealand.[29] The jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of New South Wales over New Zealand was initiated in the New South Wales Act 1823, and lesser offences were included at that time.[30][31] In response to complaints from missionaries, about lawless sailors and adventurers in New Zealand, the British government appointed James Busby as Official Resident in 1832. In 1834 he encouraged Māori chiefs to assert their sovereignty with the signing of the Declaration of Independence in 1835. This was acknowledged by King William IV. Busby was provided with neither legal authority nor military support and was thus ineffective in controlling the European population.

text: Treaty of Waitangi[edit]

text: In 1839, the New Zealand Company announced its plans to establish colonies in New Zealand. This and the increased commercial interests of merchants in Sydney and London spurred the British to take stronger action. Captain William Hobson was sent to New Zealand to persuade Māori to cede their sovereignty to the British Crown. In reaction to the New Zealand Company's moves, on 15 June 1839 new Letters Patent were issued to expand the territory of New South Wales to include all of New Zealand. Governor of New South Wales George Gipps was appointed Governor over New Zealand. This was the first clear expression of British intent to annex New Zealand.

text: On 6 February 1840, Hobson and about forty Māori chiefs signed the Treaty of Waitangi at Waitangi in the Bay of Islands. Copies of the Treaty were subsequently taken around the country to be signed by other chiefs. A significant number refused to sign or were not asked but, in total, more than five hundred Māori eventually signed.

text: The Treaty gave Māori sovereignty over their lands and possessions and all of the rights of British citizens. What it gave the British in return depends on the language-version of the Treaty that is referred to. The English version can be said to give the British Crown sovereignty over New Zealand but in the Māori version the Crown receives kawanatanga, which, arguably, is a lesser power (see interpretations of the Treaty). Dispute over the true meaning and the intent of either party remains an issue.

text: Britain was motivated by the desire to forestall other European powers (France established a very small settlement at Akaroa in the South Island later in 1840), to facilitate settlement by British subjects and, possibly, to end the lawlessness of European (predominantly British and American) whalers, sealers and traders. Officials and missionaries had their own positions and reputations to protect.

text: Māori chiefs were motivated by a desire for protection from foreign powers, the establishment of governorship over European settlers and traders in New Zealand, and to allow for wider settlement that would increase trade and prosperity for Māori.[32]

text: Hobson died on 10 September 1842. Robert FitzRoy, the new governor, took some legal steps to recognise Māori custom.[33] However, his successor, George Grey, promoted rapid cultural assimilation and reduction of the land ownership, influence and rights of the Māori. The practical effect of the Treaty was, in the beginning, only gradually felt, especially in predominantly Māori regions.

text: The colonisation project[edit]

text: At first New Zealand was administered from Australia as part of the colony of New South Wales. On 1 July 1841 New Zealand became a colony in its own right.[33]

text: British writer Edward Gibbon Wakefield (1796–1862) exerted a far-reaching influence. His plans for systematic British colonisation focused on a free labour system, in contrast to the slavery in the United States and the convict labour in Australia. Inspired by evangelical Christianity and abolitionism, Wakefield's essays (1829 to 1849), condemned both slavery and indentured and convict labour as immoral, unjust, and inefficient. Instead, he proposed a government sponsored system in which the price of farm land was set at a high enough level to prevent urban workers from easily purchasing it and thus leaving the labour market. His colonisation programmes were over-elaborate and operated on a much smaller scale than he hoped for, but his ideas influenced law and culture, especially his vision for the colony as the embodiment of post-Enlightenment ideals, the notion of New Zealand as a model society, and the sense of fairness in employer-employee relations.[34][35]

text: Settlement continued under British plans, inspired by a vision of New Zealand as a new land of opportunity. The Church of England sponsored the Canterbury Association colony with assisted passages from Great Britain in the early 1850s. As a result of the influx of settlers, the Pākehā population grew explosively from fewer than 1000 in 1831 to 500,000 by 1881. Some 400,000 settlers came from Britain, of whom 300,000 stayed permanently. Most were young people and 250,000 babies were born. The passage of 120,000 was paid by the colonial government. After 1880 immigration reduced, and growth was due chiefly to the excess of births over deaths.[36]

text: In 1846, the British Parliament drafted eleborate plans for a form of self-government for the 13,000 settlers in New Zealand. The new Governor, George Grey, suspended the plans. He argued that the Pākehā could not be trusted to pass laws that would protect the interests of the Māori majority — already there had been Treaty violations – and persuaded his political superiors to postpone its introduction for five years.[37]

text: Growth, conflict and depression[edit]

text: Colonial self-government, 1850s[edit]

text: When the British settlers petititoned for self-government, the British Parliament passed the New Zealand Constitution Act 1852, setting up a central government with an elected General Assembly (Parliament) and six provincial governments.[38] The General Assembly did not meet until 24 May 1854, 16 months after the Constitution Act had come into force. Provinces were reorganised in 1846 and in 1853, when they acquired their own legislatures, and then abolished with effect in 1877.[39] The settlers soon won the right to responsible government (with an executive supported by a majority in the elected assembly). But the governor, and through him the Colonial Office in London, retained control of native policy until the mid-1860s.[40]

text: Farming and mining[edit]

text: The Māori tribes at first sold the land to the settlers, but the government voided the sales in 1840. Now only the government was allowed to purchase land from Māori, who received cash. The government bought practically all the useful land, then resold it to the New Zealand Company, which promoted immigration, or leased it for sheep runs. The Company resold the best tracts to British settlers; its profits were used to pay the travel of the immigrants from Britain.[41][42]

text: Because of the vast distances involved, the first settlers were self-sufficient farmers. By the 1840s, however, large scale sheep stations were exporting large quantities of wool to the textile mills of England. Most of the early settlers were brought over by a programme operated by the New Zealand Company and were located in the central region on either side of Cook Strait, and at Wellington, Wanganui, New Plymouth and Nelson. These settlements had access to some of the richest plains in the country and after refrigerated ships appeared in 1882, they developed into closely settled regions of small-scale farming. Outside these compact settlements were the sheep runs. Pioneer pastoralists, often men with experience as squatters in Australia, leased lands from the government at the annual rate of £5 plus £1 for each 1,000 sheep above the first 5,000. The leases were renewed automatically, which gave the wealthy pastoralists a strong landed interest and made them a powerful political force. In all between 1856 and 1876, 8.1 million acres were sold for £7.6 million, and 2.2 million acres were given free to soldiers, sailors and settlers.[43] With an economy based on agriculture, the landscape was transformed from forest to farmland.

text: Gold discoveries in Otago (1861) and Westland (1865), caused a worldwide gold rush that more than doubled the population in a short period, from 71,000 in 1859 to 164,000 in 1863. The value of trade increased fivefold from £2 million to £10 million. As the gold boom ended Premier Julius Vogel borrowed money from British investors and launched in 1870 an ambitious programme of public works and infrastructure investment, together with a policy of assisted immigration.[44] Successive governments expanded the program with offices across Britain that enticed settlers and gave them and their families one-way tickets.[45]

text: From about 1865, the economy lapsed into a long depression as a result of the withdrawal of British troops, peaking of gold production in 1866[46] and Vogel's borrowing and the associated debt burden (especially on land). Despite a brief boom in wheat, prices for farm products sagged. The market for land seized up. Hard times led to urban unemployment and sweated labour (exploitative labour conditions) in industry.[47] The country lost people through emigration, mostly to Australia.

text: Women[edit]

text: Although norms of masculinity were dominant, strong minded women originated a feminist movement starting in the 1860s, well before women gained the right to vote in 1893.[48] Middle class women employed the media (especially newspapers) to communicate with each other and define their priorities. Prominent feminist writers included Mary Taylor,[49] Mary Colclough (pseud. Polly Plum),[50] and Ellen Ellis.[51] The first signs of a politicised collective female identity came in crusades to pass the Contagious Diseases Prevention Act.[52][53]

text: Feminists by the 1880s were using the rhetoric of "white slavery" to reveal men's sexual and social oppression of women. By demanding that men take responsibility for the right of women to walk the streets in safety, New Zealand feminists deployed the rhetoric of white slavery to argue for women's sexual and social freedom.[54] Middle class women successfully mobilised to stop prostitution, especially during the First World War.[55]

text: Māori women developed their own form of feminism, derived from Māori nationalism rather than European sources.[56][57]

text: In 1893 Elizabeth Yates was elected mayor of Onehunga, making her the first woman in the British Empire to hold the office. She was an able administrator: she cut the debt, reorganised the fire brigade, and improved the roads and sanitation. Many men were hostile however, and she was defeated for re-election.[58] Hutching argues that after 1890 women were increasingly well organised through the National Council of Women, the Women's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU), the Women's International League, and the Housewives Union, and others. By 1910 they were campaigning for peace, and against compulsory military training, and conscription. They demanded arbitration and the peaceful resolution of international disputes. The women argued that womenhood (thanks to motherhood) was the repository of superior moral values and concerns and from their domestic experience they knew best how to resolve conflicts.[59]

text: Schools[edit]

text: Prior to 1877 schools were operated by the provincial government, churches, or by private subscription. Education was not a requirement and many children did not attend any school, especially farm children whose labour was important to the family economy. The quality of education provided varied substantially depending on the school. The Education Act of 1877 created New Zealand's first free national system of primary education, establishing standards that educators should meet, and making education compulsory for children aged 5 to 15.[60]

text: Immigration[edit]

text: From 1840 there was considerable European settlement, primarily from England and Wales, Scotland and Ireland; and to a lesser extent the United States, India, China, and various parts of continental Europe, including the province of Dalmatia[61] in what is now Croatia, and Bohemia[62] in what is now the Czech Republic. Already a majority of the population by 1859, the number of Pākehā settlers increased rapidly to reach over one million by 1916.[63]

text: In the 1870s and 1880s, several thousand Chinese men, mostly from Guangdong, migrated to New Zealand to work on the South Island goldfields. Although the first Chinese migrants had been invited by the Otago Provincial government they quickly became the target of hostility from white settlers and laws were enacted specifically to discourage them from coming to New Zealand.[64]

text: Māori adaptation and resistance[edit]

text: Māori had welcomed Pākehā for the trading opportunities and guns they brought. However it soon became clear that they had underestimated the number of settlers that would arrive in their lands. Iwi (tribes) whose land was the base of the main settlements quickly lost much of their land and autonomy through government acts. Others prospered – until about 1860 the city of Auckland bought most of its food from Māori who grew and sold it themselves. Many iwi owned flour mills, ships and other items of European technology, some exported food to Australia for a brief period during the 1850s gold rush. Although race relations were generally peaceful in this period, there were conflicts over who had ultimate power in particular areas – the Governor or the Māori chiefs. One such conflict was the Northern or Flagstaff War of the 1840s, during which Kororareka was sacked.[citation needed]

text: As the Pākehā population grew, pressure grew on Māori to sell more land. Land is not only an economic resource, but also one basis of Māori identity and a connection with their ancestor's bones.[citation needed] Land was used communally, but under the mana of chiefs. In Māori culture there was no such idea as selling land until the arrival of Europeans. The means of acquiring land was to defeat another hapu or iwi in battle and seize their land. Te Rauparaha seized the land of many lower North Island and upper South Island iwi during the musket wars. Land was usually not given up without discussion and consultation. When an iwi was divided over the question of selling this could lead to great difficulties as at Waitara.[citation needed]

text: Pākehā had little understanding of all that and accused Māori of holding onto land they did not use efficiently. Competition for land was one important cause of the New Zealand Wars of the 1860s and 1870s, in which the Taranaki and Waikato regions were invaded by colonial troops and Māori of these regions had some of their land taken from them. The wars and confiscation left bitterness that remains to this day. After the conclusion of the Land Wars some iwi, especially in the Waikato, such as Ngati Haua sold land freely. However, only the chiefs and their whanau benefited from this income. The 2013 Ngati Haua treaty settlement recognised that many Ngati Haua had not received any benefit from the large payments in the 1870s hence the government was paying compensation.[citation needed]

text: Some iwi sided with the government and, later, fought with the government. They were motivated partly by the thought that an alliance with the government would benefit them, and partly by old feuds with the iwi they fought against. One result of their co-operation strategy was the establishment of the four Māori electorates in the House of Representatives, in 1867.

text: After the wars, some Māori began a strategy of passive resistance, most famously at Parihaka in Taranaki. Most, such as NgaPuhi and Arawa continued co-operating with Pākehā. For example, tourism ventures were established by Te Arawa around Rotorua. Resisting and co-operating iwi both found that Pākehā desire for land remained. In the last decades of the century, most iwi lost substantial amounts of land through the activities of the Native Land Court. This was set up to give Māori land European-style titles and to establish exactly who owned it.[citation needed] Due to its Eurocentric rules, the high fees, its location remote from the lands in question, and unfair practices by some Pākehā land agents, its main effect was to allow Māori to sell their land without restraint from other tribal members.

text: The combination of war, confiscations, disease,[66] assimilation and intermarriage,[67] land loss leading to poor housing and alcohol abuse, and general disillusionment, caused a fall in the Māori population from around 86,000 in 1769 to around 70,000 in 1840 and around 48,000 by 1874, hitting a low point of 42,000 in 1896.[68] Subsequently, their numbers began to recover.

text: South Island predominance[edit]

text: While the North Island was convulsed by the Land Wars, the South Island, with its lower Māori population, was generally peaceful. In 1861 gold was discovered at Gabriel's Gully in Central Otago, sparking a gold rush. Dunedin became the wealthiest city in the country and many in the South Island resented financing the North Island's wars. In 1865 Parliament defeated a proposal to make the South Island independent by 17 to 31.[69]

text: The South Island contained most of the Pākehā population until around 1911 when the North Island again took the lead and has supported an ever-greater majority of the country's total population through the 20th century and into the 21st.[70]

text: Scottish immigrants dominated the South Island and evolved ways to bridge the old homeland and the new. Many local Caledonian societies were formed. They organised sports teams to entice the young and preserved an idealised Scottish national myth (based on Robert Burns) for the elderly. They gave Scots a path to assimilation and cultural integration as Scottish New Zealanders.[71]

text: Liberal to Labour[edit]

text: Liberal asendancy, 1890s[edit]

text: The pre-war era saw the advent of party politics, with the establishment of the Liberal Government. The landed gentry and aristocracy ruled Britain at this time. New Zealand never had an aristocracy but it did have wealthy landowners who largely controlled politics before 1891. The Liberal Party set out to change that by a policy it called "populism." Richard Seddon had proclaimed the goal as early as 1884: "It is the rich and the poor; it is the wealthy and the landowners against the middle and labouring classes. That, Sir, shows the real political position of New Zealand."[72] The Liberal strategy was to create a large class of small land-owning farmers who supported Liberal ideals.

text: To obtain land for farmers the Liberal government from 1891 to 1911 purchased 3.1 million acres of Māori land. The government also purchased 1.3 million acres from large estate holders for subdivision and closer settlement by small farmers. The Advances to Settlers Act of 1894 provided low-interest mortgages, while the Agriculture Department disseminated information on the best farming methods.[73][74]

text: The 1909 Native Land Act allowed the Māori to sell land to private buyers. Māori still owned five million acres by 1920; they leased three million acres and used one million acres for themselves. The Liberals proclaimed success in forging an egalitarian, antimonopoly land policy. The policy built up support for the Liberal party in rural North Island electorates. By 1903 the Liberals were so dominant that there was no longer an organised opposition in Parliament.[75][76]

text: The Liberal government laid the foundations of the later comprehensive welfare state: introducing old age pensions; maximum hour regulations; pioneering minimum wage laws;[77] and developing a system for settling industrial disputes, which was accepted by both employers and trade unions.[78] In 1893 it extended voting rights to women, making New Zealand the first country in the world to enact universal female suffrage.[79]

text: New Zealand gained international attention for its reforms, especially how the state regulated labour relations.[80] The impact was especially strong on the reform movement in the United States.[81]

text: Coleman argues that the Liberals in 1891 lacked a clear-cut ideology to guide them. Instead they approached the nation's problems pragmatically, keeping in mind the constraints imposed by democratic public opinion. To deal with the issue of land distribution, they worked out innovative solutions to access, tenure, and a graduated tax on unimproved values.[82]

text: Economic developments[edit]

text: During the 1880s, New Zealand's economy grew from one based on wool and local trade to the export of wool, cheese, butter and frozen beef and mutton to Britain. The change was enabled by the invention of refrigerated steamships in 1882 and a result of the large market demands overseas. In order to increase production, alongside a more intensive use of factor inputs a transformation of production techniques was necessary. The required capital came mainly from outside of New Zealand.[83] Refrigerated shipping remained the basis of New Zealand's economy until the 1970s. New Zealand's highly productive agriculture gave it probably the world's highest standard of living, with fewer at the rich and poor ends of the scale.[84]

text: During this era (c. 1880 – c. 1914) the banking system was weak and there was little foreign investment, so businessmen had to build up their own capital. Historians have debated whether the "long depression" of the late 19th century stifled investment, but the New Zealanders found a way around adverse conditions. Hunter has studied the experiences of 133 entrepreneurs who started commercial enterprises between 1880 and 1910. The successful strategy was to deploy capital economising techniques, and reinvesting profits rather than borrowing. The result was slow but stable growth that avoided bubbles and led to long-lived family owned firms.[85][86]

text: Dominion status[edit]

text: New Zealand initially expressed interest in joining the proposed Federation of the Australian colonies, attending the 1891 National Australia Convention in Sydney. Interest in the proposed Australian Federation faded and New Zealand decided against joining the Commonwealth of Australia in 1901.[87] New Zealand instead changed from being a colony to a separate "Dominion" in 1907, equal in status to Australia and Canada. Dominion status was a public mark of the self-governance that had evolved over half a century through responsible government.[88] Just under one million people lived in New Zealand in 1907 and cities such as Auckland and Wellington were growing rapidly.[89]

text: Temperance and prohibition[edit]

text: In New Zealand, prohibition was a moralistic reform movement begun in the mid-1880s by the Protestant evangelical and Nonconformist churches and the Woman's Christian Temperance Union and after 1890 by the Prohibition League.[90] It never achieved its goal of national prohibition. It was a middle-class movement which accepted the existing economic and social order; the effort to legislate morality assumed that individual redemption was all that was needed to carry the colony forward from a pioneering society to a more mature one. However, both the Church of England and the largely Irish Catholic Church rejected prohibition as an intrusion of government into the church's domain, while the growing labour movement saw capitalism rather than alcohol as the enemy. Reformers hoped that the women's vote, in which New Zealand was a pioneer, would swing the balance, but the women were not as well organised as in other countries. Prohibition had a majority in a national referendum in 1911, but needed a 60% majority to pass.[91] The movement kept trying in the 1920s, losing three more referenda by close votes; it managed to keep in place a 6 pm closing hour for pubs and Sunday closing (leading to the so-called six o'clock swill[92]). The Depression and war years effectively ended the movement.[90]

text: First World War[edit]

text: The country remained an enthusiastic member of the British Empire. 4 August is the date the outbreak of World War I is marked in New Zealand.[93] During the war, more than 120,000 New Zealanders enlisted to the New Zealand Expeditionary Force, and around 100,000 served overseas; 18,000 died and about 41,000 men were listed as wounded.[93] Conscription had been in force since 1909, and while it was opposed in peacetime there was less opposition during the war. The labour movement was pacifistic, opposed the war, and alleged that the rich were benefitting at the expense of the workers. It formed the New Zealand Labour Party in 1916. Māori tribes that had been close to the government sent their young men to volunteer. Unlike in Britain, relatively few women became involved. Women did serve as nurses; 640 joined the services and 500 went overseas.[94][95]

text: New Zealand forces captured Western Samoa from Germany in the early stages of the war,[93] and New Zealand administered the country until Samoan Independence in 1962.[96] However Samoans greatly resented the imperialism, and blamed inflation and the catastrophic 1918 flu epidemic on New Zealand rule.[97]

text: More than 2700 men died in the Gallipoli Campaign.[93] The heroism of the soldiers in the failed campaign made their sacrifices iconic in New Zealand memory, and is often credited with securing the psychological independence of the nation.[98][99]

text: Imperial loyalties[edit]

text: After the war New Zealand signed the Treaty of Versailles (1919), joined the League of Nations and pursued an independent foreign policy, while its defence was still controlled by Britain. New Zealand depended on Britain's Royal Navy for its military security during the 1920s and 1930s. Officials in Wellington trusted Conservative Party governments in London, but not Labour. When the British Labour Party took power in 1924 and 1929, the New Zealand government felt threatened by Labour's foreign policy because of its reliance upon the League of Nations. The League was distrusted and Wellington did not expect to see the coming of a peaceful world order under League auspices. What had been the Empire's most loyal dominion became a dissenter as it opposed efforts the first and second British Labour governments to trust the League's framework of arbitration and collective security agreements.[100]

text: The governments of the Reform and United parties between 1912 and 1935 followed a "realistic" foreign policy. They made national security a high priority, were sceptical of international institutions, and showed no interest on the questions of self-determination, democracy, and human rights. However the opposition Labour Party was more idealistic and proposed a liberal internationalist outlook on international affairs.[101]

text: The Labour Party emerged as a force in 1919 with a socialist platform. It won about 25% of the vote. However its appeals to working class solidarity were not effective because a large fraction of the working class voted for conservative candidates of the Liberal and Reform parties. (They merged in 1936 to form the New Zealand National Party.) As a consequence the Labour party was able to jettison its support for socialism in 1927 (a policy made official in 1951), as it expanded its reach into middle class constituencies. The result was a jump in strength to 35% in 1931, 47% in 1935, and peaking at 56% in 1938.[102] From 1935 the First Labour Government showed a limited degree of idealism in foreign policy, for example opposing the appeasement of Germany and Japan.[101]

text: Great Depression[edit]

text: Like most other countries, New Zealand was hard hit by the Great Depression of the 1930s, which affected the country via its international trade, with farming export drops then going on to affect the money supply and in turn consumption, investment and imports. The country was most affected around 1930–1932, when average farm incomes for a short time dipped below zero, and the unemployment rates peaked. Though actual unemployment numbers were not officially counted, the country was affected especially strongly in the North Island.[103]

text: Unlike later years, there were no public benefit ('dole') payments – the unemployed were given 'relief work', much of which was however not very productive, partly because the size of the problem was unprecedented. Women also increasingly registered as unemployed, while Māori received government help through other channels such as the land development schemes organised by Āpirana Ngata. In 1933, 8.5% of the unemployed were organised in work camps, while the rest received work close to their homes. Typical occupations in relief work were road work (undertaken by 45% of all part-time and 19% of all full-time relief workers in 1934, with park improvement works (17%) and farm work (31%) being the other two most common types of work for part-time and full-time relief workers respectively).[103]

text: Building the welfare state[edit]

text: Attempts by the United-Reform Coalition to deal with the situation with spending cuts and relief work were ineffective and unpopular. In 1935, the First Labour Government was elected, and the post-depression decade showed that average Labour support in New Zealand had roughly doubled comparable to pre-depression times. By 1935 economic conditions had improved somewhat, and the new government had more positive financial conditions.[103] Prime Minister Michael Joseph Savage proclaimed that: "Social Justice must be the guiding principle and economic organization must adapt itself to social needs."[104]

text: The new government quickly set about implementing a number of significant reforms, including a reorganisation of the social welfare system and the creation of the state housing scheme. Labour also gained Māori votes by working closely with the Rātana movement. Savage was idolised by the working classes, and his portrait hung on the walls of many houses around the country. The newly created welfare state promised government support to individuals "from the cradle to the grave", according to the Labour slogan. It included free health care and education, and state assistance for the elderly, infirm, and unemployed. The opposition attacked the Labour Party's more left-wing policies, and accused it of undermining free enterprise and hard work. The Reform Party and the United Party merged to become the National Party, and would be Labour's main rival in future years. However the welfare state system was retained and expanded by successive National and Labour governments until the 1980s.[105]

text: Second World War[edit]

text: When World War II broke out in 1939, New Zealanders saw their proper role as defending their proud place in the British Empire. It contributed some 120,000 troops. They mostly fought in North Africa, Greece/Crete, and Italy, relying on the Royal Navy and later the United States to protect New Zealand from the Japanese forces. Japan had no interest in New Zealand in the first place; it had already over-reached when it invaded New Guinea in 1942. (There were a few highly publicised but ineffective Japanese scouting incursions.) The 3rd New Zealand Division fought in the Solomons in 1943–44, but New Zealand's limited manpower meant 2 Divisions could not be maintained, and it was disbanded and its men returned to civilian life or used to reinforce the 2nd Division in Italy. The armed forces peaked at 157,000 in September 1942; 135,000 served abroad, and 10,100 died.[citation needed]

text: New Zealand, with a population of 1.7 million, including 99,000 Māori, was highly mobilised during the war.[106] The Labour party was in power and promoted unionisation and the welfare state. Agriculture expanded, sending record supplies of meat, butter and wool to Britain. When American forces arrived, they were fed as well.

text: The nation spent £574 million on the war, of which 43% came from taxes, 41% from loans and 16% from American Lend Lease. It was an era of prosperity as the national income soared from £158 million in 1937 to £292 million in 1944. Rationing and price controls kept inflation to only 14% during 1939–45.[107]

text: Over £50 million was spent on defence works and military accommodation and hospitals, including 292 mi (470 km) of roads.[108]

text: Montgomerie shows that the war dramatically increased the roles of women, especially married women, in the labour force. Most of them took traditional female jobs. Some replaced men but the changes here were temporary and reversed in 1945. After the war, women left traditional male occupations and many women gave up paid employment to return home. There was no radical change in gender roles but the war intensified occupational trends under way since the 1920s.[109][110]

text: The later 20th century[edit]

text: National in power[edit]

text: Labour remained in power after the Second World War and in 1945, Labour Prime Minister Peter Fraser played an important role in the establishment of the United Nations, of which New Zealand was a founding member.[111] However, domestically Labour had lost the reforming zeal of the 1930s and its electoral support ebbed after the war. After Labour lost power in 1949, the conservative National Party began an almost continuous thirty-year stint in government, interrupted by single-term Labour governments in 1957 to 60 and 1972 to 75. National Prime Minister Sidney Holland called a snap election as a result of the 1951 waterfront dispute, an incident that reinforced National's dominance and severely weakened the union movement.[112]

text: Cooperation with the United States set a direction of policy which resulted in the ANZUS Treaty between New Zealand, America and Australia in 1951, as well as participation in the Korean War.[113]

text: The British connection[edit]

text: Fedorowich and Bridge argue that the demands of the Second World War produced long-term consequences for New Zealand's relationship with the government in London. The key component was the office of the high commissioner. By 1950 it was the main line of communications between the British and New Zealand governments.[114]

text: 1950s New Zealand culture was deeply British and conservative, with the concept of "fairness" holding a central role.[115] New immigrants, still mainly British, flooded in while New Zealand remained prosperous by exporting farm products to Britain. In 1953 New Zealanders took pride that a countryman, Edmund Hillary, gave Queen Elizabeth II a coronation gift by reaching the summit of Mount Everest.[116]

text: From the 1890s, the economy had been based almost entirely on the export of frozen meat and dairy products to Britain, and in 1961, the share of New Zealand exports going to the United Kingdom was still at slightly over 51%, with approximately 15% going to other European countries.[117] The 1960s was a decade of rising prosperity for most New Zealanders, but from 1965 there were also protests – in support of women's rights and the nascent ecological movement, and against the Vietnam War.[118] Irrespective of political developments, many New Zealanders still perceived themselves as a distinctive outlying branch of the United Kingdom until at least the 1970s. In 1973 Britain joined the European Community and abrogated its preferential trade agreements with New Zealand (see below), forcing New Zealand to not only find new markets, but also re-examine its national identity and place in the world.[119]

text: Māori urbanisation[edit]

text: Māori always had a high birth rate; that was neutralised by a high death rate until modern public health measures became effective in the 20th century when tuberculosis deaths and infant mortality declined sharply. Life expectancy grew from 49 years in 1926 to 60 years in 1961 and the total numbers grew rapidly.[120] Many Māori served in the Second World War and learned how to cope in the modern urban world; others moved from their rural homes to the cities to take up jobs vacated by Pākehā servicemen.[121] The shift to the cities was also caused by their strong birth rates in the early 20th century, with the existing rural farms in Māori ownership having increasing difficulty in providing enough jobs.[121] Māori culture had meanwhile undergone a renaissance thanks in part to politician Āpirana Ngata.[122] By the 1980s 80% of the Māori population was urban, in contrast to only 20% before the Second World War. The migration led to better pay, higher standards of living and longer schooling, but also exposed problems of racism and discrimination. By the late 1960s a protest movement had emerged to combat racism, promote Māori culture and seek fulfilment of the Treaty of Waitangi.[123]

text: Urbanisation proceeded rapidly across the land. In the late 1940s, town planners noted that the country was "possibly the third most urbanised country in the world",[124] with two-thirds of the population living in cities or towns. There was also increasing concern that this trend was badly managed, with it being noted that there was an "ill-defined urban pattern that appears to have few of the truly desirable urban qualities and yet manifests no compensating rural characteristics."[124]

text: The Muldoon years, 1975–1984[edit]

text: The country's economy suffered in the aftermath of the 1973 global energy crisis, the loss of New Zealand's biggest export market upon Britain's entry to the European Economic Community, and rampant inflation.[119] Robert Muldoon, Prime Minister from 1975 to 1984, and his Third National Government responded to the crises of the 1970s by attempting to preserve the New Zealand of the 1950s. He attempted to maintain New Zealand's "cradle to the grave" welfare state, which dated to 1935. His government sought to give retirees 80% of the current wage, which would require large-scale borrowing; critics said it would bankrupt the treasury. Muldoon's response to the crisis also involved imposing a total freeze on wages, prices, interest rates and dividends across the national economy.[125]

text: Muldoon's conservatism and antagonistic style exacerbated an atmosphere of conflict in New Zealand, most violently expressed during the 1981 Springbok Tour.[126] In the 1984 elections Labour promised to calm down the increasing tensions, while making no specific promises; it scored a landslide victory.[125]

text: However, Muldoon's government was not entirely backward looking. Some innovations did take place, for example the Closer Economic Relations (CER) free-trade programme with Australia to liberalise trade, starting in 1982. The aim of total free trade between the two countries was achieved in 1990, five years ahead of schedule.[127]

text: The radical 1980s reforms[edit]

text: In 1984, the Fourth Labour Government, led by David Lange, was elected amid a constitutional and economic crisis. The crisis led the incoming government to review New Zealand's constitutional structures, which resulted in the Constitution Act 1986.[128] In power from 1984 to 1990, the Labour government launched a major policy of restructuring the economy, radically reducing the role of government.[129] A political scientist reports:

text: "Between 1984 and 1993, New Zealand underwent radical economic reform, moving from what had probably been the most protected, regulated and state-dominated system of any capitalist democracy to an extreme position at the open, competitive, free-market end of the spectrum."[130]

text: The economic reforms were led by finance minister Roger Douglas (1984–1988). Dubbed Rogernomics, it was a rapid programme of deregulation and public-asset sales. Subsidies were phased out to farmers and consumers. High finance was partly deregulated. Restrictions on foreign exchange were relaxed and the dollar was allowed to float and seek its natural level on the world market. The tax on high incomes was cut in half from 65% to 33%. The shares exchange entered a bubble, which then burst. Shares had a total value of $50 billion in 1987 and only $15 billion in 1991; at one point the crash was "the worst in world."[131] Overall the economic growth fell from 2% a year to 1%.[132] Douglas's reforms resembled the contemporaneous policies of Margaret Thatcher in Britain and Ronald Reagan in the United States.[133]

text: Strong criticism of Rogernomics came from the left, especially from Labour's traditional trade union support-base; Lange broke with Douglas's policies in 1987; both men were forced out and Labour was in confusion.[134]

text: In keeping with the mood of the 1980s[135] the government sponsored liberal policies and initiatives in a number of social areas; this included Homosexual Law Reform,[136] the introduction of 'no-fault divorce', reduction in the gender pay gap[135] and the drafting of a Bill of Rights.[137] Immigration policy was liberalised, allowing an influx of immigrants from Asia; previously most immigrants to New Zealand had been European and especially British.[135]

text: The Fourth Labour Government also revolutionised New Zealand's foreign policy, making the country a nuclear-free zone and effectively leaving the ANZUS alliance.[138] The French intelligence service's sinking of the Rainbow Warror, and the diplomatic ramifications following the incident, did much to promote the anti-nuclear stance as an important symbol of New Zealand's national identity.[139][140]

text: Continuing reform under National[edit]

text: Voters unhappy with the rapid speed and far-reaching extent of reforms elected a National government in 1990, led by Jim Bolger. However the new government continued the economic reforms of the previous Labour government, in what was known as Ruthanasia.[141] Unhappy with what seemed to be a pattern of governments failing to reflect the mood of the electorate, New Zealanders in 1992 and 1993 voted to change the electoral system to mixed-member proportional (MMP), a form of proportional representation.[142] New Zealand's first MMP election was held in 1996. Following the election National was returned to power in coalition with the New Zealand First Party.[143]

text: With the end of the Cold War in 1991, the nation's foreign policy turned increasingly to issues of its nuclear-free status and other military issues; its adjustment to neoliberalism in international trade relations; and its involvement in humanitarian, environmental, and other matters of international diplomacy.[144][145]

text: 21st century[edit]

text: The Fifth Labour Government led by Helen Clark was elected in 1999.[146] In power for nine years, it maintained most of the previous governments' economic reforms – restricting government intervention in the economy much more so than previous governments – while putting more of an emphasis on social policy and outcomes. For example, employment law was modified to give more protection to workers,[147] and the student loan system was changed to eliminate interest payments for New Zealand resident students and graduates.[148]

text: New Zealand retains strong but informal links to Britain, with many young New Zealanders travelling to Britain for their "OE" (overseas experience)[149] due to favourable working visa arrangements with Britain. Despite New Zealand's immigration liberalisation in the 1980s, Britons are still the largest group of migrants to New Zealand, due in part to recent immigration law changes which privilege fluent speakers of English. One constitutional link to Britain remains – New Zealand's head of State, the Queen in Right of New Zealand, is a British resident. However, British imperial honours were discontinued in 1996, the Governor-General has taken a more active role in representing New Zealand overseas, and appeals from the Court of Appeal to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council were replaced by a local Supreme Court of New Zealand in 2003. There is public debate about whether New Zealand should became a republic, and public sentiment is divided on the issue.[150]

text: Foreign policy has been essentially independent since the mid-1980s. Under Prime Minister Clark, foreign policy reflected the priorities of liberal internationalism. She stressed the promotion of democracy and human rights; the strengthening of the role of the United Nations; the advancement of anti-militarism and disarmament; and the encouragement of free trade.[151] She sent troops to the War in Afghanistan, but did not contribute combat troops to the Iraq War although some medical and engineering units were sent.[152]

text: John Key led the National Party to victory in the November 2008.[153] Key became Prime Minister of the Fifth National Government which entered government at the beginning of the late-2000s recession. In February 2011, a major earthquake in Christchurch, the nation's second largest city, significantly impacted the national economy and the government formed the Canterbury Earthquake Recovery Authority in response.[154] In foreign policy, Key announced the withdrawal of New Zealand Defence Force personnel from their deployment in the war in Afghanistan, signed the Wellington Declaration with the United States[155] and has pushed for more nations to join the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership.[156]

text: International tourism has become a major contributor to the New Zealand economy in recent decades. Meanwhile the traditional agricultural exports of meat, dairy and wool have been supplemented by other products such as fruit, wine and timber as the economy has diversified.[157]


document_title: Audience measurement

question_text: what is the meaning of tvr in media

question_tokens: what is the meaning of tvr in media

root

text: Audience measurement

text: Methods[edit]

text: Diaries[edit]

text: The diary was one of the first methods of recording information. However, this is prone to mistakes and forgetfulness, as well as subjectivity. Data is also collected down to the level of listener opinion of individual songs, cross referenced against their age, race, and economic status in listening sessions sponsored by oldies and mix formatted stations. IBOPE was the first realtime service for audience measurement of the world, it started in São Paulo in 1942.

tag: p

text: Electronic[edit]

text: The audience measurement of U.S. television has relied on sampling to obtain estimated audience sizes in which advertisers determine the value of such acquisitions. According to The Television Will Be Revolutionized, Amanda D. Lotz states that during the 1960s and 1970s, Nielsen introduced the Storage Instantaneous Audimeter, a device that daily sent viewing information to the company's computers using phone lines and made national daily ratings available by 1973. Although the audimeters did not supply sufficient information regarding demographics of the audience, it did however allow Nielsen to establish diary reports that presented some insight on the audience. According to Lotz, the Nielsen sample included approximately 1,700 audimeter homes and a rotating panel of approximately 850 diary respondents. Nielsen was the controlling factor of audience measurement for national network television.[1]

text: In the mid-2000s, networks cried foul, blaming Nielsen for inaccurate rating measurements. This public attention was just the beginning, as Nielsen implemented its automated Local People Meter (LPM) technology.[2] The LPM marked the shift from active, diary based local measurement to more passive, meter-monitored measurement of local markets. Technologically, the LPM is very similar to the original Nielsen People Meter. The key advancement was that the LPM provided accurate measurements of particular local markets.[3][4] The LPM system has also allowed the industry to measure year-round, rather than the quarterly "sweeps" periods. Researchers believed that the LPM more accurately reported the full range of programming viewers watched, including that while channel-surfing. Arbitron's Portable People Meter uses a microphone to pick up and record subaudible tones embedded in broadcasts by an encoder at each station or network. It has even been used to track in-store radio.[5]

text: The introduction of the digital terrestrial television (DTT) around the world brings new problems to the television audience measurement process. In a multisignal context, with the emergence of new contents and squarely in front of the contemporary technological convergence, the correct representation of the viewing behaviors faces methodological challenges. New methodologies (Audio or Video Matching, Water Marketing) are needed in order to measure the digital television audiences.[6]The measurement using audimeters enters a new era, facing the dual challenge of analog and digital measurement in a mixed television broadcast.[7]

text: Because of the internet, many businesses are no longer constrained to establishing sales to just their local markets, but alternatively can serve customers across much larger territories. The arising development of markets boosts the likelihood of offering low-occurrence niche items that would go through challenges in order to encounter the ideal customers in a specific area of markets. In his Journal of Advertising Research, author Chris Anderson remarks: "for some internet-based businesses, locality no longer regulates the market." When consumers obtain access to a greater range of choices, they gravitate toward exercising those choices, awarding fewer of their "votes" to the big hits and more of their "votes" to specialized niche choices. Anderson argues that people always wanted more choices, but their desires previously were obscured by distributional bottlenecks imposed by cost or locality.

text: Software[edit]

text: New digital technologies initially complicated in-home measurement systems. The DVR, for example, initially seemed incompatible with a Nielsen box, which was designed to register the frequency of the television signal in order to measure the channel being viewed.[8] As a DVR always produces the same frequency, an A/P or active/passive meter could be developed to read audio tracks of a particular program rather than the frequency of the television.[9] Another challenge to the industry was consumers' turning to digital cable, the internet and devices other than their television sets to view entertainment content. As new ways of measurement were becoming readily available and people could easily be tracked and monitored for content and use, the industry worried that traditional sampling techniques might become obsolete. Furthermore, the increasing fragmentation of viewing across different technologies posed difficulties in reporting actual viewer numbers for a content piece. In 2010 Nielsen began rolling out its "anytime anywhere media measurement" initiative, which includes DVR views in the television figures.[10] Dubbed “GTAM,” which stands for Global Television Audience Metering, is based on the development of new audience metering technologies aimed at dealing with all of the conceivable challenges involved in measuring the video viewing behavior of contemporary consumer households across multiple platforms (TV, Internet, mobile devices). Existing A/P meters will be replaced by so-called GTAM meters which are expected to utilize a combination of active and passive measurement technologies. However, unlike A/P meters, they will not require a physical connection to any media devices to function.[11]

text: New media[edit]

text: Nielsen//NetRatings measures Internet and digital media audiences through a telephone and Internet survey. Nielsen BuzzMetrics measures consumer-generated media. Other companies collecting information on internet usage include comScore, Wakoopa, and Hitwise, who measure hits on internet pages. Companies like Visible Measures focus on measuring specific types of media; in the case of Visible Measures, they measure online video consumption and distribution across all video advertising and content. GfK offers Cross Media Measurement Solutions that allows to attribute offline sales to media exposure across TV, Internet and Mobile utilizing its proprietary LEOtrace technology.[12]

text: Sightcorp, TruMedia, Quividi, relEYEble, stickyPiXEL, Cognitec, goCount and CognoVision provide real-time audience data including size, attention span and demographics by using video analytics technology to automatically detect, track and classify viewers watching digital displays. Networked Insights measures online audiences, and released a report ranking television shows, based on people's interactions within social media. The study showed that half of the shows on Networked Insights' top 10 list did not appear on the Nielsen Media Research (NMR) list.

text: According to "The Television Will Be Revolutionized" by Amanda D. Lotz, one of the most challenging aspects of audience measurement during the multi-channel transition resulted from the intermediary nature of new technologies and distribution systems. The sampling techniques that most audience research relied upon were based on a fairly uniform nationwide availability of technologies and programming, and thus reflected a network-era experience with television. The arrival of varied programming tiers of cable channels challenged the system as US television homes began having highly descriptive access to technology and programming and consequently began using television in significantly different ways. Although the A/P meter solved the problem of DVR use, programming on video on demand systems did not include the "audio watermark" used by the device. The nation's many cable providers also limited access to the proprietary data recorded by their set top boxes, which reduced the informational gain offered by this technology. Video on demand desperately needed to establish measurement matrices to prove its economic viability, but the lack of shared and consistent information further confounded knowledge about use. Likewise, the erosion of the thirty- second advertisement's dominance and the new advertising strategies that became increasingly common required the creation of new methods and matrices to determine value and pricing.

text: The goal of these leading providers in automated audience measurement solutions is to deliver results to inquiries such as: The nature of the audience, the number of viewers, the content viewed, the amount of time spent on viewing, the type of display utilized and the audience interest in those displays. In "The Television Will be Revolutionized", Amanda Lotz clearly indicates how technological development in the audience measurement practice provides a multitude of technological advancements such as the DVR, Video-On-Demand portable devices such as the iPod and even a boost in mobile phone proficiencies. These improvements comply with television viewing not to be restrained to be "home-watched". Internet measurement is taken to the next level through its sophistication and high tech distribution. This allows several audiences measurement companies to refer to the Internet as the most measurable media.

text: Demographics[edit]

text: This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (April 2011)

tag: table

text: The demographic of a particular show's audience is also measured. This is often notated in an abbreviated form,[13] e.g.:

text:
P2+ = Persons aged 2 or more
P12–34 = Persons aged 12 to 34
P18–49 = Persons aged 18 to 49
A18–34 = Adults aged 18 to 34
Men 18–34
Women 18–34

tag: ul

text: Ratings point[edit]

text: Ratings point is a measure of viewership of a particular television programme.

text: One single television ratings point (Rtg or TVR) represents 1% of television households in the surveyed area in a given minute. As of 2004, there are an estimated 109.6 million television households in the United States. Thus, a single national ratings point represents 1%, or 1,096,000 television households for the 2004–05 season. When used for the broadcast of a program, the average rating across the duration of the show is typically given. Ratings points are often used for specific demographics rather than just households. For example, a ratings point among the key 18- to 49-year-olds demographic is equivalent to 1% of all 18- to 49-year-olds in the country.

text: A Rtg/TVR is different from a share point in that it is the percentage of all possible households, while a share point is 1% of all households watching television at the time. Hence the share of a broadcast is often significantly higher than the rating, especially at times when overall TV viewing is low. A low TRP can have an adverse effect on a TV program eventually leading to its closure.[14]

text: GRPs/TRPs[edit]

text: Gross rating points (GRPs) or target rating points (TRPs) are chiefly used to measure the performance of TV-based advertising campaigns, and are the sum of the TVRs of each commercial spot within the campaign. An ad campaign might require a certain number of GRPs among a particular demographic across the duration of the campaign. The GRP of a campaign is equal to the percentage of people who saw, multiplied by the average number of spots that these viewers saw. Targeted Rating Points are a refinement of GRPs to express the reach time frequency of only the most likely prospects. For example, if a campaign buys 150 GRPs for a television spot, but only half of that audience is actually in the market for the campaign's product, then the TRP would be stated as 75 to calculate the net effective buy [1].

text: Gross rating point, a standard measure in advertising, it measures advertising impact. It is a percent of the target market reached multiplied by the exposure frequency. Thus, a program which advertises to 30% of the target market and gives them 4 exposures, will have 120 GRP.

text: GRPs as a measure has some limitations. People like to think of it as a measure of impact, but that is really overstated. Impact should measure sales; this measures exposures, which is in fact assumed not actual exposures.

text: Basics of TAM (television advertising measurement):

text: Universe: Universe is the total or actual number of people in a defined target audience.

text: Reach: Reach is the number of individuals from the universe who are exposed to the medium or vehicle.

text: Reach is normally expressed in terms of % (percentages)

text: Calculation of reach:

text: If universe is: 1,000,000 individuals (this is approx. data, it is usually defined through sampling through people-meter):

text: For a single episode of a program (30 minutes or 1 hour) If out of above 1,000,000 of individuals 600,000 saw at least 1 minute of programme then:

text: Reach = (600,000/1,000,000) x 100

text: Reach = 60%

text: Variations of the reach concept:

text: Gross reach is the summation of all audiences who have been exposed to the vehicle.

text:
Week 1: 1,000
Week 2: 2,000
Week 3: 1,500
Week 4: 1,200
Hence, gross reach = Week 1 + Week 2 + Week 3 + Week 4
Gross reach = 5,700

text: This section's factual accuracy is disputed. Relevant discussion may be found on Talk:Audience measurement. Please help to ensure that disputed statements are reliably sourced. (January 2017) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)

text: Cumulative reach: The audiences accumulate over the time

text:
The number of individuals within the TG who are exposed to the medium or vehicle over a certain period of time
Total time = Total average minutes (universe) x Universe
Total time/reach = Avg minutes viewers
Net reach

text:
Weeks
Gross reach
Total reach
Duplication
Total duplication
Net reach

Week 1
1,000
1,000
--
--
1,000

Week 2
2,000
3,000
(300)
(300)
2,700

Week 3
1,500
4,500
(900)
(1,200)
3,300

Week 4
1,200
5,700
(1,000)
(2,200)
3,500

text: What is a TVR (television rating point):

text: TVR = Reach x Time spent

text: TVR = (minutes viewed/minutes available) + (minutes viewed / minutes available) /N X100

text: N = Number of individuals

text: Gross rating points (GRPs)

text: The sum of all ratings achieved in a campaign GRP levels are generally measured and reported on a 4-week basis It is a measure of the media plan's trust

text: CPRP

text: Measurement used in planning a television media buy based on the cost of a commercial time slot and the rating of the program where the time slot is positioned. If, for example, the cost of a commercial time slot during prime time was $1000 and the program rating for that time was 10 (which means that 10% of the total potential audience was tuned to that program), then the cost per GRP would be $1000 divided by 10%, or $100. The CPGRP measurement is a way of measuring the efficiency of media cost, as compared to measuring the cost per thousand (CPT) and is generally used when making comparisons of the various broadcast vehicles. When the actual buy is made, the advertiser will still want to know the cost of reaching people on a cost-per-thousand basis.

text:
Programme name
Time
Secondages
Effective rate
Total amt
TVR
GRP

A
10:00 am - 11:00 am
150
6,000
90,000
5.4
81

B
21:00 - 22:00
200
30,000
600,000
9.8
196

Total
-
350
-
690,000
-
277

text: CPRP = 2,491 (i.e., Total amt/Total GRPs)

text: Terminology[edit]

text: The ratings industry breaks their statistics down in several ways, to express different measurements:

text: Demographics[edit]

text: All of the other ratings are broken down by demographics. Stations that might have weak overall ("12+") demographics may have strong enough ratings within a given, desired "demographic" to be attractive to advertisers, and thus profitable.

text: For example, talk radio stations frequently have lower-than-average "12+" ratings, but much higher numbers among males age 35-54. Since the 35-54 male demographic is highly coveted by advertisers, such a station can be quite profitable.

text: Dayparts[edit]

text: In addition to demographics, a key breakdown in ratings is the "Daypart", or segment of the broadcast day.

text: In radio (and to a lesser extent television), the key dayparts are:

text:
Morning Drive: characterized by short TSLs (the time a person spends in their car) and, for the well-programmed station, high cumes, Morning Drive (usually from 5AM to around 9AM) is a key revenue generator.
Mid-Mornings, Mid-Days: With lower listenership (measured by lower average quarter hours) but generally longer TSLs, the middle of the day is a place where stations frequently experiment with longer music, television programming, and longer television commercial sets.
Afternoon Drive: Again, high listenership but short TSL, combined with a more-tired listenership that is driving home from work, combines to make afternoon drive time (usually from 3PM to 7PM) a time of short sweeps and, in talk radio, brief conversational snips.
Evenings and Overnights: Lower listenership means lower revenues - but a standout program frequently can draw a niche audience that, if it shows up in the ratings book, can mean solid revenue.

text: Criticisms[edit]

text: There have been many criticisms of audience measurement. These criticisms tend to refer to methodological problems, sampling issues and reporting issues.

text: A major issue for media owners and advertisers is that the standard audience surveys only collect data on audience size and basic demographic composition. Audience quality is inferred from the demographic profile of an audience. However, current metrics fail to capture audience engagement. Increasingly advertisers are demanding better measures of media engagement. [16]

text: In the 1990s, audience research methods generally were thrown into question with the arrival of new media, especially digital media and changes to the public's media habits. People meters, which recorded the household's viewing by noting the station to which a TV was tuned, failed to capture new viewing habits such as recording programs for playback at a later time or watching a podcast / download on another device such as a tablet or computer. The proliferation of new media has given consumers much greater control over where and when they access content. For instance, Video on Demand (VoD) enables consumers to decide when to watch programs while smartphones enable consumers to decide where to access content. [17] Media research companies have been forced to devise new methologies capable of tracking new and unprecedented viewing habits across a diverse range of different platforms. [18]

text: Another issue which has presented challenges for media measurement is the consumer habit of simultaneous media consumption. Modern audiences are often consuming multiple media at the same time. For example, a teeanger might be plugged into radio via earphones while working on the Internet, where he or she is scanning online newspapers and magazines. Thus the user may be consuming three or more media alternatives at the same time. Media research companies, which historically specialised in a single media such as radio or TV, were poorly equipped to respond to the challenge of simultaneous consumption across multiple platforms. However, media research is slowly devising methods designed to capture simultaneous media consumption habits. [19]

text: The timing of audience reports is a major issue for both the networks and advertisers. Data collected by people-meters is available on the morning after programs have aired. However, data collected by diary methods requires much more time to collate and analyse. Radio surveys, for example, which are still used for radio ratings in many countries, are normally only available on a quarterly basis. The time lag in reporting fails to provide advertisers with sufficient lead times to take corrective action during a campaign.

text: Other questions have been raised about diary-based data collection methods. The expectation that diarists participating in the radio sample will accurately record their listening at 15 minute intervals has been challenged by many analysts. Many analysts suspect that diarists only fill in their diaries at the end of each week, or perhaps less often which forces them to recall their radio usage thereby raising concerns about reliability. In addition the diary based method appears to inflate average audience size, because the total audience is captured by recording any person who was listening during a quarter-hour counts as listening for the entire duration, even if the actual time was just for a minute or two.

text: The process of surveying listeners for their preferences has also been criticised for its lack of flexibility. Listeners complain that modern radio lacks variety and depth but the measurement methods only facilitate further refinement of already minutely programmed formats rather than the overhaul that many listeners are asking for. Radio in the US, is where listeners hear their old favorites rather than are exposed to new music. Data obtained by some audience measurement methods is detailed to individual songs and how they are reacted to by each age, racial, and economic group the station is seeking to attract. This statistical approach leads to highly recognizable songs (such as those from the Beatles) which score well with a cross-section of listeners.[20][21]

text: Measurement conferences[edit]

text: The world's largest audience measurement conference, AM X.0, is presented annually by the Advertising Research Foundation. Each year, hundreds of attendees from around the world gather to hear a collection of experts speak on Social Media, Mobile and Cross-Platform issues.

text: Measurement companies[edit]

text: In most countries the advertising industry, via its peak industry associations, endorses a single media research company as the official provider of audience measurement. The methodology used by the official provider then becomes known as the industry currency in audience measurement. Industry members fund the audience research and share the findings. [22] In a few countries, where the industry is more fragmented or where there is no clear peak industry association, two or more competing organisations may provide audience measurement services. In such countries, there is said to be no industry currency.

text: Four basic methods of data collection are used to survey broadcast audiences, namely interviews, diaries, meters or scanning and modelling. Research companies employ different methodologies depending on where and when media is used and the cost of data collection. All these methods involve sampling - that is taking a representative sample of the population and recording their media usage which is then extrapolated to the general population. [23]

text: The Kantar Media network (including TNS) currently measures TV, radio, and internet audiences in over 40 countries. Nielsen Media Research is also very active in the provision of radio survey data globally, collecting TV audience measures in 27 countries, people meter technology in more than 58,000 homes. GfK, a global market research company, provides similar Media Measurement services in Europe and other parts of the world.

text:
In Australia, television ratings are collected by three main organizations. OzTAM serves metropolitan areas, Regional TAM serves regional areas serviced by three commercial networks. Ratings are collected year round, but findings are not made public for a period of around 10 weeks over summer which allows the networks to experiment with schedules. Radio surveys are carried out by Nielsen Media Research Australia.
In Argentina, radio and television measurement is done by Ibope and Infortecnica.
In Austria the measurement is done by GfK at the request of Verein Arbeitsgemeinschaft TELETEST (AGTT).
In Belgium TV and radio measurements are handled by GfK at the request of Centrum voor Informatie over de Media (CIM).
In Bosnia and Herzegovina, Mareco Index Bosnia is the provider of TAM ratings (TV Meters). This company also provides Radio & Print Measurement data (Diary).
In Brazil, IBOPE provide measurement services for TV.
The provider of Bulgarian TAM ratings is Taylor Nelson Sofres TV PLAN; this company uses TV meters.
In Canada, Numeris measures both TV and radio while its subsidiary NLogic is one of several companies that provide software for analyzing the data.
In Colombia, television measurement is done by IBOPE and Nielsen. In Radio, measurements are handled by ECAR
Finnpanel measures both radio and TV in Finland.
In Czech Republic, television ratings are collected by Mediaresearch.
In Denmark, radio measurement is handled by TNS Gallup.
In France, radio and television measurement is handled by Médiamétrie. Newspaper readership is handled by EPIQ.
In Germany TV audience measurement is done by Gesellschaft für Konsumforschung (known as GfK).
In India, television ratings are collected by two main organizations - TAM Media Research and Audience Measurement Analytics Limited (aMap). Audience Measurement and Analytics Ltd. (aMap) entered the market in 2005, with more coverage and latest technology from Telecontrol-Switzerland. Audience Measurement and Analytics Ltd. (aMap) polls the meters (6000 households) using GSM network and provides ratings overnight. TAM India collects data manually (physical visits) and releases data weekly. Audience Measurement and Analytics Ltd. (aMap) also has a stand-alone digital panel (aMapDigital) to measure TV viewing and Interactive engagement in direct-broadcast satellite (DBS) homes. In 2015, Reverberate Digital Pvt. Ltd, India launched Muze Digital - an omni-channel solution that measures, manages and monetizes audience engagement for broadcast media.[24] [25] Nielsen's RAM is the industry currency for radio audience measurement.
In Japan Video Research Ltd. handles radio and television measurement. IRS (Indian Readership Survey) is the industry currency for newspaper and magazine readership
In Kazakhstan, TV measurement is handled by TNS.
In the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia the measurement is done by GfK at the request of Saudi Media Measurement Company (SMMC).
In Lithuania, TV and radio measurements are handled by TNS Gallup.
In Malaysia, no single, official currency for measuring TV audiences and two competing companies provide data, using different methodologies, namely GfK Malaysia and Kantar Media; radio surveys are carried out by GfK Malaysia.
In the Netherlands Press, TV and radio measurements are handled by GfK.
In New Zealand GfK measures radio audiences, while ACB McNair measures TV audiences.
In the Philippines, TV measurement is handled by Kantar Media Philippines and AGB Nielsen Media Research Philippines. Kantar Media uses a nationwide panel size of 2,609 urban and rural homes that represent 100% of the total Philippine TV viewing population, while AGB Nielsen reportedly has only 1,980 homes based solely in urban areas that represent only 57% of the Philippine TV viewing population. Kantar Media covers 15.135 million households or 75 million individuals while AGB only covers 7.260 million households or 34.4 million individuals. Radio measurement is handled by AGB Nielsen, Kantar Media Philippines (upon the request of the Kapisanan ng mga Brodkaster ng Pilipinas (KBP, Association of Broadcasters of the Philippines) and Radio Research Council (RRC)),[26] and the Philippine Survey and Research Center (PSRC).[27] Print measurement is handled by AGB Nielsen, TNS,[28] and Strategic Consumer and Media Incites Inc. (SCMI).[29]
In Pakistan TV audience measurement is done by Gallup BRB & Medialogic Pakistan.
In Portugal TV audience measurement is done by GfK .
In Poland TV audience measurement is done by Nielsen Audience Measurement. Internet audience measurement is done by Gemius.
In Russia TV, Radio, Press and Internet measurements are handled by TNS Gallup, OOH is measured by ESPAR Analytics in cooperation with TNS Gallup, Digital Signage is measured by gocount.net.
In Singapore the measurement is done by GfK at the request of Infocomm Media Development Authority (IMDA).
In Slovakia TV audience measurement is done by TNS.
In South Korea, television measurement is handled by AGB Nielsen (formerly Media Service Korea) and TNmS Media (formerly TNS Korea). AGB Nielsen also handles internet content measurement with the help of CJ E&M's Smart Media division.[30]
In Spain, digital signage audience measurement is done by aiTech. Radio and television measurement is done by Infortecnica.
In South Africa TNS collects radio survey data while Nielsen Media collects data for television audiences
In Sweden TV audience measurement is done by MMS — Mediamätning i Skandinavien.
In Turkey, TV measurement is done by TNS (Kantar Media), radio by Nielsen.
In the UK, television measurement is administered by the Broadcasters' Audience Research Board via a metered panel and radio by RAJAR, using a diary system. The NRS (National Readership Survey) measures newspaper and magazine readership.
In the United States, TV and radio measurement is carried out Nielsen Media Research (the radio component was formerly carried out by Arbitron), and digital signage by TruMedia and CognoVision.Stratacache uses audience measurement technology to build reports for digital signage.
In Vietnam, TV measurement is done by VIETNAM-TAM (co-oporation of MIC & Nielsen & AMI), Kantar Media also carry out measure TV audience since 1995.


document_title: Suncorp Super Netball

question_text: which is a new team that has been added to the suncorp super netball

text: Suncorp Super Netball

text: History[edit]

text: Founding of Suncorp Super Netball[edit]

text: In 2008, Netball Australia and Netball New Zealand joined forces and created a Trans-Tasman league, the ANZ Championship as a successor to the Commonwealth Bank Trophy in Australia and the National Bank Cup in New Zealand, both of which were retired after 2007. The ANZ Championship saw netball become a semi-professional sport in both countries, with increased media coverage and player salaries. The 2016 season was the last of the competition, as Netball Australia looked to create a nationally exclusive league with a significantly improved broadcasting and media deal. This instigated the creation of Suncorp Super Netball, announced in May 2016.[3] The New Zealand successor to the previous ANZ Championship is the ANZ Premiership.[4]

text: The new league consists of the five former Australian ANZ Championship teams; the Adelaide Thunderbirds, Melbourne Vixens, NSW Swifts, Queensland Firebirds and West Coast Fever, in addition to three new teams, the Collingwood Magpies, Giants Netball and Sunshine Coast Lightning.[5] The three new teams are owned and operated by three clubs in the popular Australian Football League and National Rugby League football codes.

text: Expansion teams Sunshine Coast Lightning and Giants Netball met in the Grand Final in the competition's inaugural season, the Lightning winning the match 65–48 before a crowd of 8,999 at the Brisbane Entertainment Centre.[6][7]

text: Teams[edit]

text:
Team
City
Arena
Colours
Founded
Head Coach

 Adelaide Thunderbirds
Adelaide, South Australia
Priceline Stadium
Titanium Security Arena
Pink, Black, White
1997
Dan Ryan

 Collingwood Magpies
Melbourne, Victoria
Hisense Arena
Margaret Court Arena
Black, White, Grey
2016
Kristy Keppich-Birrell

 Giants Netball
Sydney, New South Wales
Sydney Olympic Park Sports Centre
Qudos Bank Arena
Orange, Grey, Light Blue
2016
Julie Fitzgerald

 Melbourne Vixens
Melbourne, Victoria
Hisense Arena
Margaret Court Arena
Green, Crimson, Navy
2008
Simone McKinnis

 New South Wales Swifts
Sydney, New South Wales
Sydney Olympic Park Sports Centre
Qudos Bank Arena
Red, Light Blue, White
2008
Rob Wright

 Queensland Firebirds
Brisbane, Queensland
Brisbane Convention & Exhibition Centre
Gold Coast Convention & Exhibition Centre
Purple, White, Yellow
1997
Roselee Jenkee

 Sunshine Coast Lightning
Sunshine Coast, Queensland
University of Sunshine Coast Stadium
Brisbane Entertainment Centre
Yellow, Purple, Navy
2016
Noeline Taurua

 West Coast Fever
Perth, Western Australia
Perth Arena
HBF Stadium
Green, Black
2008
Stacey Marinkovich

text: Finals[edit]

text:
Season
Champion
Result
Runner-up
Grand Final MVP

Team
Coach
Team
Coach

2017
Sunshine Coast Lightning
Noeline Taurua
65–48
Giants Netball
Julie Fitzgerald
Karla Mostert

2018
TBD
TBD
TBD
TBD
TBD
TBD

text: Awards[edit]

text: A total of six major awards are issued at the conclusion of each Super Netball season. These awards are:

text:
Player of the Year Award
Grand Final Most Valuable Player Award
Young Star Award
Coach of the Year Award
Leading Goalscorer
Team of the Year

text: Currently, the Player of the Year is Geva Mentor (Sunshine Coast Lightning), the Grand Final MVP is Karla Mostert (Sunshine Coast Lightning), the Young Star is Liz Watson (Melbourne Vixens), the Coach of the Year is Simone McKinnis (Melbourne Vixens) and the Leading Goalscorer is Caitlin Thwaites (Collingwood Magpies), who scored 594 goals in the 2017 regular season.

text: Broadcasting[edit]

text: The Nine Network and Telstra are the official broadcasters of Suncorp Super Netball. Netball Australia signed a 5 year deal with the entities, with the arrrangenent commencing from the 2017 season. Under the provisions of the deal, Nine will televise a Saturday night double-header each round live on either their primary channel or on secondary channel 9Gem. Nine will also televise the two remaining matches on delay.[8]

text: Mobile platform Telstra provide live coverage of the two matches not part of the double header and also simulcast Nine's two live matches. The service is available via Telstra TV and on the Netball Australia app.[8]


document_title: National Provider Identifier

question_text: who is required to have a national provider identifier

text: National Provider Identifier

text: Mandated uses[edit]

text: HIPAA covered entities such as providers completing electronic transactions, healthcare clearinghouses, and large health plans were required by regulation to use only the NPI to identify covered healthcare providers by May 23, 2007. CMS subsequently announced that as of May 23, 2008, CMS will not impose penalties on covered entities that deploy contingency plans to facilitate the compliance of their trading partners (e.g., those healthcare providers who bill them). The posted guidance document can be used by covered entities to design and implement a contingency plan. Details are contained in a CMS document entitled, "Guidance on Compliance with the HIPAA National Provider Identifier (NPI) Rule." Small health plans have one additional year to comply.

text: All individual HIPAA covered healthcare providers (physicians, pharmacists, physician assistants, midwives, nurse practitioners, nurse anesthetists, dentists, denturists, chiropractors, clinical social workers, professional counselors, physical therapists, occupational therapists, pharmacy technicians, athletic trainers etc.) or organizations (hospitals, home health care agencies, nursing homes, residential treatment centers, group practices, laboratories, pharmacies, medical equipment companies, etc.) must obtain an NPI for use in all HIPAA standard transactions, even if a billing agency prepares the transaction. Once assigned, a provider's NPI is permanent and remains with the provider regardless of job or location changes.

text: Other health industry workers, such as admissions and medical billing personnel, housekeeping staff, and orderlies, who provide support services but not health care, are not required to obtain the NPI.

text: Optional uses[edit]

text: The NPI must be used in connection with the electronic transactions identified in HIPAA. In addition, the NPI may be used in several other ways:

text:
by health care providers to identify themselves in health care transactions identified in HIPAA or on related correspondence;
by health care providers to identify other health care providers in health care transactions or on related correspondence;
by health care providers on prescriptions (however, the NPI will not replace requirements for the DEA number or State license number);
by health plans in their internal provider files to process transactions and communicate with health care providers;
by health plans to coordinate benefits with other health plans;
by health care clearinghouses in their internal files to create and process standard transactions and to communicate with health care providers and health plans;
by electronic patient record systems to identify treating health care providers in patient medical records;
by the Department of Health and Human Services to cross reference health care providers in fraud and abuse files and other program integrity files;
for any other lawful activity requiring individual identification

tag: ol

text: Signup process[edit]

text: The NPI number can be obtained online through the National Plan and Provider Enumeration System (NPPES) pages on CMS's website.[2] Turnaround time for obtaining a number is from 1 to 20 days. NPI numbers can be searched on the CMS website listed in external links 'National Plan and Provider Enumeration System information from CMS'.

text: Identifier details[edit]

text: The NPI was proposed as an 8-position alphanumeric identifier. However, many stakeholders preferred a 10-position numeric identifier with a check digit in the last position (the first 9 positions are the identifier and the last position is a check digit) to help detect keying errors. The NPI contains no embedded intelligence; that is, it contains no information about the health care provider, such as the type or location of the health care provider.

text: Ten-digit NPI numbers may be validated using the Luhn algorithm by prefixing "80840" to the 10-digit number.

text: Open data set[edit]

text: NPI data is downloadable from CMS. The downloadable database was updated monthly until December 2012, and has been issued weekly since. A data structure file is available separately from CMS.[3] As of March 15, 2016 the file download size is 569 MB, and the full database is over 5.7 GB when extracted.[4]

text: Use as a data key[edit]

text: The NPI is a data key that identifies a substantial portion of healthcare providers and other entities in the US, it is a frequently used data key in other data sources. For instance, the DocGraph data set is a crowdfunded open data[5] set that details how healthcare providers collaborate to deliver care (i.e. referral patterns) that uses the NPI as its data key.[6]

text: Notes[edit]

text:
Jump up ^ "HIPAA - General Information". Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services. Retrieved August 15, 2006.
Jump up ^ "National Plan and Provider Enumeration System (NPPES) National Provider Identifier (NPI) for Health Care Providers". Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services. Retrieved February 14, 2007.
Jump up ^ National Plan and Provider Enumeration System (NPPES) Data Dissemination – Readme [1]
Jump up ^ http://download.cms.gov/nppes/NPI_Files.html
Jump up ^ MedStartr Crowdfunding page for DocGraph
Jump up ^ O'Reilly Radar article on the structure of the DocGraph data set


document_title: Barbara Johnson Tucker

question_text: who wrote order my steps in your word

question_tokens: who wrote order my steps in your word

text: Barbara Johnson Tucker

text: Biography[edit]

text: Tucker was born in Conroe, Texas on 28 June 1944 to Ernest James and Annie Eloise (Lawson) Johnson, both from Montgomery, Texas. As a child Tucker sang with her mom and siblings (sister Joy and brother Bud) as the Johnson Family at their home church in Houston, Jerusalem Baptist, and the Gulf Coast area. Many of the songs they sang were written by her mother Eloise. She is a member of Good Hope Missionary Baptist Church, where Rev. D.Z. Cofield is Pastor.

text: Tucker attended Houston schools including Jack Yates High School and Texas Southern University. For one semester, she served as a voice consultant in TSU's Fine Arts Department.

text: She was married to the late Kermit Tucker and they had one child, son Robert Christian Tucker, who gave them two grandchildren, Matthew Jonathan and Chelsea J'nai Tucker.

text: Career[edit]

text: Tucker is a popular Houston based performer and producer. Her early notoriety came from being an anthem soloist at Houston Oilers football and Houston Rockets basketball games, and on local Christian TV.

text: In 1969, Tucker ventured to New York City for one year (leaving her job with the US Postal Service) and landed the only singing role in the 60-member cast of the Tony award winning dramatic theatre play The Great White Hope which starred James Earl Jones. She led the cast in a "congregation song" over the escaping Jack Johnson. Also while in New York, she had her debut recital in the famed Carnegie Recital Hall and filmed several nationally shown commercials.

text: Tucker sang at the 1989 state funeral of Congressman Mickey Leland.

text: In 1992, after returning home, she retired from her manager position at Southwestern Bell Telephone Company. Her church then presented her in her first full-time ministry concert.

text: Tucker gained international fame as the first artist to record the extremely popular "Order My Steps" by Glenn Edward Burleigh. Tucker released an album that was awarded two Texas Gospel Music Awards in 1993: Best New Album and Song of the Year.

text: Tucker sang at the 1996 state funeral of United States House of Representatives member Barbara Jordan.

text: In September 2000, she was presented in concert at the Kennedy Center in Washington, D.C. by Texas Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee.

text: In November 2002, she sang atop the turkey float in Houston’s annual Thanksgiving Day Parade.

text: Tucker’s ministry has spread abroad to England, Switzerland, the Netherlands, the Czech Republic, Russia, Poland, Ireland, Austria, Italy and Manger Square in Bethlehem.

text: Albums[edit]

text: While working at the US Post Office in Downtown Houston, Tucker was a founding member of the Houston Post Office Chorale, which sang all over the state for 25 years. Tucker was featured on their two albums along with her sister, Joy.

text: Tucker manages and directs her background singers, A Chosen Few. They have performed for the President Bill Clinton and throughout the South. Their first joint gospel CD is So Precious!. In August 2002, they completed the 20-piece Christmas cantata Born to Die by Glenn Edward Burleigh.

text: In 2005, she released the DVD, A Glimpse of History, a 35-Munute chronology of African-American music contributions (A must for every school library!)

text: In June 2015 (at age 71) she recorded a single, All That You Have Done, for Doranor Records.

text: Her earliest recordings were with her family. The Johnson Family has one LP, Sunshine After the Rain, in memory of her father, a 45rpm recording of her mother's song, "Dear God, I Thank You", which she reprised on her hit CD, Order My Steps, and a delightful Rap, written by her brother about his softball buddies called "The Right On Trot".

text: (Right On Slow Pitch - Right On Trot 1985 - YouTube) Most of her recordings are available at CDBaby.com.