document_title: Feminism in Canada

question_text: when did the women's rights movement begin in canada

question_tokens: when did the women 's rights movement begin in canada

text: Feminism in Canada

text: Waves of Canadian feminism[edit]

text: First wave[edit]

text: The first wave of feminism in Canada occurred in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. This early activism was focused on increasing women’s role in public life, with goals including women’s suffrage, increased property rights, increased access to education, and recognition as “persons” under the law.[1] This early iteration of Canadian feminism was largely based in maternal feminism; the idea that women are natural caregivers and “mothers of the nation” who should participate in public life because of their perceived propensity for decisions that will result in good care of society.[2] In this view, women were seen to be a civilizing force on society – which was a significant part of women’s engagement in missionary work and in the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU).[1]

text: The first wave in Canada was different in Québec.[3] Although the first wave was developed at an earlier time, many women in Québec had to wait until April 1940 for their right to vote and run in elections.

text: Canadian women’s social, political and cultural roles and influence changed dramatically during WWII. Women had taken over many of the missing roles of men while they were off at war. Women worked in factories and took over farms and proved their importance in society.

text: Early organizing and activism[edit]

text: Religion was an important factor in the early stages of the Canadian women’s movement. Some of the earliest groups of organized women came together for a religious purpose. When women were rejected as missionaries by their Churches and missionary societies, they started their own missionary societies and raised funds to send female missionaries abroad.[1] Some of them raised enough to train some of their missionaries as teachers or doctors.[1]

text: The first of these missionary societies was founded in Canso, Nova Scotia in 1870 by a group of Baptist women inspired by Hannah Norris, a teacher who wanted to be a missionary.[4] Norris asked the women in her Church for help when her application to the Baptist Foreign Mission Board was rejected. The formed their own missionary society, and soon there were Presbyterian, Methodist and Anglican women missionary societies forming across the western provinces, Quebec, Ontario and the Maritimes.[1] These new societies not only enabled women to work as missionaries, they also gave women the opportunity to manage the funding, training and employment of female missionaries in foreign countries.

text: Women’s religious organizing was also a means through which women could advocate social change. The Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, for example, was formed in 1874 by Letitia Youmans of Picton, Ontario, in order to raise awareness of the negative consequences of alcohol consumption on society, and ultimately to ban alcohol and promote evangelical family values.[2] Inspired by its American counterpart, the WCTU grew to become one of the first organizations to fight for suffrage while also being a training ground for future suffrage leaders.[5] The Hebrew Ladies Sewing Circle (founded 1869) also worked to promote social change through religion-inspired organizing. It was originally organized by Ida Siegel to provide girls in their community training in sewing skills and as a response to the conversion attempts of Jewish youth by Protestant Evangelicals in Toronto grew to establish a Jewish Endeavour Sewing School where they taught girls sewing, Jewish religion and history.[1] Other examples include the Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA) which provided (and continues to provide) services such as reception centres, shelters, and educational programs for single working class women along with The Girls’ Friendly Society (Anglican-based), the Catholic Women's League, and the Grey Nuns of Montreal who provided daycare centres for working women.[1]

text: In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries women in Canada were also making inroads into various professions including teaching, journalism, social work, and public health. Grace Annie Lockhart became the first woman in the British Empire to receive a bachelor's degree, providing clear evidence of the justice of women's claim to full rights in the field of higher education.[6] Advances included the establishment of a Women’s Medical College in Toronto (and in Kingston, Ontario) in 1883, attributed in part to the persistence of Emily Stowe, the first female doctor to practice in Canada. Stowe’s daughter, Augusta Stowe-Gullen, became the first woman to graduate from a Canadian medical school.[1]

text: Women also established and became involved with organizations to advance women’s rights, including suffrage. In 1893, the National Council of Women of Canada was formed which was designed to bring together representatives of different women’s groups across Canada, providing a network for women to communicate their concerns and ideas.[7] When they endorsed suffrage, in 1910, the NCWC did so on the basis that women had an indispensable role in society which should give them the right to participate in public life by electing their government, in keeping with the maternal feminism prevalent in the period.[1]

text: During World War I, women took on not only traditionally feminine jobs, but also heavy work such as in munitions factories. This changed role of women increased women's political prominence, and issues such as women's suffrage were raised.[8]

text: During the 1920s, women adventurers pushed the boundaries of acceptable behavior for women. From 1922 until 1929, Aloha Wanderwell (born in Canada) became the first woman to travel around the world in a car, beginning her journey at the age of 16.[9][10]

text: Women's right to vote in Canada[edit]

text: Organizing around women’s suffrage in Canada peaked in the mid-1910s. Various franchise clubs were formed, and in Ontario, the Toronto Women’s Literary Club was established in 1876 as a guise for suffrage activities, though by 1883 it was renamed the Toronto Women’s Suffrage Association.[11] Compared to other English speaking industrialized countries, Canada’s suffrage movement gained success rather easily, and without violence. The tactics adopted by the movement in order to bring about reform included collecting petitions, staging mock parliaments and selling postcards.[11]

text: Widows and unmarried women were granted the right to vote in municipal elections in Ontario in 1884. Such limited franchises were extended in other provinces at the end of the 19th century, but bills to enfranchise women in provincial elections failed to pass in any province until Manitoba, and Saskatchewan finally succeeded in early 1916. Alberta followed the same year and Emily Murphy became the first woman magistrate not just in Canada, but the entire British Empire. At the federal level it was a two step process. On Sept. 20, 1917, women gained a limited right to vote: According to the Parliament of Canada website, the Military Voters Act established that "women who are British subjects and have close relatives in the armed forces can vote on behalf of their male relatives, in federal elections." About a year and a quarter later, at the beginning of 1919, the right to vote was extended to all women in the Act to confer the Electoral Franchise upon Women. The remaining provinces quickly followed suit, except for Quebec, which did not do so until 1940. Agnes Macphail became the first woman elected to Parliament in 1921.[12]

text: Large numbers of women continued for many years to be excluded from the right to vote, based on race or indigeneity. British Columbia, for example, denied persons of Asian, Indian (Southeast Asian), and Indigenous origin the rights to universal adult suffrage that came about with the Dominion Elections Act of 1920.[13]

text:
Province
Date of Women's Suffrage[14]
Date of Women's Ability to Hold Office[15][16][17][18]

Manitoba
January 28, 1916
January 28, 1916

Saskatchewan
March 14, 1916
March 14, 1916

Alberta
April 19, 1916
April 19, 1916*

British Columbia
April 5, 1917
April 5, 1917

Ontario
April 12, 1917
April 24, 1919

Nova Scotia
April 26, 1918
April 26, 1918

New Brunswick
April 17, 1919
March 9, 1934

Prince Edward Island
May 3, 1922
May 3, 1922

Newfoundland
April 13, 1925
April 13, 1925

Quebec
April 25, 1940
April 25, 1940

Dominion of Canada (federal government)
Relatives of individuals in the armed forces - September 20, 1917. All female British subjects in Canada, May 24, 1918
July 7, 1919**

text:
First women elected in the British Empire were two Alberta women (Louise McKinney and Roberta MacAdams) elected in 1917.

First woman elected to the House of Commons was Progressive candidate Agnes MacPhail, elected in 1921.

text: Women ruled legally to be "persons"[edit]

text: The Famous Five were a group of five women from Alberta who wanted the courts to determine if women were considered to be "persons" for the purposes of being called to the Senate under section 24 of the British North America Act, 1867, the main provision of Canada's constitution (now the Constitution Act, 1867).[19] The Senate was the body which at that time approved divorces in some provinces of Canada, among other decisions important to women. The Famous Five petitioned the federal Cabinet to refer this issue to the Supreme Court. After some debate, the Cabinet did so. The Supreme Court, interpreting the Act in light of the times in which it was written, ruled in 1928 that women were not "persons" for the purposes of section 24 and could not be appointed to the Senate.

text: The five women, led by Emily Murphy, appealed the case to the Judicial Committee of the British Privy Council, at that time the highest court of appeal for the British Empire. In 1929, the five Lords of the Committee ruled unanimously that "the word ‘persons' in Section 24 includes both the male and female sex.…" They called the earlier interpretation "a relic of days more barbarous than ours."[20]

text: Eastview Birth Control Trial[edit]

text: The Eastview Birth Control Trial of 1936-1937 was the first successful legal challenge to the dissemination of information and the possession of materials relating to birth control being illegal in Canada, and it marked the beginning of a shift in Canadian society's acceptance of such practices.[21] In September 1936, Dorothea Palmer was arrested in Eastview (now Vanier, Ontario), and charged with possessing materials and pamphlets related to birth control, then highly illegal under Canadian law. As she was working for the Kitchener-based Parents' Information Bureau (PIB), her arrest could have led to the collapse of the organization and as many as two years' imprisonment for Palmer. However, the PIB was the brainchild of industrialist A.R. Kaufman, a eugenically-minded industrialist whose support would eventually see Palmer's charges dropped. The trial lasted from September 1936 to March 1937.[22]

text: Ultimately, the case was dismissed by the presiding magistrate Lester Clayon, who ruled that, as Palmer's actions were "in the public good," no charges could be held against her.[23] In his final ruling, he explained that:

text: The mothers are in poor health, pregnant nine months of the year ... What chance do these children have to be properly fed, clothed and educated? They are a burden on the taxpayer. They crowd the juvenile court. They glut the competitive labour market.[24]

text: Second wave[edit]

text: Though feminism in Canada continued after the work of the Famous Five, during the Depression and the Second World War feminist activism in Canada was not as clear to see as it was during the fight for suffrage and thereafter. However, women’s engagement in the workforce during the Second World War brought about a new consciousness in women with regards to their place in public life, which led to a public inquiry on the status of women, as well as new campaigns and organizing for equal rights. Whereas the first wave was organized around access to education and training, the second wave of Canadian feminism focused on women’s role in the workforce, the need for equal pay for equal work, a desire to address violence against women, and concerns about women’s reproductive rights.

text: Canadian women during and after World War II[edit]

text: During the Second World War, Canadian women were actively pursued by the Canadian government to contribute to the war effort.[1] One of the ways in which women contributed to the war effort was by joining the workforce. Prior to the war, some young and unmarried women had already joined the workforce; however, during the war an increased need for female workers arose in many industries due to the depleted pool of male workers who had largely been mobilized to fight in the war.[25] Although women continued to work in their pre-war traditional fields of employment such as textile manufacturing, retail, nursing, and homecare services,[26] as the demand for labour intensified in all industries, women became employed in many non-traditional fields including: manufacturing, trade, finance, transportation, communication, and construction.[26]

text: In response to the labour needs of many industries, the Canadian government created a special Women’s Division of the National Selective Service to recruit women into the workforce.[25] The first groups of women to be recruited were single women and childless married women.[27] The National Selective Service then recruited women with home responsibilities and later women with children.[28] By 1944, more than one million women worked full-time in Canada’s paid labour force.[29]

text: The inclusion of women with children into the workforce led the federal government to develop a program known as the Dominion-Provincial Wartime Day Nurseries Agreement in order to assist working mothers with childcare during the duration of the war.[30] Under the Agreement, the federal government offered to help the provinces subsidize childcare programs. Quebec and Ontario took advantage of the agreement and developed childcare facilities such as nurseries and after school programs.[31]

text: Women also contributed to the war effort by volunteering. As soon as the war broke out, many local women’s volunteer societies quickly mobilized to contribute to the war effort. Women in these organizations engaged in a range of activities including: sewing clothes for the Red Cross, cultivating “victory” gardens, and collecting materials like rubber and metal scraps for wartime production.[32] By the middle of the war the Canadian government established the Women’s Voluntary Services to coordinate the wartime activities of the local women’s societies across Canada.[33]

text: Women also participated in the war by joining the military. Prior to the war, with the exception of the Nursing Service of the Royal Canadian Army Medical Corps, the Canadian army was composed only of men.[34] Yet, by 1942 women were recruited into the military, air force, and navy.[34] In fact, by the end of the war 20,497 women were members of the army, 16,221 were members of the air force, and 6,665 were members of the navy.[35] When women were first recruited they mostly worked in administrative and support positions such as stewardesses and clerical aides, but as the war carried on, women were promoted to more skilled positions such as motor vehicle mechanics, electricians, and sail-makers.[35]

text: The Canadian government expected women to return to their roles in the home once the war ended.[36] In 1941, the government created an Advisory Committee on Reconstruction (composed entirely of prominent Canadian men) to deal with the post-war reconstruction issues.[36] Shortly after its creation, some Canadian women advocated for female representation within the Committee due to the vital contribution of women to the war effort.[36] Consequently, in 1943, the government created a subcommittee to deal with issues women would encounter once the war ended.[36] The subcommittee was headed by Margaret McWilliams, a journalist and notable women’s organization activist and consisted of nine other women from across the country.[36] The subcommittee produced a report with a number of recommendations including that women should be trained or retrained for jobs on the same basis as men and that household workers should receive labour benefits like unemployment insurance.[36] The report received little public attention and ultimately failed to achieve any of its recommendations.[36] However, many of its recommendations were discussed once again, decades later in the 1970 report of the Royal Commission on the Status of Women.[36]

text: When the war finally ended many Canadian women did as the government expected of them and returned to their roles in the home.[36] Additionally, when the war ended some of the services the government offered working women during the war, like childcare, were discontinued.[37]

text: Yet, in the years following the war, the number of women joining the workforce steadily increased as women's contribution became more and more necessary to sustaining both the home and the economy - a fact addressed by a number of government initiatives.[36] In 1951, the Ontario government passed the Female Employees Fair Remuneration Act, and by the end of the 1950s, all provinces except for Quebec and Newfoundland and Labrador had passed similar legislation. In 1954, the Government of Canada created a specialized women’s department within the Department of Labour, and in 1956, it also passed legislation providing pay equity for women working in the federal civil service.[38]

text: Royal Commission on the Status of Women, 1970[edit]

text: The Royal Commission on the Status of Women was a Canadian Royal Commission that examined the status of women and recommended steps that might be taken by the federal government to ensure equal opportunities with men in all aspects of Canadian society. The Commission commenced on 16 February 1967 as an initiative of Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson. Public sessions were conducted the following year to accept public comment for the Commission to consider as it formulated its recommendations. Florence Bird was the Commission's chair. The Commissioners appointed were: Florence Bird (chairperson), Elsie MacGill, Lola M. Lange, Jeanne Lapointe, Doris Ogilvie, Donald R. Gordon, Jr (resigned from Commission), Jacques Henripin, John Peters Humphrey (appointed following Gordon's resignation).

text: The National Union of Students and the Women’s Movement in the 1970s[edit]

text: The National Union of Students (Canada) (NUS) formed in 1972 and became the Canadian Federation of Students in 1981. While student aid, education cut-backs and, by the late 1970s, tuition fees may have been the primary policy concerns of the national student organization, there was a definite undercurrent of women student organizing in NUS and on local campuses.[39] Women and some men supporters rallied around issues of sexism on student councils and in NUS, violence against women, abortion rights and the establishing women centres and daycare on campuses. By 1979, NUS established the Declaration of the Rights of the Woman Student. As Moses points out (p. 89), the “Declaration avoided discussion of other serious social inclusions — issues of race, physical ability, and aboriginal people were not included” which perhaps speaks to why issues of racism and ability caused much discordance in the women’s movement of the 1980s.

text: Moses (2010, p. 76-7) cites several key sources on the long history of women student organizing in Canada going back to the late 1800s and suggests that “NUS women’s student activism of the 1970s should not be viewed as an entirely new phenomenon arising amidst the clamour and legacy of 1960s liberation struggles.” "Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, women’s participation in [the Canadian Union of Students and its predecessor, the National Federation of Canadian University Students ] stayed consistent: around the 15–17 percent mark.' Moses (2010, p.92, note 34).

text: The link between women students and late 1960s women’s movements has been widely acknowledged. Yet, as Moses points out, this acknowledgement stops abruptly after 1971; the activism of youth and students was widely ignored in the historiography of women’s movement in the 1970s. This is not something that Moses attempts to explain. It would seem likely that the gap in recognition has something to do with how young women and how women historiographers of the 1970s identified; that is, not as students or youth per se, but as women. While the women’s movement of the 1970s was of course, multigenerational, it was also most certainly in many ways, a significant youth movement and this, as Moses (2010) suggests, has not been well understood and acknowledged.

text: Violence against women and the battered women’s movement[edit]

text: The Battered Women’s Shelter Movement in Canada emerged predominantly during the late 1960s and early 1970s, within the framework of second wave feminism.[40] Building on the oft-used second wave slogan, “the personal is political, second wave understandings of the state's role in regulating private life paved the road for a re-conceptualization of domestic violence as a social problem as opposed to a completely private matter.[41] The movement was generated in large part because for women who had experienced domestic violence, “there was no place to go.”[42] However, several feminists have criticized the Battered Women's movement for its reliance on the battered woman-as-victim archetype.[43]

text: National Action Committee on the Status of Women[edit]

text: The National Action Committee (NAC) was formed as a result of the frustration of women at the inaction of the federal government in regards to the recommendations of the Royal Commission. Beginning in 1972 as a coalition of 23 women's groups, by 1986 it had 350 organizational members, including the women's caucuses of the three biggest political parties. Partly funded by government grants, the NAC was widely regarded as the official expression of women's interests in Canada, and received a lot of attention from the media. In 1984 there was a televised debate on women's issues among the leaders of the contending political parties during the federal election campaign. The NAC and women's issues were receiving a lot of attention and the NAC was rapidly growing, although beginning in 1983 it had competition from REAL Women of Canada, a right-wing lobby group.[44]

text: Canadian Human Rights Act, 1977[edit]

text: Passed by prime minister of the time, Pierre Trudeau, The Canadian Human Rights Act gave basic rights to all humans. There was no discrimination based on sex, race, religion etc... It specified that there must be "equal pay for work of equal value". There had been significant disparity between the pay received by women and by men. However, by the mid-1980s there was still disparity: full-time female employees earned on average only 72% of what men earned.[8]

text: The Charter of Rights and Freedoms[edit]

text: In 1980 Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau announced his plan repatriate the Canadian Constitution, and with it a new Charter of Rights and Freedoms to

text:
“
identify clearly the various rights to be protected, and remove them henceforth from governmental interference.[45]
”

text: With so much division in Canada on what should be included in a bill of rights the federal government decided to hold a Special Joint Committee of the House of Commons and the Senate, which allowed the public to submit amendments to the constitution.[46] Women’s organizations saw this as an opportunity for Canadian women’s rights to be legally and equally represented through entrenchment in the charter.

text: On November 20 the National Action Committee on the Status of Women (NAC) had their opportunity to speak. The NAC saw the importance of equal recognition in the Charter for both men and women as a way to combat systematic discrimination.

text: In response to the Nation Action Committee’s presentation Senator Harry Hays responded,

text:
“
I was just wondering why we don’t have a section here for babies and children. All you girls are going to be working and you’re not going to have anybody looking after them.[47][48]
”

text: This statement exemplified the ignorance and discrimination Canadian women were facing.

text: In February 1981 the National Action Committee scheduled a conference for women on the constitution that was cancelled by the federal government. In response to the cancellation Doris Anderson, president of the Canadian Advisory Council on the Status of Women and prominent feminist resigned in protest, this act of protest galvanized Canadian women.

text: Feminist groups were angered at the cancellation of the conference and began to organize their own conference and a coalition was formed, which came to be known as the Ad Hoc Committee of Canadian Women on the Constitution.[49]

text: On February 14, 1981, about 1,300 women exercised their democratic right and marched into parliament to debate the charter. They were demanding a specific clause on equal rights between men and women.[50]

text: This conference resulted in amendments to Section 15, which guarantees an equality of rights under the law, along with the creation of Section 28 which states:

text:
“
Notwithstanding anything in this Charter, the rights and freedoms referred to in it are guaranteed equally to male and female persons.
”

text: Even though the Canadian Constitution was established in 1982, the sections on equality were under moratorium and did not come into effect until April 17, 1985.[49]

text: Abortion[edit]

text: A significant concern of second wave feminists in Canada was access to abortion. Until 1969, abortion was a criminal offence under the Criminal Code, and women were dying from trying to procure abortions outside of the law. For these reasons, abortion was legalized by Parliament in 1969 under the Criminal Law Amendment Act, 1968-69. Abortion remained an offence, unless it was first approved by a Therapeutic Abortion Committee on the grounds that continuation of the pregnancy "...would or would be likely to endanger her life or health." The abortion had to performed in a hospital rather than in a clinic.[51][52] Only one in five hospitals had the committee required to approve of the operation resulting in many women crossing the border to the United States to receive one.[51] By 1970, women nationwide mobilized to organize a cross-country abortion caravan from Vancouver to Ottawa that called for increased reproductive freedom, through increased access to abortion and birth control.[53]

text: The restrictive nature of the abortion law led others to challenge it, including Henry Morgantaler, a prominent Montreal doctor who attempted to establish abortion clinics. In 1973, Morgentaler was charged under the Criminal Code for providing abortions. The case went to the Supreme Court of Canada. In Morgentaler v R, the Court unanimously held that the criminal law provisions were within the constitutional jurisdiction of the federal Parliament. The Court also unanimously held that the provisions did not infringe the Canadian Bill of Rights.[54] The Supreme Court upheld his conviction.

text: A decade later, after the passage of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, Morgentaler was again convicted under the abortion provision. This time, when the case reached the Supreme Court, he was successful, in R. v. Morgentaler in 1988. The Court ruled, by a 5-2 majority, that the abortion provision of the Criminal Code infringed the Charter's guarantee of security of the person under section 7. There was no single majority decision. Justice Bertha Wilson, the first woman on the Supreme Court (appointed in 1982) wrote one of the strongest opinions striking down the provision.[55][56][57][58]

text: Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women[edit]

text: Canada signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women in 1980, and ratified it in 1981.[59]

text: Third wave[edit]

text: The third wave of Canadian feminism, which is largely perceived to have started in the early 1990s, is closely tied to notions of anti-racism, anti-colonialism, and anti-capitalism.[60] The notion of a sisterhood among women prevalent in the second wave, is critiqued by third-wave feminists, who have perceived this seeming universalism to be dismissive of women's diverse experiences, and the ways that women can discriminate against and dominate one another.[60] Third wave feminism is associated with decentralized, grassroots organizing, as opposed to the national feminist organizations prevalent in the second wave.[2]

text: Opposition to female genital mutilation[edit]

text: Canada recognized female genital mutilation as a form of persecution in July 1994, when it granted refugee status to Khadra Hassan Farah, who had fled Somalia to avoid her daughter being cut.[61] In 1997 section 268 of its Criminal Code was amended to ban FGM, except where "the person is at least eighteen years of age and there is no resulting bodily harm".[62][63]

text: Fourth wave[edit]

text: Fourth-wave feminism refers to a resurgence of interest in feminism that began around 2012 and is associated with the use of social media.[64] According to feminist scholar Prudence Chamberlain, the focus of the fourth wave is justice for women and opposition to sexual harassment and violence against women. Its essence, she writes, is "incredulity that certain attitudes can still exist".[65]

text: Fourth-wave feminism is "defined by technology", according to Kira Cochrane, and is characterized particularly by the use of Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, YouTube, Tumblr, and blogs to challenge misogyny and further gender equality.[64][66][67][68]

text: Issues that fourth-wave feminists focus on include street and workplace harassment, campus sexual assault and rape culture. Scandals involving the harassment, abuse, and/or murder of women and girls have galvanized the movement; one example of such a scandal in Canada was the 2016 trial of Jian Ghomeshi.

text: During the time of fourth-wave feminism, in May 2016, in an attempt to make the Canadian national anthem gender-neutral by changing "thy sons" to "of us", Liberal MP Mauril Bélanger introduced a private member's Bill C-210.[69] In June 2016, the bill passed its third reading with a vote of 225 to 74 in the House of Commons.[70] In July 2017, the bill was in its third, and final, reading in the Senate;[71] the bill was passed on January 31, 2018 and received royal assent on February 7, 2018.[72][73]

text: Critiques of the "waves" view of Canadian feminist history[edit]

text: Feminism in Quebec[edit]

text: Feminism in Quebec has evolved differently from in the rest of Canada, and its history does not necessarily match the idea of the four "waves" conventionally used to describe Canadian feminist history. After Confederation, the provincial government of Quebec continued to be closely associated with the Catholic Church, resulting in the preservation of traditional gender roles. The conservatism of the then-provincial government, and the privileging of Catholic values contributed to Quebec being the last province in which women received the provincial franchise. By the 1960s, during the Quiet Revolution, many women in Quebec linked the patriarchy that shaped their lives with the colonial domination of English Canada over Quebec’s affairs. Equality between the sexes would amount to little if both men and women were subordinated and misrepresented through English values, culture and institutions. Though the Fédération des femmes du Québec was founded in 1966 to advance the rights of women in Quebec, and the organization worked closely with the National Action Committee on the Status of Women in the 1970s and 1980s, tensions between English Canadian and Québécois feminists were strong during the debates over the Meech Lake Accord and the Charlottetown Accord, and at the time of the 1995 Referendum.

text: Marie-Claire Belleau on "L'intersectionnalité" and Feminisms in Quebec-Canada[edit]

text: Belleau applies a feminist methodology and research framework to the inter-woven issues of national and cultural identity (what she terms “nat-cult”), both within Quebec and between the province and the rest of Canada (ROC). These conceptions of self, be they feminist, Québécois, or Canadian, in turn affect the identity politics of the region. She deploys “strategic intersectionality” in order to analyze how feminism is represented in Canada’s two main legal systems. She cautions against eternalizing differences (essentialism) or erasing them (universalism). Quebec is a unique case study because of the problematic private/public divide, which is reinforced by the parallel civil/common law split in the province’s legal system. Furthermore, the Québécois are historically situated as both colonizers and as colonized peoples, further lending complexity to their identities.

text: Belleau employs “tactical thinking” to negotiate among Québécois and ROC feminisms, engaging with identity politics and processes of subordination and dissolution in how Quebec feminists are represented in the legal world. She argues that Quebec feminism should (and does) have a “distinct face” ([74]). This is manifest in the approach of intersectionality as embracing cultural distinctions, ensuring no fights for social justice are subordinate to each other, and the understanding of emancipatory confrontations as independent but still interrelated. “Distinct feminism” preserves this nat-cult individuality.

text: The author also details the mythic “confrontational” portrayal of Anglo-Saxon feminism, and that much of Québécois feminist identity stands in contrast to this perceived antagonistic Anglo-Saxon feminism. Quebec men, similarly, struggle with their own conceptions of self, particularly amid historical confrontations with English-Canadian men. Conquest has led to hierarchy, exemplified through the past relationship of the Quebec matriarch and her male consort, l’homme rose, or the “pink man.” For women, many embrace their “Latin” heritage through an allegiance to their French past in order to assert their distinctiveness in a continent with competing cultural identities. Younger Québécois feminists wish to disassociate themselves from both Anglo-feminism and Latin-femininity to construct their own intersectional identity, and to remove themselves from the sexism inherent in some Latin cultures. In addition, as the author articulates, for First Nations women, this “French past” does not provide positive memories or cultural touchstones.

text: Ultimately, Belleau urges women to see projection, dissociation, and distinction as strategies used by both Quebec and ROC feminists to create constructive dialogues and coalitions among women.

text: Aboriginal feminism[edit]

text: Aboriginal feminism (also sometimes referred to as Indigenous feminism) has also taken a different trajectory from the mainstream, white, Anglo-Canadian women’s movement. Aboriginal women have largely not participated in that movement, in part because Aboriginal women’s organizations have focused on issues related to colonialism and cultural discrimination. Further, some Aboriginal women have explicitly rejected the label of “feminist” because, it is perceived to suggest “a strongly anti-natal and anti-family stance that is offensive [to Aboriginal women] as they rebuild their nations.”[75] Others have viewed the universal sisterhood associated with the second wave with hostility, perceiving the idea that all women are the same as an erasure of difference and as an attempt at colonization.[76] By and large, Aboriginal women active in pursuing their rights, such as those belonging to the Native Women’s Association of Canada, “...do not see themselves as part of a separate feminist movement but rather one that will complement the aboriginal organizations, which tend to be male dominated.”[77]

text: Aboriginal women have worked together to address gender and cultural discrimination as they experience it. One of the most notable instances of this activism was around the issue of who qualifies as a Status Indian under the Indian Act. The status of “Indian” was conferred upon persons whose father was a status Indian.[76] According to an amendment to the Act made in 1951, a native man always passed on his status to his wife and children (whether she was Aboriginal or not), while a native woman who married a non-native lost her own status and could not pass on her status to her children.[76] These conditions for qualifying for status caused many women to be displaced from their communities.[76] These amendments inspired activism on the part of the Tobique Women’s Group, as well as the founding of the Native Women’s Association of Canada in 1973, in order to enable women to achieve equality not only as women, but as Aboriginal women. The struggle for women to receive equal status under the Indian Act was also clear in various challenges to the Act, first by Mary Two-Axe Earley, followed by the human rights challenges raised by Jeannette Lavell, Yvonne Bedard, and Sandra Lovelace in the 1970s. In 1985, the Indian Act was amended to address unequal treatment of native women with Bill C-31 which allowed the return of Native Status to those who had lost it.[76]

text: Black feminism[edit]

text: Other women have also contested the mainstream feminist history of “waves.” In the case of Black Canadian women, the mainstream history of the first and second waves is problematic insofar as their struggles to enable women to leave their homes and partake in the labour force ignored that certain women had always worked to support their families. Most clear in American Black feminist Soujourner Truth’s “Ain't I a Woman?” speech, the experiences of black women in Canada have not been adequately addressed by conventional feminist histories. Like Aboriginal women, some black feminists have articulated their experiences in terms of a racially disadvantaged struggle for equal treatment, and that their struggle is not only against patriarchy, but systemic racism as well.

text: Black women saw a need to fund their own organizations, including missionary work in the late 19th century through the Women’s Home Missionary Society of the Baptist Church.[78] Further, black women founded organizations like the Coloured Women’s Club in Montreal (founded in 1900) to expand opportunities for people in the Black community, through mutual support.

text: Though the “double burden” of work and household labour that would be an important element of feminism in its second wave, had long been present for black women, who were also less likely to be paid fairly. While it was middle class white women’s experiences during and after WWII, coupled with the emergence of Betty Friedan’s The Feminine Mystique that led middle-class white women to consider engaging in the workforce, “by the Second World War at least 80 percent of Black women in Canada worked in the domestic-services sector and earned less than their white counterparts.”[78]

text: Black women in Canada established a national women’s organization in the post-war years, with the founding of the Canadian Negro Women’s Association in 1951. Though the organization started largely as a social organization, over several decades, it became more activist in orientation, and in 1980, after a national conference, it changed its name to the Congress of Black Women to reflect the changing structures and concerns of the organization.[79][80]


document_title: South African Bank Note Company

question_text: where do they print money in south africa

root

text: South African Bank Note Company

text:
South African Bank Note Company

Industry
Printing

Founded
1958[1]

Headquarters
Pretoria, Gauteng

Products
Bank notes

Parent
South African Reserve Bank

Website
[1]

tag: table

text: The South African Bank Note Company (SABN) is a South African security printing company responsible for the printing of the South African Rand. It is a wholly owned subsidiary of the South African Reserve Bank.[1]

tag: p

text: History[edit]

text: The South African Bank Note Company was established in 1958 as a result of a decision by the South African Government to print South African currency locally.[1] The South African Reserve Bank formed a joint venture with Bradbury Wilkinson and Company and commenced production from a factory in Pretoria. Bradbury Wilkinson and Company's shareholding was eventually taken over by the South African Reserve Bank.[1]


document_title: I'm a Celebrity...Get Me Out of Here! (Australian TV series)

question_text: when does i'm a celebrity get me out of here on

question_tokens: when does i 'm a celebrity get me out of here on

text: Format[edit]

text: The premise of the show is that there is a group of well known personalities living together in a specially constructed camp site in a jungle. During their time in the jungle they are isolated from the outside world and are not commonly aware of outside events. The contestants compete for $100,000 to be donated to a charity of their choosing, in addition to being personally reimbursed for their participation.[9] While in the jungle, some of the contestants (generally voted by the viewing public) compete in challenges for food and luxuries for the camp. These challenges often involve local wildlife and are meant to take the contestants out of their comfort zone. Each week one or more of the contestants are evicted from the jungle, based on viewer votes. In addition, if the contestants become overwhelmed by their situation they can leave the series by speaking the phrase "I'm a celebrity get me out of here!". However, it is reported that if contestants do quit they will have their income for participating in the series markedly reduced.[10] Throughout the show, additional contestants (called "intruders") enter the competition; and beginning with season two, some contestants are only included temporarily (i.e. having a guest appearance).[11] In the end, a final viewer vote occurs to determine the winner of the series, who is given the title of "King and/or Queen of the Jungle".

text: Tucker trials[edit]

text: The contestants take part in daily trials to earn food. These trials aim to test both physical and mental abilities. The winner is usually determined by the number of stars collected during the trial, with each star representing a meal earned by the winning contestant for their camp mates.

text: Celebrity chest challenges[edit]

text: Two or more celebrities are chosen to take part in the celebrity chest challenge to win luxuries for camp. Each challenge involves completing a task to win a chest to take back to camp. However, to win the luxury item in the chest, the campmates must correctly answer a question. If they fail to answer correctly, the luxury item is forfeited and a joke prize is won. The luxury item is "donated" by a celebrity from the outside.

text: Secret mission[edit]

text: This is a challenge where some celebrities have to take part without alerting the other celebrities - if they are successful in their 'missions', they are rewarded.

text: Mystery box[edit]

text: A mystery box sees a box delivered to the campsite, each time containing a different gift for the contestants.

text: Production[edit]

text: Broadcast[edit]

text: The show is broadcast Monday to Thursday at 7.30 pm and on Sunday nights at 6:30 pm (for the weekly eviction show). All shows are presented by Julia Morris & Chris Brown from a nearby studio. The program is live to AEDT States (New South Wales, Victoria, Tasmania and the Australian Capital Territory), in other states the program is delayed to accommodate local time zones.

text: The fallout zone[edit]

text: In addition to the television broadcast, for the first season a live feed from the camp site aired for an hour after the AEDT airing of the show on Ten's website and mobile app, titled The Fallout Zone but more commonly referred to as FOZ. The content of feed was available on the website after the fact so viewers in other states could watch the show after their airing of the main show. The feed was hosted by comedian Sam Mac and producer Ciaran "The Butcher" Flannery, also known as "The C-Word". On 8 and 12 March 2015, producer Dominic "The Domin8or" Sullivan filled in during Flannery's absence. The duo interact with viewers through Twitter, using the hashtag #FOZ. Mac and Flannery have no control over the shots used in the stream which has resulted in one episode featuring a 20-minute shot of a waterfall and, on 16 February 2015, a 15-minute conversation featuring a sound technician looking for Bob being picked up. On 5 March 2015 the show famously featured audio problems during which Mac and Flannery's voices fluctuated between chipmunk and Darth Vader filters for the first thirty minutes. The show's theme song is Highway to the Fallout Zone sung by Sam Mac. The show did not return for the second season.

text: Public voting[edit]

text: Throughout the show the public votes on who competes in the following tucker trial and who to evict from the campsite. Viewers can either vote via SMS (by texting the name of the celebrity) or vote via Social Media (namely Facebook or Twitter) by using the celebrity's hashtag (#celeb[name]). Voting via social media is limited to 20 votes per account. For tucker trial voting, viewers vote for celebrity they wish to complete. For eviction voting, viewers vote for a celebrity to stay. Voting closes at approximately 7:30pm AEDT for Sunday's eviction vote and at approximately 8pm AEDT for voting on other days.

text: Prior to the premiere of the second season, it was announced that the voting process would change slightly compared to the inaugural season. SMS voting wil be used for both trial and eviction voting while Twitter voting will be used exclusively for trial voting. This change was implemented to even the playing field between celebrities with a larger international fan base (who are more likely to receive Twitter votes from said fan base) and celebrities with a smaller fan base who are only known in Australia.[12] However, this decision was later reversed, allowing Twitter and Facebook votes for the finals.[13]

text: Series overview[edit]

text: Winners are crowned King or Queen of their respective year.

text: Key:

text:
Season
Presenters
Start date
End date
Days in camp
Campmates
Honour places

Winner
Second place
Third place

1
Chris Brown and Julia Morris
1 February 2015 (2015-02-01)
15 March 2015 (2015-03-15)
45
14
Freddie Flintoff
Barry Hall
Chrissie Swan

2
31 January 2016 (2016-01-31)
13 March 2016 (2016-03-13)
45
12
Brendan Fevola
Paul Harragon
Laurina Fleure

3
29 January 2017 (2017-01-29)
13 March 2017 (2017-03-13)
46
14
Casey Donovan
Dane Swan
Natalie Bassingthwaighte

4
28 January 2018 (2018-01-28)
March 2018 (2018-03)

text: Series results[edit]

text: Season 1 (2015)[edit]

text:
Celebrity
Known for
Day Entered
Day Exited
Result

 Freddie Flintoff
England cricketer
17
45
Winner

 Barry Hall
Former AFL forward
1
45
Runner-up

 Chrissie Swan
Television & radio broadcaster
1
45
Third Place

 Maureen McCormick
The Brady Bunch actress
1
42
Evicted 11th

 Joel Creasey
Comedian
1
41
Evicted 10th

 Anna Heinrich
The Bachelor Australia star
10
41
Evicted 9th

 Julie Goodwin
Chef & cookbook author
17
40
Evicted 8th

 Merv Hughes
Former test match cricketer
1
39
Evicted 7th

 Tyson Mayr
Model
1
38
Evicted 6th

 Andrew Daddo
Television & radio presenter
1
31
Evicted 5th

 Lauren Brant
Hi-5 singer
1
24
Evicted 4th

 Laura Dundovic
Miss Universe Australia 2008
1
17
Evicted 3rd

 Tim Robards
The Bachelor Australia star
10
17
Evicted 2nd

 Leisel Jones
Olympic swimmer
1
10
Evicted 1st

text: Season 2 (2016)[edit]

text:
Celebrity
Known for
Day Entered
Day Exited
Result

 Brendan Fevola
AFL full-forward
1
45
Winner

 Paul Harragon
Former NRL prop forward
1
45
Runner-up

 Laurina Fleure
The Bachelor Australia 2 star
1
45
Third Place

 Anthony Callea
Singer-songwriter
1
42
Evicted 9th

 Shane Warne
Retired international cricketer
2
41
Evicted 8th

 Havana Brown
DJ
1
40
Evicted 7th

 Jo Beth Taylor
Television presenter
1
39
Evicted 6th

 Val Lehman
Prisoner actress
1
38
Evicted 5th

 Dean Geyer
Glee actor
1
31
Evicted 4th

 Bonnie Lythgoe
So You Think You Can Dance Australia judge
1
24
Evicted 3rd

 Akmal Saleh
Comedian
1
17
Evicted 2nd

 Courtney Hancock
Ironwoman
1
10
Evicted 1st

text: Season 3 (2017)[edit]

text:
Celebrity
Known for
Day Entered
Day Exited
Result

 Casey Donovan
Singer-songwriter (Australian Idol Winner)
1
46
Winner

 Dane Swan
AFL Legend
1
46
Runner-Up

 Natalie Bassingthwaighte
Singer & Actress
1
46
Third Place

 Nazeem Hussain
Comedian
1
45
Evicted 11th

 Steve Price
Radio Shock Jock
1
42
Evicted 10th

 Lisa Curry
Olympic Swimmer
1
41
Evicted 9th

 Ash Pollard
My Kitchen Rules contestant
1
40
Evicted 8th

 Carson Kressley
TV Personality
25
39
Evicted 7th

 Tegan Martin
Beauty Queen
1
38
Evicted 6th

 Keira Maguire
The Bachelor Australia 4 star
19
35
Evicted 5th

 Kris Smith
TV Personality & Model
2
35
Evicted 4th

 Tziporah Malkah
Former Model
2
31
Evicted 3rd

 Jay Laga'aia
Actor & Singer
1
24
Evicted 2nd

 Tom Arnold
Hollywood Actor
1
17
Evicted 1st

text: Season 4 (2018)[edit]

text:
Celebrity
Known for
Day Entered
Day Exited
Result

 Paul Burrell
Former Royal servant
17

 Kerry Armstrong
Actress
1

 Josh Gibson
AFL Player
1

 Jackie Gillies
Psychic & Reality TV Star
1

 Danny Green
Boxer
7

 Simone Holtznagel
Model
1

 Shannon Noll
Singer
1

 Fiona O'Loughlin
Comedian
1

 Vicky Pattison
Reality TV star
17

 Peter Rowsthorn
Actor & Comedian
1

 Tiffany Darwish
Singer
1
16
Evicted 1st

 Anthony Mundine
Boxer
2
12
Withdrew

 Bernard Tomic
Tennis Player
1
3
Withdrew

text: Ratings[edit]

text:
Season
Episodes
Premiere
Finale
Source

Premiere date
Premiere viewers
(Opening Night)
Rank
Premiere viewers
(Welcome to the Jungle)
Rank
Finale date
Finale viewers
(Grand final)
Rank
Finale viewers
(Winner announced)
Rank

1
31
1 February 2015 (2015-02-01)
1.199
4
1.136
5
15 March 2015 (2015-03-15)
0.999
8
1.144
3
[14][15]

2
31
31 January 2016 (2016-01-31)
1.324
3
1.081
5
13 March 2016 (2016-03-13)
0.719
8
0.858
6
[16][17]

3
32
29 January 2017 (2017-01-29)
1.103
7
0.963
8
13 March 2017
0.989
6
1.056
2
[18][19]

4
TBC
28 January 2018 (2018-01-28)
1.274
4
1.108
5
TBC
TBC
TBC
TBC
TBC
[20]

text: Awards and nominations[edit]

text:
Year
Award
Category
Recipients and nominees
Result
Refs.

2016
Logie Awards of 2016
Best Reality Program
I'm a Celebrity...Get Me Out of Here!
Nominated
[21]

2017
Logie Awards of 2017
Best Reality Program
I'm a Celebrity...Get Me Out of Here!
Nominated
[22]

text: Lawsuit[edit]

text: In June 2017, Tom Arnold filed a lawsuit against Network Ten and A List Entertainment for defrauding him for being on I'm a Celebrity...Get Me Out of Here!. Arnold claims that he was promised a payment of $425,000 and a comedy tour in Australia, however he was missing $140,000 in payment and that Network Ten backed out of the comedy tour.[23]


document_title: BMW X5

question_text: when did the new shape bmw x5 come out

question_tokens: when did the new shape bmw x5 come out

text: BMW X5

text: First generation (E53; 1999–2006)[edit]

text:
BMW X5 (E53)

Pre-facelift BMW X5

Overview

Production
September 1999 – October 2006

Model years
2000–2006

Assembly
Greer, South Carolina, United States (BMW US Mfg. Co.)[3]

Body and chassis

Related
BMW 5 Series (E39)
BMW X-Coupe

Powertrain

Engine
Petrol:
3.0 L M54 I6
4.4 L-4.6 L M62 V8
4.4 L-4.8 L N62 V8
Diesel:
3.0 L M57 I6

Transmission
5-speed automatic
5-speed manual
6-speed automatic
6-speed manual

Dimensions

Wheelbase
111.0 in (2,819 mm)

Length
183.7 in (4,666 mm)

Width
73.7 in (1,872 mm)

Height
2000–2003 V8: 67.2 in (1,707 mm)
2001–2003 I6: 67.5 in (1,714 mm)
2004–2006 V8 4.8I: 67.9 in (1,725 mm)
2004–2006 I6: 69.3 in (1,760 mm)

text: The BMW E53 X5 crossover vehicle was manufactured between 1999 and 2006. The E53 was developed at a time when BMW owned Land Rover and benefitted from Land Rover technology.[4] It shared components with the Land Rover Range Rover HSE model; specifically the Hill Descent System and Off Road Engine Management system and also the BMW E39 5 series; specifically the engine and electronic system. The entire in car entertainment system (Radio Function, Navigation System, Television and Telecommunications systems, and a very flexible automotive computer system) are identical. As a result, the earlier X5 models can be upgraded with newer BMW technologies (e.g. Bluetooth phone connectivity).[5]

text: A range of petrol (gasoline) inline-6s, V8s and diesel engines were offered.

text: A facelifted version was released for the 2004 model year, production started in late 2003.

text:
Pre-facelift BMW X5 4.4i

Facelift BMW X5

Facelift BMW X5 3.0d

tag: ul

text: Second generation (E70; 2006–2013)[edit]

text:
BMW X5 (E70)

Overview

Production
November 2006 – July 2013

Model years
2007–2013

Assembly
Greer, South Carolina, United States (BMW US Mfg. Co.)
Kaliningrad, Russia (Avtotor)[6]

Body and chassis

Related
BMW X6

Powertrain

Engine
Petrol
3.0 L N52/N55 I6
4.4 L N63/S63 V8
4.8 L N62 V8
Diesel:
3.0 L M57/N57 I6

Transmission
6-speed automatic
8-speed ZF 8HP automatic

Dimensions

Wheelbase
2,933 mm (115.5 in)

Length
4,860 mm (191.3 in)

Width
1,933 mm (76.1 in)

Height
2006–2008: 1,766 mm (69.5 in)
2009–2013: 1,776 mm (69.9 in)

text: The BMW E70 is the second generation X5 Sports Activity Vehicle (SAV). It replaced the BMW X5 (E53) in November 2006. The second generation X5 features many new technological advancements including BMW's iDrive system as standard equipment and, for the first time in a BMW, an optional third row seat raising passenger capacity to seven.

text: The branding for the X5 from late 2008 onwards follows the new BMW nomenclature scheme, for example the X5 3.0si is now called the X5 xDrive30i, and the X5 4.8i is called the X5 xDrive48i. In 2010 BMW added the new CIC hard drive iDrive system, replacing the DVD based CCC system.

text: In 2009, the xDrive35d diesel engine variant of the X5 was made available for sale in Canada and the United States, along with the BMW 335d sedan.[7]

text: The BMW X5 M high performance variant was introduced to the press at the New York Auto Show in April 2009, and started appearing in BMW dealerships in September 2009 as a 2010 model. Sharing the same powertrain as the BMW X6 M, the X5 M features the first M Power V-8 Turbo, 555 hp (414 kW) and 500 lb·ft (680 N·m) of torque, and comes with M Dynamic Performance Control for impressive handling.

text: The X5 received a mid-generational refresh (LCI update) for the 2011 model year featuring new front bumper and air intakes as well as a variety of minor cosmetic changes. For the gasoline-powered X5 models, the naturally aspirated engines in the xDrive30i and xDrive48i (N52 I-6 and N62 V8) were replaced by turbocharged engines (N55 single-turbo straight-6, N63 twin-turbo V8) and which will also be mated to 8-speed automatic transmissions,[8] being rebadged as the xDrive35i and xDrive50i, respectively. The xDrive35d received the same exterior changes as the rest of the lineup but otherwise no other updates.[9]

text: For the 2011 model year, the BMW X5 (E70) was BMW's 3rd best-selling model after the first place BMW 3 Series (E90) and BMW 5 Series (F10), respectively.[10]

text:
Pre-facelift BMW X5 3.0d

Facelift BMW X5 xDrive35i

Facelift BMW X5 xDrive35i

text: Third generation (F15; 2013–present)[edit]

text:
BMW X5 (F15)

Overview

Production
August 2013–present

Model years
2014–present

Assembly
Greer, South Carolina, United States (BMW US Mfg. Co.)
Chennai, India (BMW India)
Kaliningrad, Russia (Avtotor),
Rayong, Thailand
Cairo, Egypt
Jakarta, Indonesia (Gaya Motor)

Body and chassis

Related
BMW X6

Powertrain

Engine
Petrol:
3.0 L N55 I6
4.4 L N63 V8
Diesel:
2.0 L N47 I4
3.0 L N57 I6

Transmission
6-speed automatic
8-speed ZF 8HP automatic

Dimensions

Wheelbase
2,933 mm (115.5 in)

Length
4,886 mm (192.4 in)

Width
1,938 mm (76.3 in)

Height
1,762 mm (69.4 in)

text: The BMW F15 is the third generation X5 Sports Activity Vehicle (SAV), unveiled on 30 May 2013 and launched in November 2013.

text: The new model is using same chassis with same wheelbase of previous generation and it is launched with an initial choice of three engines: a 450 hp V8 petrol engine (xDrive50i) and two six-cylinder in-line diesel units, producing 258 hp with one turbo (xDrive30d) and 381 hp with three turbos (M50d M Performance), respectively. In December 2013, further engine options will become available: xDrive40d, xDrive35i and, for the first time on the X5 model, two four-cylinder engines xDrive25d and sDrive25d (with two-wheel transmission).

text: As with the previous model, it is assembled at BMW's Spartanburg plant in South Carolina, United States.

text:
BMW X5 xDrive30d

Interior

text: X5 M Models[edit]

text: The BMW X5 M is a high-performance derivative of the X5. The following generations of the X5 M have been produced:

text:
E70 X5 M (2010–13)
F85 X5 M (2015–)

text: Production and sales[edit]

text:
[hide]Calendar year
Total Production
US sales

1999

1,312[11]

2000
38,282[12]
26,720

2001
82,645[12]
40,622[13]

2002
54,555
42,742[14]

2003
105,554[12]
40,715[15]

2004
104,988[12]
35,225[16]

2005
101,537[12]
37,598

2006
75,321[12]
26,798[17]

2007
120,617[18]
35,202[19]

2008
116,489[20]
31,858

2009
88,851[21]
27,071

2010
102,178[22] (2,778 X5 M)[23]
35,776[24]

2011
104,827
40,547[25]

2012
108,544
44,445[26]

2013
107,231[27]
39,818[28]

2014
147,381
47,031[29]

2015
168,143[30]
54,997[31]

2016
166,219[32]
47,641[33]


document_title: The Who Tour 1982

question_text: who opened for the who shea stadium 1982

text: The Who Tour 1982

text: History[edit]

text: Aside from two warm-up shows in Birmingham, the tour took place entirely in the United States and Canada. During the first Birmingham show, Pete Townshend announced the group's intention to do a proper British tour the following year, but they later decided against this and to make the 1982 tour their last. Though this ultimately would not be the case, it would be their last tour until 1989.

text: The set list included a number of new songs from It's Hard. "Dangerous", "It's Hard", "Eminence Front", and "Cry If You Want" were performed nightly, while "Athena" and "A Man Is a Man" were also played several times each. "Cooks County", which Townshend had written after seeing a television documentary on Chicago's Cook County Hospital, was fittingly played during one of the band's October shows in Rosemont, Illinois. Meanwhile, only "The Quiet One" was retained from Face Dances, though they had played a number of other songs from that album on the previous tour. Besides "Eminence Front", which has been featured in the band's act off and on since 1982, "Cry If You Want" is the only It's Hard track the band has played since these tours, having appeared a few times in the group's first shows of 2006 and as part of a medley following "My Generation" from 2006 to 2009; it was also briefly included at the start of The Who Hits 50! tour in late 2014.

text: "My Generation", a staple in the group's live act since 1965, did not appear until the 14th show of the year, and did not lead into long jams as it had since the late 1960s; it also served as the show-opener for the first time in the band's career. Meanwhile, a number of songs were reintroduced to the act after long absences, such as "Love Reign O'er Me", "Squeeze Box", "Love Ain't for Keeping", and "Doctor Jimmy".

text: After letting keyboard player John "Rabbit" Bundrick go following the 1981 tour, the group filled this role with Tim Gorman, who had also played on It's Hard. Despite this, Bundrick would again join the band when they reunited for Live Aid in 1985 and remained their keyboard player until 2011.

text: Live releases[edit]

text: Live material from 1982 has appeared on a number of different releases:

text:
The Who's Last live album was compiled entirely from 1982 performances, mainly from the show on 14 December at Richfield's Richfield Coliseum; four songs come from different sources (verified by meticulous comparison with soundboard and audience recordings and videos from that tour). "Behind Blue Eyes" is from 10 October show at Brendan Byrne Arena in East Rutherford; "Magic Bus" and "Summertime Blues" are from 20 October show at the Kingdome in Seattle; and "Substitute" is from 27 October show at Jack Murphy Stadium in San Diego.
The versions of "I Can't Explain", "Substitute", "My Generation", "A Man Is a Man", and "5.15" included as bonus material on the Live at Shea Stadium Blu-ray and DVD come from the first night at Shea Stadium in New York City on 12 October; the show from the following night is the main feature of the release.
The version of "Twist and Shout" on the Thirty Years of Maximum R&B box set comes from the penultimate night of the tour at Toronto's Maple Leaf Gardens on 16 December (mislabelled in the liner notes as coming from the CNE Stadium show in Toronto on 9 October).
The versions of "Love Reign O'er Me" and "Won't Get Fooled Again" on the Thirty Years of Maximum R&B Live video and DVD come from the second night at Shea Stadium in New York City on 13 October – "Won't Get Fooled Again" was only included on the 2009 re-release.
The live version of "The Quiet One" on the Face Dances reissue also comes from the Shea Stadium show from 13 October.
The entire Shea Stadium show (minus "5.15") from 13 October was released on DVD and Blu-ray in 2015 as Live at Shea Stadium, with several songs (listed above) from the 12 October show as bonus material.
The tour's final show at Toronto's Maple Leaf Gardens on 17 December was released on VHS as The Who Rocks America in 1983 and on DVD as Live from Toronto in 2006, albeit in edited form and missing some songs.
The live versions of "It's Hard", "Eminence Front", "Dangerous", and "Cry If You Want" on the It's Hard reissue also come from the Toronto show on 17 December.

text: The Clash's support set at Shea Stadium on 13 October became a popular bootleg, eventually being officially released as Live at Shea Stadium in 2008.[1]

text: Tour band[edit]

text:
Roger Daltrey - lead vocals, harmonica, rhythm guitar on "It's Hard" and "Eminence Front"
Pete Townshend - lead guitar, vocals
John Entwistle - bass guitar, vocals
Kenney Jones - drums

text: with

text: Tim Gorman - keyboards, piano, backing vocals

text: Typical set lists[edit]

text: UK warm-up shows[edit]

text: The band played two warm-up shows at the National Exhibition Centre in Birmingham, England shortly before travelling to North America. While Townshend's announcement during the first show that they planned to do "a proper British tour next year" was met with loud cheers, this ultimately did not occur. The following is the set list from both dates (only the encores differed). All songs written by Pete Townshend unless otherwise specified.

text:
"Substitute"
"I Can't Explain"
"Dangerous" (John Entwistle)
"Sister Disco"
"The Quiet One" (John Entwistle)
"It's Hard"
"Eminence Front"
"Behind Blue Eyes"
"Baba O'Riley"
"I'm One"
"The Punk and the Godfather"
"Drowned"
"A Man Is a Man"
"Cry If You Want"
"Who Are You"
"Pinball Wizard"
"See Me, Feel Me"
"5.15"
"Love Reign O'er Me"
"Long Live Rock"
"Won't Get Fooled Again"
"Twist and Shout" (Phil Medley, Bert Russell)

tag: ol

text: On the second night they also played:

text: "Naked Eye"

text:
"Shakin' All Over" (Johnny Kidd)
"Summertime Blues" (Eddie Cochran, Jerry Capehart)

text: First North American leg[edit]

text: The band returned to North America for the first time in over two years, beginning this leg on 22 September at the Capital Centre in Landover, Maryland and ending on 31 October at Sun Devil Stadium in Tempe, Arizona. The show on 13 October at Shea Stadium in New York City featured a rare performance of "I Saw Her Standing There" and closed with "Twist and Shout", both songs recorded by The Beatles and both sung by John Entwistle. Here is a fairly typical set list (all songs written by Pete Townshend unless otherwise specified):

text:
"Substitute" (also appeared later in the set during several shows when "My Generation" served as the opener)
"I Can't Explain" (opened the show on 6 October)
"Dangerous" (John Entwistle)
"Sister Disco"
"The Quiet One"
"It's Hard"
"Eminence Front"
"Behind Blue Eyes"
"Baba O'Riley"
"My Generation" (starting 7 October; also opened a number of shows)
"I'm One" (Dropped after 13 October)
"The Punk and the Godfather" (Dropped after 13 October)
"Drowned"
"Cry If You Want" (sometimes including teases of "Another Tricky Day")
"Who Are You"
"Pinball Wizard"
"See Me, Feel Me"
"5.15"
"Love Reign O'er Me"
"Long Live Rock"
"Won't Get Fooled Again"
"Summertime Blues" (Eddie Cochran, Jerry Capehart)
"Twist and Shout" (Phil Medley, Bert Russell)

text: There were some set list substitutions, variations, and order switches during the tour. Other songs occasionally played were:

text: "A Man Is A Man" (Performed on 22, 23, 25, 26, and 30 September and 2, 3, 5, 7, 9, 12, 17, 20, 21, 23, and 25 October)

text:
"Magic Bus" (Performed on 22, 25, and 30 September and 3, 5, 9, 12, 15, 20, 23, and 29 October)
"Naked Eye" (Performed on 23, 26, 28, and 29 September and 2, 6, 13, 17, 21, 23, 25, 29, and 31 October)
"Athena" (Performed on 28, 29, and 30 September and 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 12, and 25 October)
"Tattoo" (Performed on 13, 15, 25, 27, 29, and 31 October)
"I Can See for Miles" (Performed on 30 September and 20, 21, 23, 29, and 31 October)
"Young Man Blues" (Mose Allison) (Performed on 23 September and 13, 25, and 31 October)

text:
"Happy Jack" (Performed on 29 September)
"Cooks County" (Performed on 6 October)
"I Saw Her Standing There" (John Lennon, Paul McCartney) (Performed on 13 October)
"Let's See Action" (Performed on 23 October)

text: Second North American leg[edit]

text: The band returned after a four-week break for the second leg of the tour, which began on 27 November at the Orlando Stadium in Orlando, Florida. Townshend announced at the second show in Richfield, Ohio on 14 December that they were playing "their last concert in the U.S.A." (as heard on the live album Who's Last), as was obviously intended at the time. The tour concluded with two shows at Toronto's Maple Leaf Gardens, the second of which was made available via pay-per-view and radio broadcasts throughout North America, as it was thought to be the last performance of their final tour. The group would of course subsequently reunite for various events (the first being Live Aid in 1985) and tours.

text: "Doctor Jimmy", "Boris the Spider", "Love Ain't For Keeping", and "Squeeze Box" were reintroduced to the set on this leg after long absences. Here is a fairly typical set list (all songs written by Pete Townshend unless otherwise specified)

text:
"Substitute" (Dropped after 6 December)
"My Generation" (also appeared later in the set during several shows, when "Substitute" served as the show-opener)
"I Can't Explain" (not on 4 December)
"Dangerous" (John Entwistle)
"Sister Disco"
"The Quiet One"
"It's Hard"
"Eminence Front"
"Behind Blue Eyes"
"Baba O'Riley"
"I Can See for Miles" (replaced with "Doctor Jimmy" starting 6 December)
"Boris the Spider" (John Entwistle) (starting 6 December)
"Drowned"
"Tattoo" (Dropped after 6 December)
"Cry If You Want" (not performed on 6 December)
"Who Are You"
"Pinball Wizard"
"See Me, Feel Me"
"Love Ain't For Keeping" (starting 1 December; sometimes appeared elsewhere in the set)
"5.15"
"Love Reign O'er Me"
"Long Live Rock"
"Won't Get Fooled Again"
"Squeeze Box"
"Twist and Shout" (Phil Medley, Bert Russell)
"Naked Eye"

text: Other encores occasionally played were:

text:
"Magic Bus"

Performed on 27 and 29 November; and 4 and 11 December.

"Young Man Blues" (Mose Allison)

Performed on 1, 11, 14 and 17 December.

"Summertime Blues" (Eddie Cochran, Jerry Capehart)

Performed on 1 and 4 December.

"Join Together"

Performed (loosely) on 11 December.

text: Tour dates[edit]

text:
Date
City
Country
Venue
Tickets sold / available
Revenue

Europe warm-up shows

10 September 1982
Birmingham
England
National Exhibition Centre

11 September 1982

First North American leg

22 September 1982
Landover, Maryland
United States
Capital Centre
37,600 / 37,600
$564,000

23 September 1982

25 September 1982
Philadelphia
JFK Stadium
91,451 / 91,451
$1,440,351

26 September 1982
Orchard Park, New York
Rich Stadium
80,000 / 80,000
$1,200,000

28 September 1982
Pittsburgh
Civic Arena
17,200 / 17,200
$257,154

29 September 1982
Indianapolis
Market Square Arena
15,442 / 15,442
$231,630

30 September 1982
Pontiac, Michigan
Silverdome
75,000 / 75,000
$1,119,000

2 October 1982
Saint Paul, Minnesota
St. Paul Civic Center

3 October 1982

5 October 1982
Rosemont, Illinois
Rosemont Horizon
36,496 / 36,496
$541,035

6 October 1982

7 October 1982
Louisville, Kentucky
Freedom Hall
18,337 / 18,337
$271,755

9 October 1982
Toronto
Canada
CNE Stadium
64,000 / 64,000
$1,280,000

10 October 1982
East Rutherford, New Jersey
United States
Brendan Byrne Arena
20,062 / 20,062
$315,453

12 October 1982
New York City
Shea Stadium
140,000 / 140,000
$2,200,000

13 October 1982

15 October 1982
Cedar Falls, Iowa
UNI-Dome
23,729 / 23,729
$352,170

17 October 1982
Boulder, Colorado
Folsom Field
60,000 / 60,000
$960,000

20 October 1982
Seattle
Kingdome

21 October 1982
Portland, Oregon
Memorial Coliseum

23 October 1982
Oakland, California
Oakland–Alameda County Coliseum
60,300 / 60,300
$1,025,100

25 October 1982
Oakland, California
Oakland Coliseum Arena
14,372 / 14,372
$244,324

27 October 1982
San Diego
Jack Murphy Stadium
51,771 / 55,000
$776,565

29 October 1982
Los Angeles
Los Angeles Memorial Coliseum
83,000 / 83,000
$1,365,415

31 October 1982
Tempe, Arizona
Sun Devil Stadium
44,132 / 65,000
$754,657

Second North American leg

27 November 1982
Orlando, Florida
United States
Orlando Stadium
65,000 / 65,000
$1,018,946

29 November 1982
Lexington, Kentucky
Rupp Arena

30 November 1982
Birmingham, Alabama
Birmingham-Jefferson Civic Center
13,000 / 18,000
$254,000

1 December 1982
Biloxi, Mississippi
Mississippi Coast Coliseum
15,000 / 15,000
$225,000

3 December 1982
Houston, Texas
Astrodome
60,000 / 60,000
$1,050,000

4 December 1982
Dallas
Cotton Bowl
66,611 / 80,000
$1,165,698

6 December 1982
St. Louis
Checkerdome
12,564 / 19,000
$274,440

7 December 1982
Milwaukee
MECCA Arena

8 December 1982
Rosemont, Illinois
Rosemont Horizon
18,195 / 18,195
$267,750

10 December 1982
Syracuse, New York
Carrier Dome
47,716 / 47,716
$711,375

11 December 1982
Worcester, Massachusetts
The Centrum
12,907 / 12,907
$202,112

13 December 1982
Richfield, Ohio
Richfield Coliseum

14 December 1982

16 December 1982
Toronto
Canada
Maple Leaf Gardens

17 December 1982