document_title: Labor unions in the United States

question_text: when did labor unions begin to gain some legal rights in the united states

question_tokens: when did labor unions begin to gain some legal rights in the united states

text: Labor unions in the United States

text: History[edit]

text: Unions began forming in the mid-19th century in response to the social and economic impact of the industrial revolution. National labor unions began to form in the post-Civil War Era. The Knights of Labor emerged as a major force in the late 1880s, but it collapsed because of poor organization, lack of effective leadership, disagreement over goals, and strong opposition from employers and government forces.

text: The American Federation of Labor, founded in 1886 and led by Samuel Gompers until his death in 1924, proved much more durable. It arose as a loose coalition of various local unions. It helped coordinate and support strikes and eventually became a major player in national politics, usually on the side of the Democrats.

text: American labor unions benefited greatly from the New Deal policies of Franklin Delano Roosevelt in the 1930s. The Wagner Act, in particular, legally protected the right of unions to organize. Unions from this point developed increasingly closer ties to the Democratic Party, and are considered a backbone element of the New Deal Coalition.

text: Post-World War II[edit]

text: Pro-business conservatives gained control of Congress in 1946, and in 1947 passed the Taft-Hartley Act, drafted by Senator Robert A. Taft. President Truman vetoed it but the Conservative coalition overrode the veto. The veto override had considerable Democratic support, including 106 out of 177 Democrats in the House, and 20 out of 42 Democrats in the Senate.[15] The law, which is still in effect, banned union contributions to political candidates, restricted the power of unions to call strikes that "threatened national security," and forced the expulsion of Communist union leaders (the Supreme Court found the anti-communist provision to be unconstitutional, and it is no longer in force). The unions campaigned vigorously for years to repeal the law but failed. During the late 1950s, the Landrum Griffin Act of 1959 passed in the wake of Congressional investigations of corruption and undemocratic internal politics in the Teamsters and other unions.[16][17]

text: In 1955, the two largest labor organizations, the AFL and CIO, merged, ending a division of over 20 years. AFL President George Meany became President of the new AFL-CIO, and AFL Secretary-Treasurer William Schnitzler became AFL-CIO Secretary-Treasurer. The draft constitution was primarily written by AFL Vice President Matthew Woll and CIO General Counsel Arthur Goldberg, while the joint policy statements were written by Woll, CIO Secretary-Treasurer James Carey, CIO vice presidents David McDonald and Joseph Curran, Brotherhood of Railway Clerks President George Harrison, and Illinois AFL-CIO President Reuben Soderstrom.[18]

text: The percentage of workers belonging to a union (or "density") in the United States peaked in 1954 at almost 35% and the total number of union members peaked in 1979 at an estimated 21.0 million. Membership has declined since, with private sector union membership beginning a steady decline that continues into the 2010s, but the membership of public sector unions grew steadily.

text: After 1960 public sector unions grew rapidly and secured good wages and high pensions for their members. While manufacturing and farming steadily declined, state- and local-government employment quadrupled from 4 million workers in 1950 to 12 million in 1976 and 16.6 million in 2009.[19] Adding in the 3.7 million federal civilian employees, in 2010 8.4 million government workers were represented by unions,[20] including 31% of federal workers, 35% of state workers and 46% of local workers.[21]

text: By the 1970s, a rapidly increasing flow of imports (such as automobiles, steel and electronics from Germany and Japan, and clothing and shoes from Asia) undercut American producers.[22] By the 1980s there was a large-scale shift in employment with fewer workers in high-wage sectors and more in the low-wage sectors.[23] Many companies closed or moved factories to Southern states (where unions were weak),[24] countered the threat of a strike by threatening to close or move a plant,[25] or moved their factories offshore to low-wage countries.[26] The number of major strikes and lockouts fell by 97% from 381 in 1970 to 187 in 1980 to only 11 in 2010.[25][27] On the political front, the shrinking unions lost influence in the Democratic Party, and pro-Union liberal Republicans faded away.[28]  Union membership among workers in private industry shrank dramatically, though after 1970 there was growth in employees unions of federal, state and local governments.[29][30]  The intellectual mood in the 1970s and 1980s favored deregulation and free competition.[31] Numerous industries were deregulated, including airlines, trucking, railroads and telephones, over the objections of the unions involved.[32]  The climax came when President Ronald Reagan—a former union president—broke the Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization (PATCO) strike in 1981, dealing a major blow to unions.[27][33]

text: Republicans, using conservative think tanks as idea farms, began to push through legislative blueprints to curb the power of public employee unions as well as eliminate business regulations.[26][34][35]

text: Labor unions today[edit]

text:
Labor unions in the United StatesNational trade union organization(s)
AFL-CIO, CtW, IWWNational government agency(ies)
United States Department of Labor  National Labor Relations BoardPrimary trade union legislation
National Labor Relations Act  Taft-Hartley ActTrade union membership
16.2 million[36]Percentage of workforce;
  ▪ Total: 11.1%
  ▪ Public sector:
35.7%
  ▪ Private sector:
6.6%
Demographics
  ▪ Age 16–24:
5.1%
  ▪ 25–34:
10.0%
  ▪ 35–44:
13.0%
  ▪ 45–54:
14.4%
  ▪ 55–64:
14.9%
  ▪ 65 and over:
10.4%
  ▪ Women:
10.5%
  ▪ Men:

11.7%Standard Occupational Classification
  ▪ Management, professional:
11.9%
  ▪ Service:
9.2%
  ▪ Sales and office:
6.5%
  ▪ Natural resources, construction, and   maintenance:
15.3%
  ▪ Production, transportation, and   material moving:

14.8%International Labour Organization
United States is a member of the ILOConvention ratificationFreedom of Association
Not ratifiedRight to Organise
Not ratified

text: Today most labor unions in the United States are members of one of two larger umbrella organizations: the American Federation of Labor–Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) or the Change to Win Federation, which split from the AFL-CIO in 2005-2006. Both organizations advocate policies and legislation favorable to workers in the United States and Canada, and take an active role in politics favoring the Democratic party but not exclusively so. The AFL-CIO is especially concerned with global trade and economic issues.

text: Private sector unions are regulated by the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA), passed in 1935 and amended since then. The law is overseen by the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), an independent federal agency. Public sector unions are regulated partly by federal and partly by state laws. In general they have shown robust growth rates, because wages and working conditions are set through negotiations with elected local and state officials.

text: To join a traditional labor union, workers must either be given voluntary recognition from their employer or have a majority of workers in a bargaining unit vote for union representation.[citation needed] In either case, the government must then certify the newly formed union.[citation needed] Other forms of unionism include minority unionism, solidarity unionism, and the practices of organizations such as the Industrial Workers of the World, which do not always follow traditional organizational models.

text: Public sector worker unions are governed by labor laws and labor boards in each of the 50 states. Northern states typically model their laws and boards after the NLRA and the NLRB. In other states, public workers have no right to establish a union as a legal entity. (About 40% of public employees in the USA do not have the right to organize a legally established union.)[37][38]

text: A review conducted by the federal government on pay scale shows that employees in a labor union earn up to 33% more income than their nonunion counterparts, as well as having more job security, and safer and higher-quality work conditions.[39] The median weekly income for union workers was $973 in 2014, compared with $763 for nonunion workers.[36]

text: Labor negotiations[edit]

text: This section's factual accuracy is disputed. Relevant discussion may be found on Talk:Labor unions in the United States. Please help to ensure that disputed statements are reliably sourced. (August 2016) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)

text: Once the union has won the support of a majority of the bargaining unit and is certified in a workplace, it has the sole authority to negotiate the conditions of employment. However, under the NLRA, if a minority of employees voted for a union, those employees can then form a union which represents the rights of only those members who voted for the union.[citation needed] This minority model was once widely used, but was discarded when unions began to consistently win majority support. Unions are beginning to revisit the "members only" model of unionism because of new changes to labor law which unions view as curbing workers' ability to organize.

text: The employer and the union write the terms and conditions of employment in a legally binding contract. When disputes arise over the contract, most contracts call for the parties to resolve their differences through a grievance process to see if the dispute can be mutually resolved. If the union and the employer still cannot settle the matter, either party can choose to send the dispute to arbitration, where the case is argued before a neutral third party.

text: Right-to-work statutes forbid unions from negotiating union shops and agency shops. Thus, while unions do exist in "right-to-work" states, they are typically weaker.

text: Members of labor unions enjoy "Weingarten Rights." If management questions the union member on a matter that may lead to discipline or other changes in working conditions, union members can request representation by a union representative. Weingarten Rights are named for the first Supreme Court decision to recognize those rights.[40]

text: The NLRA goes farther in protecting the right of workers to organize unions. It protects the right of workers to engage in any "concerted activity" for mutual aid or protection. Thus, no union connection is needed. Concerted activity "in its inception involves only a speaker and a listener, for such activity is an indispensable preliminary step to employee self-organization."[41]

text: Unions are currently advocating new federal legislation, the Employee Free Choice Act (EFCA), that would allow workers to elect union representation by simply signing a support card (card check). The current process established by federal law requires at least 30% of employees to sign cards for the union, then wait 45 to 90 days for a federal official to conduct a secret ballot election in which a simple majority of the employees must vote for the union in order to obligate the employer to bargain.

text: Unions report that, under the present system, many employers use the 45- to 90-day period to conduct anti-union campaigns. Some opponents of this legislation fear that removing secret balloting from the process will lead to the intimidation and coercion of workers on behalf of the unions. During the 2008 elections, the Employee Free Choice Act had widespread support of many legislators in the House and Senate, and of the President. Since then, support for the "card check" provisions of the EFCA subsided substantially.

text: Membership[edit]

text: Union membership had been declining in the US since 1954, and since 1967, as union membership rates decreased, middle class incomes shrank correspondingly.[42] In 2007, the labor department reported the first increase in union memberships in 25 years and the largest increase since 1979. Most of the recent gains in union membership have been in the service sector while the number of unionized employees in the manufacturing sector has declined. Most of the gains in the service sector have come in West Coast states like California where union membership is now at 16.7% compared with a national average of about 12.1%.[43]  Historically, the rapid growth of public employee unions since the 1960s has served to mask an even more dramatic decline in private-sector union membership.

text: At the apex of union density in the 1940s, only about 9.8% of public employees were represented by unions, while 33.9% of private, non-agricultural workers had such representation. In this decade, those proportions have essentially reversed, with 36% of public workers being represented by unions while private sector union density had plummeted to around 7%. The US Bureau of Labor Statistics most recent survey indicates that union membership in the US has risen to 12.4% of all workers, from 12.1% in 2007. For a short period, private sector union membership rebounded, increasing from 7.5% in 2007 to 7.6% in 2008.[36]  However, that trend has since reversed. In 2013 there were 14.5 million members in the U.S., compared with 17.7 million in 1983. In 2013, the percentage of workers belonging to a union was 11.3%, compared to 20.1% in 1983. The rate for the private sector was 6.7%, and for the public sector 35.3%.[1]

text: In the ten years 2005 through 2014, the National Labor Relations Board recorded 18,577 labor union representation elections; in 11,086 of these elections (60 percent), the majority of workers voted for union representation. Most of the elections (15,517) were triggered by employee petitions for representation, of which unions won 9,933. Less common were elections caused by employee petitions for decertification (2792, of which unions won 1070), and employer-filed petitions for either representation or decertification (268, of which unions won 85).[44][45]

text: Labor education programs[edit]

text: In the US, labor education programs such as the Harvard Trade Union Program[46] created in 1942 by Harvard University professor John Thomas Dunlop sought to educate union members to deal with important contemporary workplace and labor law issues of the day. The Harvard Trade Union Program is currently part of a broader initiative at Harvard Law School called the Labor and Worklife Program[47] that deals with a wide variety of labor and employment issues from union pension investment funds to the effects of nanotechnology on labor markets and the workplace.

text: Cornell University is known to be one of the leading centers for labor education in the world, establishing the Cornell University School of Industrial and Labor Relations in 1945. The school's mission is to prepare leaders, inform national and international employment and labor policy, and improve working lives through undergraduate and graduate education. The school publishes the Industrial and Labor Relations Review and had Frances Perkins on its faculty. The school has six academic departments: Economics, Human Resource Management, International and Comparative Labor, Labor Relations, Organizational Behavior, and Social Statistics. Classes include "Politics of the Global North" and "Economic Analysis of the University."[48][49]

text: Jurisdiction[edit]

text: Labor unions use the term jurisdiction to refer to their claims to represent workers who perform a certain type of work and the right of their members to perform such work. For example, the work of unloading containerized cargo at United States ports, which the International Longshoremen's Association, the International Longshore and Warehouse Union and the International Brotherhood of Teamsters have claimed rightfully should be assigned to workers they represent. A jurisdictional strike is a concerted refusal to work undertaken by a union to assert its members' right to such job assignments and to protest the assignment of disputed work to members of another union or to unorganized workers. Jurisdictional strikes occur most frequently in the United States in the construction industry.[50]

text: Unions also use jurisdiction to refer to the geographical boundaries of their operations, as in those cases in which a national or international union allocates the right to represent workers among different local unions based on the place of those workers' employment, either along geographical lines or by adopting the boundaries between political jurisdictions.[50]

text: Public opinion[edit]

text: Although not as overwhelmingly supportive as it was from the 1930s through the early 1960s, a clear majority of the American public approves of labor unions. The Gallup organization has tracked public opinion of unions since 1936, when it found that 72 percent approved of unions. The overwhelming approval declined in the late 1960s, but - except for one poll in 2009 in which the unions received a favorable rating by only 48 percent of those interviewed, majorities have always supported labor unions. The latest poll in August 2016 gave labor unions a 56 percent approval rating, versus 36 percent who disapproved of unions.

text: On the question of whether or not unions should have more influence or less influence, Gallup has found the public consistently split since Gallup first posed the question in 2000, with no majority favoring either more influence or less influence. In August 2016, 36 percent wanted unions to have more influence, 34 percent less influence, with 26 percent wanting the influence of labor unions to remain about the same.[51]

text: Possible causes of drop in membership[edit]

text: Although most industrialized countries have seen a drop in unionization rates, the drop in union density (the unionized proportion of the working population) has been more significant in the United States than elsewhere.[12]

text: Global trends[edit]

text: The US Bureau of Labor Statistics surveyed the histories of union membership rates in industrialized countries from 1970 to 2003, and found that of 20 advanced economies which had union density statistics going back to 1970, 16 of them had experienced drops in union density from 1970 to 2003. Over the same period during which union density in the US declined from 23.5 percent to 12.4 percent, some counties saw even steeper drops. Australian unionization fell from 50.2 percent in 1970 to 22.9 percent in 2003, in New Zealand it dropped from 55.2 percent to 22.1 percent, and in Austria union participation fell from 62.8 percent down to 35.4 percent. All the English-speaking countries studied saw union membership decline to some degree. In the United Kingdom, union participation fell from 44.8 percent in 1970 to 29.3 percent in 2003. In Ireland the decline was from 53.7 percent down to 35.3 percent. Canada had one of the smallest declines over the period, going from 31.6 percent in 1970 to 28.4 percent in 2003. Most of the countries studied started in 1970 with higher participation rates than the US, but France, which in 1970 had a union participation rate of 21.7 percent, by 2003 had fallen to 8.3 percent. The remaining four countries which had gained in union density were Finland, Sweden, Denmark, and Belgium.[54]

text: Popularity[edit]

text: Public approval of unions climbed during the 1980s much as it did in other industrialized nations,[55] but declined to below 50% for the first time in 2009 during the Great Recession. It is not clear if this is a long term trend or a function of a high unemployment rate which historically correlates with lower public approval of labor unions.[56]

text: One explanation for loss of public support is simply the lack of union power or critical mass. No longer do a sizable percentage of American workers belong to unions, or have family members who do. Unions no longer carry the "threat effect": the power of unions to raise wages of non-union shops by virtue of the threat of unions to organize those shops.[56]

text: Polls of public opinion and labor unions[edit]

text: A New York Times/CBS Poll found that 60% of Americans opposed restricting collective bargaining while 33% were for it. The poll also found that 56% of Americans opposed reducing pay of public employees compared to the 37% who approved. The details of the poll also stated that 26% of those surveyed, thought pay and benefits for public employees were too high, 25% thought too low, and 36% thought about right. Mark Tapscott of the Washington Examiner criticized the poll, accusing it of over-sampling union and public employee households.[57]

text: A Gallup poll released on March 9, 2011, showed that Americans were more likely to support limiting the collective bargaining powers of state employee unions to balance a state's budget (49%) than disapprove of such a measure (45%), while 6% had no opinion. 66% of Republicans approved of such a measure as did 51% of independents. Only 31% of Democrats approved.[58]

text: A Gallup poll released on March 11, 2011, showed that nationwide, Americans were more likely to give unions a negative word or phrase when describing them (38%) than a positive word or phrase (34%). 17% were neutral and 12% didn't know. Republicans were much more likely to say a negative term (58%) than Democrats (19%). Democrats were much more likely to say a positive term (49%) than Republicans (18%).[59]

text: A nationwide Gallup poll (margin of error ±4%) released on April 1, 2011,[60] showed the following;

text:
When asked if they supported the labor unions or the governors in state disputes; 48% said they supported the unions, 39% said the governors, 4% said neither, and 9% had no opinion.
Women supported the governors much less than men. 45% of men said they supported the governors, while 46% said they supported the unions. This compares to only 33% of women who said they supported the governors and 50% who said they supported the unions.
All areas of the US (East, Midwest, South, West) were more likely to support unions than the governors. The largest gap being in the East with 35% supporting the governors and 52% supporting the unions, and the smallest gap being in the West with 41% supporting the governors and 44% the unions.
18- to 34-year-olds were much more likely to support unions than those over 34 years of age. Only 27% of 18- to 34-year-olds supported the governors, while 61% supported the unions. Americans ages 35 to 54 slightly supported the unions more than governors, with 40% supporting the governors and 43% the unions. Americans 55 and older were tied when asked, with 45% supporting the governors and 45% the unions.
Republicans were much more likely to support the governors when asked with 65% supporting the governors and 25% the unions. Independents slightly supported unions more, with 40% supporting the governors and 45% the unions. Democrats were overwhelmingly in support of the unions. 70% of Democrats supported the unions, while only 19% supported the governors.
Those who said they were following the situation not too closely or not at all supported the unions over governors, with a 14–point (45% to 31%) margin. Those who said they were following the situation somewhat closely supported the unions over governors by a 52–41 margin. Those who said that they were following the situation very closely were only slightly more likely to support the unions over the governors, with a 49-48 margin.

text: A nationwide Gallup poll released on August 31, 2011, revealed the following:[61]

text:
52% of Americans approved of labor unions, unchanged from 2010.
78% of Democrats approved of labor unions, up from 71% in 2010.
52% of Independents approved of labor unions, up from 49% in 2010.
26% of Republicans approved of labor unions, down from 34% in 2010.

text: A nationwide Gallup poll released on September 1, 2011, revealed the following:[62]

text:
55% of Americans believed that labor unions will become weaker in the United States as time goes by, an all-time high. This compared to 22% who said their power would stay the same, and 20% who said they would get stronger.
The majority of Republicans and Independents believed labor unions would further weaken by a 58% and 57% percentage margin respectively. A plurality of Democrats believed the same, at 46%.
42% of Americans want labor unions to have less influence, tied for the all-time high set in 2009. 30% wanted more influence and 25% wanted the same amount of influence.
The majority of Republicans wanted labor unions to have less influence, at 69%.
A plurality of Independents wanted labor unions to have less influence, at 40%.
A plurality of Democrats wanted labor unions to have more influence, at 45%.
The majority of Americans believed labor unions mostly helped members of unions by a 68 to 28 margin.
A plurality of Americans believed labor unions mostly helped the companies where workers are unionized by a 48-44 margin.
A plurality of Americans believed labor unions mostly helped state and local governments by a 47-45 margin.
A plurality of Americans believed labor unions mostly hurt the US economy in general by a 49-45 margin.
The majority of Americans believed labor unions mostly hurt workers who are not members of unions by a 56-34 margin.

text: Institutional environments[edit]

text: A broad range of forces have been identified as potential contributors to the drop in union density across countries. Sano and Williamson outline quantitative studies that assess the relevance of these factors across countries.[63] The first relevant set of factors relate to the receptiveness of unions' institutional environments. For example, the presence of a Ghent system (where unions are responsible for the distribution of unemployment insurance) and of centralized collective bargaining (organized at a national or industry level as opposed to local or firm level) have both been shown to give unions more bargaining power and to correlate positively to higher rates of union density.[63]

text: Unions have enjoyed higher rates of success in locations where they have greater access to the workplace as an organizing space (as determined both by law and by employer acceptance), and where they benefit from a corporatist relationship to the state and are thus allowed to participate more directly in the official governance structure. Moreover, the fluctuations of business cycles, particularly the rise and fall of unemployment rates and inflation, are also closely linked to changes in union density.[63]

text: Labor legislation[edit]

text: Labor lawyer Thomas Geoghegan attributes the drop to the long-term effects of the 1947 Taft-Hartley Act, which slowed and then halted labor's growth and then, over many decades, enabled management to roll back labor's previous gains.[64]

text: First, it ended organizing on the grand, 1930s scale. It outlawed mass picketing, secondary strikes of neutral employers, sit downs: in short, everything [Congress of Industrial Organizations founder John L.] Lewis did in the 1930s.

text:
The second effect of Taft-Hartley was subtler and slower-working. It was to hold up any new organizing at all, even on a quiet, low-key scale. For example, Taft-Hartley ended "card checks." … Taft-Hartley required hearings, campaign periods, secret-ballot elections, and sometimes more hearings, before a union could be officially recognized.

It also allowed and even encouraged employers to threaten workers who want to organize. Employers could hold "captive meetings," bring workers into the office and chew them out for thinking about the Union.

And Taft-Hartley led to the "union-busting" that started in the late 1960s and continues today. It started when a new "profession" of labor consultants began to convince employers that they could violate the [pro-labor 1935] Wagner Act, fire workers at will, fire them deliberately for exercising their legal rights, and nothing would happen. The Wagner Act had never had any real sanctions.
[…]

text: So why hadn't employers been violating the Wagner Act all along? Well, at first, in the 1930s and 1940s, they tried, and they got riots in the streets: mass picketing, secondary strikes, etc. But after Taft-Hartley, unions couldn't retaliate like this, or they would end up with penalty fines and jail sentences.[64]

text: In general, scholars debate the influence of politics in determining union strength in the US and other countries. One argument is that political parties play an expected role in determining union strength, with left-wing governments generally promoting greater union density, while others contest this finding by pointing out important counterexamples and explaining the reverse causality inherent in this relationship.[65]

text: Economic globalization[edit]

text: More recently, as unions have become increasingly concerned with the impacts of market integration on their well-being, scholars have begun to assess whether popular concerns about a global "race to the bottom" are reflected in cross-country comparisons of union strength. These scholars use foreign direct investment (FDI) and the size of a country's international trade as a percentage of its GDP to assess a country's relative degree of market integration. These researchers typically find that globalization does affect union density, but is dependent on other factors, such as unions' access to the workplace and the centralization of bargaining.[66]

text: Sano and Williamson argue that globalization's impact is conditional upon a country's labor history.[67] In the United States in particular, which has traditionally had relatively low levels of union density, globalization did not appear to significantly affect union density.

text: Employer strategies[edit]

text: Studies focusing more narrowly on the U.S. labor movement corroborate the comparative findings about the importance of structural factors, but tend to emphasize the effects of changing labor markets due to globalization to a greater extent. Bronfenbrenner notes that changes in the economy, such as increased global competition, capital flight, and the transitions from a manufacturing to a service economy and to a greater reliance on transitory and contingent workers, accounts for only a third of the decline in union density.[69]

text: Bronfenbrenner claims that the federal government in the 1980s was largely responsible for giving employers the perception that they could engage in aggressive strategies to repress the formation of unions. Richard Freeman also points to the role of repressive employer strategies in reducing unionization, and highlights the way in which a state ideology of anti-unionism tacitly accepted these strategies[55]

text: Goldfield writes that the overall effects of globalization on unionization in the particular case of the United States may be understated in econometric studies on the subject.[70] He writes that the threat of production shifts reduces unions' bargaining power even if it does not eliminate them, and also claims that most of the effects of globalization on labor's strength are indirect. They are most present in change towards a neoliberal political context that has promoted the deregulation and privatization of some industries and accepted increased employer flexibility in labor markets.

text: Union responses to globalization[edit]

text: Regardless of the actual impact of market integration on union density or on workers themselves, organized labor has been engaged in a variety of strategies to limit the agenda of globalization and to promote labor regulations in an international context. The most prominent example of this has been the opposition of labor groups to free trade initiatives such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the Dominican Republic-Central American Free Trade Agreement (DR-CAFTA). In both cases, unions expressed strong opposition to the agreements, but to some extent pushed for the incorporation of basic labor standards in the agreement if one were to pass.[72]

text: However, Mayer has written that it was precisely unions' opposition to NAFTA overall that jeopardized organized labor's ability to influence the debate on labor standards in a significant way.[73] During Clinton's presidential campaign, labor unions wanted NAFTA to include a side deal to provide for a kind of international social charter, a set of standards that would be enforceable both in domestic courts and through international institutions. Mickey Kantor, then U.S. trade representative, had strong ties to organized labor and believed that he could get unions to come along with the agreement, particularly if they were given a strong voice in the negotiation process.[73]

text: When it became clear that Mexico would not stand for this kind of an agreement, some critics from the labor movement would not settle for any viable alternatives. In response, part of the labor movement wanted to declare their open opposition to the agreement, and to push for NAFTA's rejection in Congress.[73] Ultimately, the ambivalence of labor groups led those within the Administration who supported NAFTA to believe that strengthening NAFTA's labor side agreement too much would cost more votes among Republicans than it would garner among Democrats, and would make it harder for the United States to elicit support from Mexico.[74]

text: Graubart writes that, despite unions' open disappointment with the outcome of this labor-side negotiation, labor activists, including the AFL-CIO have used the side agreement's citizen petition process to highlight ongoing political campaigns and struggles in their home countries.[75] He claims that despite the relative weakness of the legal provisions themselves, the side-agreement has served a legitimizing functioning, giving certain social struggles a new kind of standing.

text: Transnational labor regulation[edit]

text: Unions have recently been engaged in a developing field of transnational labor regulation embodied in corporate codes of conduct. However, O'Brien cautions that unions have been only peripherally involved in this process, and remain ambivalent about its potential effects.[76] They worry that these codes could have legitimizing effects on companies that do not actually live up to good practices, and that companies could use codes to excuse or distract attention from the repression of unions.

text: Braun and Gearhart note that although unions do participate in the structure of a number of these agreements, their original interest in codes of conduct differed from the interests of human rights and other non-governmental activists. Unions believed that codes of conduct would be important first steps in creating written principles that a company would be compelled to comply with in later organizing contracts, but did not foresee the establishment of monitoring systems such as the Fair Labor Association. These authors point out that are motivated by power, want to gain insider status politically and are accountable to a constituency that requires them to provide them with direct benefits.[77]

text: In contrast, activists from the non-governmental sector are motivated by ideals, are free of accountability and gain legitimacy from being political outsiders. Therefore, the interests of unions are not likely to align well with the interests of those who draft and monitor corporate codes of conduct.

text: Arguing against the idea that high union wages necessarily make manufacturing uncompetitive in a globalized economy is labor lawyer Thomas Geoghegan. Busting

text: unions, in the U.S. manner, as the prime way of competing with China and other countries [does not work]. It's no accident that the social democracies, Sweden, France, and Germany, which kept on paying high wages, now have more industry than the U.S. or the UK. … [T]hat's what the U.S. and the UK did: they smashed the unions, in the belief that they had to compete on cost. The result? They quickly ended up wrecking their industrial base.[78]

text: Unions have made some attempts to organize across borders. Eder observes that transnational organizing is not a new phenomenon but has been facilitated by technological change.[79] Nevertheless, he claims that while unions pay lip service to global solidarity, they still act largely in their national self-interest. He argues that unions in the global North are becoming increasingly depoliticized while those in the South grow politically, and that global differentiation of production processes leads to divergent strategies and interests in different regions of the world. These structural differences tend to hinder effective global solidarity. However, in light of the weakness of international labor, Herod writes that globalization of production need not be met by a globalization of union strategies in order to be contained. Herod also points out that local strategies, such as the United Auto Workers' strike against General Motors in 1998, can sometimes effectively interrupt global production processes in ways that they could not before the advent of widespread market integration. Thus, workers need not be connected organizationally to others around the world to effectively influence the behavior of a transnational corporation.[80]


document_title: Buddhism in Japan

question_text: buddhism was transmitted to japan by way of

root

text: Buddhism in Japan

text: History of Japanese Buddhism[edit]

text: Arrival of Buddhism in China along the Silk Road[edit]

text: The arrival of Buddhism in China is ultimately a consequence of the first contacts between China and Central Asia, where Buddhism had spread from the Indian subcontinent. These contacts occurred with the opening of the Silk Road in the 2nd century BCE, following the travels of Zhang Qian between 138 and 126 BCE. These contacts culminated with the official introduction of Buddhism in China in 67 CE. Historians generally agree that by the middle of the 1st century, the religion had penetrated to areas north of the Huai River in China.[7]

tag: p

text: Kofun period (250 to 538)[edit]

text: According to the Book of Liang, which was written in 635, five Buddhist monks from Gandhara traveled to Japan in 467. At the time, they referred to Japan as Fusang (Chinese: 扶桑; Japanese pronunciation: Fusō), the name of a mythological country to the extreme east beyond the sea:[8]

text: Fusang is located to the east of China, 20,000 li (1,500 kilometers) east of the state of Da Han [大漢, "China"] (itself east of the state of Wa in modern Kansai region, Japan). (...) In former times, the people of Fusang knew nothing of the Buddhist religion, but in the second year of Da Ming of the Song Dynasty (467), five monks from Kipin [Kabul region of Gandhara] travelled by ship to Fusang. They propagated Buddhist doctrine, circulated scriptures and drawings, and advised the people to relinquish worldly attachments. As a result the customs of Fusang changed.

text: Asuka Period (538 to 710) and Nara Period (710–794)[edit]

text: Although there are records of Buddhist monks from China coming to Japan before the Asuka Period, the "official" introduction of Buddhism to Japan is dated to 552 in Nihon Shoki[9] when King Seong of Baekje (聖明王, now western Korea) sent a mission to the Emperor Kinmei that included Buddhist monks or nuns together with an image of Buddha and a number of sutras to introduce Buddhism.[3][10] The powerful Soga clan played a key role in the early spread of Buddhism in the country. Initial uptake of the new faith was slow, and Buddhism only started to spread some years later when Empress Suiko openly encouraged the acceptance of Buddhism among all Japanese people.

text: According to legend, in Japan in 552, there was an attempt to destroy a tooth relic, one of the first of Buddha’s to arrive in the country; it was hit by a hammer into an anvil; the hammer and anvil were destroyed but the tooth was not.[11] On January 15, 593, Soga no Umako ordered relics of Buddha deposited inside the foundation stone under the pillar of a pagoda at Asuka-dera.[12]

text: In 607, in order to obtain copies of sutras, an imperial envoy was dispatched to Sui China. As time progressed and the number of Buddhist clergy increased, the offices of Sōjō (archbishop) and Sōzu (bishop) were created. By 627, there were 46 Buddhist temples, 816 Buddhist priests, and 569 Buddhist nuns in Japan.

text: Six sects[edit]

text: The initial period saw the six great Chinese schools, called Nanto Rokushū (南都六宗, lit. the Six Nara Sects) in Japanese, introduced to the Japanese archipelago:

text:
Ritsu (Vinaya-focused Nikaya Buddhism)
Jōjitsu (Tattvasiddhi, a sect of Nikaya Buddhism)
Kusha-shū (Abhidharma-focussed Nikaya Buddhism)
Sanronshū (East Asian Mādhyamaka)
Hossō (East Asian Yogācāra)
Kegon (Huayan)[13]

tag: ol

text: These schools centered around the ancient capitals of Asuka and Nara, where great temples such as the Asuka-dera and Tōdai-ji were erected respectively. These were not exclusive schools, and temples were apt to have scholars versed in several of the schools. It has been suggested that they can best be thought of as "study groups". The Buddhism of these periods, known as the Asuka period and Nara period – was not a practical religion, being more the domain of learned priests whose official function was to pray for the peace and prosperity of the state and imperial house. This kind of Buddhism had little to offer the illiterate and uneducated masses, and led to the growth of "people’s priests" who were not ordained and had no formal Buddhist training. Their practice was a combination of Buddhist and Daoist elements and the incorporation of shamanistic features of indigenous practices. Some of these figures became immensely popular, and were a source of criticism towards the sophisticated academic and bureaucratic Buddhism of the capital.

text: Tangmi[edit]

text: The Late Nara period saw the introduction of Tangmi (Esoteric Buddhism, Japanese mikkyō) to Japan from China by Kūkai and Saichō, who founded Shingon Buddhism and the Tendai school, respectively.

text: Heian Period (794 to 1185)[edit]

text: During the Heian period the capital was shifted from Nara to Kyoto. Monasteries became centers of powers, even establishing armies of Sōhei, warrior-monks.[14]

text: Shinto and Buddhism became the dominant religions, maintaining a balance until the Meiji-restoration.[14]

text: Kamakura Period (1185–1333)[edit]

text: The Kamakura period was a period of crises in which the control of the country moved from the imperial aristocracy to the samurai. In 1185 the Kamakura shogunate was established at Kamakura.[15]

text: This period saw the introduction of the two schools that had perhaps the greatest impact on the country: the schools of Pure Land Buddhism, promulgated by evangelists such as Genshin and articulated by monks such as Hōnen, which emphasize salvation through faith in Amitābha and remain the largest Buddhist sect in Japan (and throughout Asia); and Zen, promulgated by monks such as Eisai and Dōgen, which emphasize liberation through the insight of meditation, which were equally rapidly adopted by the upper classes and had a profound impact on the culture of Japan.

text: Additionally, it was during the Kamakura period that the influential monk Nichiren began teaching devotion to the Lotus Sutra. Eventually, his disciples formed their own school of Nichiren Buddhism, which includes various sects that have their own interpretations of Nichiren's teachings. Nichiren Buddhism established the foundation of Japanese Buddhism in the thirteenth century. The school is known for its sociopolitical activism and looks to reform society through faith.[16]

text: Muromachi Period (or Ashikaga) (1336–1573)[edit]

text: In the Muromachi period, Zen, particularly the Rinzai school, obtained the help of the Ashikaga shogunate and the Emperor of Japan, and accomplished considerable development.

text: Azuchi-Momoyama Period (1573–1600) and Edo Period (or Tokugawa)(1600–1868)[edit]

text: After the Sengoku period of war, Japan was re-united in the Azuchi–Momoyama period. This decreased the power of Buddhism, which had become a strong political and military force in Japan. Neo-Confucianism and Shinto gained influence at the expense of Buddhism, which came under strict state control.[17] Japan closed itself off to the rest of the world. The only traders to be allowed were Dutchmen admitted to the island of Dejima.[18]

text: New doctrines and methods were not to be introduced, nor were new temples and schools. The only exception was the Ōbaku lineage, which was introduced in the 17th century during the Edo period by Ingen, a Chinese monk. Ingen had been a member of the Linji school, the Chinese equivalent of Rinzai, which had developed separately from the Japanese branch for hundreds of years. Thus, when Ingen journeyed to Japan following the fall of the Ming dynasty to the Manchu people, his teachings were seen as a separate school. The Ōbaku school was named after Mount Huangbo (Chinese: 黄檗山; pinyin: Huángbò shān; Japanese pronunciation: Ōbaku shan), which had been Ingen's home in China. Also notable during the period was the publication of an exceptionally high quality reprint of the Ming-era Tripiṭaka by Tetsugen Doko, a renowned master of the Ōbaku school.[17]

text: Meiji Restoration (1868–1912)[edit]

text: With the Meiji Restoration in 1868, the new government adopted a strong anti-Buddhist attitude, and a movement to eradicate Buddhism and bring Shinto to ascendancy arose throughout the country due to the strong connections of Buddhism to the Shoguns.

text: During the Meiji period (1868–1912), after a coup in 1868, Japan abandoned its feudal system and opened up to Western modernism. Shinto became the state religion. Within the Buddhist establishment the Western world was seen as a threat as well as a challenge to stand up to.[19][20] Buddhist institutions had a simple choice: adapt or perish. Rinzai and Soto Zen chose to adapt, trying to modernize Zen in accord with Western insights, while simultaneously maintaining a Japanese identity. Other schools, and Buddhism in general, simply saw their influence wane. The edict of April 1872 ended the status of the buddhist precepts as state law and allowed monks to marry and to eat meat.[21] This "codification of a secularized lifestyle for the monk coupled with the revival of the emperor system and development of State Shinto were fundamental in desacralizing Buddhism and pushing it to the margins of society".[22]

text: Japanese Imperialism (1931–1945)[edit]

text: Japanese identity was being articulated in Nihonjinron, the "Japanese uniqueness theory". A broad range of subjects was taken as typical of Japanese culture. D. T. Suzuki contributed to the Nihonjinron by taking Zen as the distinctive token of Asian spirituality, showing its unique character in the Japanese culture.[23] Nichirenism was one particular expression of Japanese Buddhist nationalism.

text: During World War II, almost all Buddhists temples strongly supported Japan's militarization.[24][25][26][27][28][29] In contrast, a few individuals such as Ichikawa Haku,[30] and Girō Seno’o were targeted, and the Soka Kyoiku Gakkai, a Nichiren lay believers' organization, was ultimately banned by military authorities. During the 1940s, "leaders of both Honmon Hokkeshu and Sokka Gakkai were imprisoned for their defiance of wartime government religious policy, which mandated display of reverence for state Shinto."[31][32][33]

text: Post World War II, there was a high demand for Buddhist priests who glorified fallen soldiers, and gave funerals and posthumous names, causing a strong revival.[34][citation needed] However, due to secularization and materialism, Buddhism and religion in general, continued to decline.[need quotation to verify]

text: Post-war (1945–present)[edit]

text: Japan has seen a growth in post war movements of lay believers of Buddhism[citation needed] and a decline in traditional Buddhism in the 20th century, with roughly 100 Buddhist organizations disappearing every year.[35][36] As of 2008 approximately 34% of the Japanese identify as "Buddhists" and the number has been growing since the 1980s, as Buddhists were 27% in 1984.

text: Still, around 90% of Japanese funerals are conducted according to Buddhist rites.[37] "In 1963 Tamamuro Taijo coined the term Funeral Buddhism that came to be used to describe traditional Buddhism in Japan as the religion engaged in funerary rites and removed from the spiritual needs of people".[38]

text: Contrary to the ritualistic practice of traditional Buddhism, a revived modern form of Nichiren Buddhism led by lay believers Soka Gakkai “…grew rapidly in the chaos of post war Japan’ [33] from about 3000 members in 1951 to over 8 million members” in 2000,[39] and has established schools, colleges and a university, as well as cultural institutions.[40] A study about the reason for the growth in lay believers and increased engagement in society attributes the cause to Nichiren teachings of ‘social responsibility’: “In the tradition of Nichiren Buddhism, however, we find the Lotus Sutra linked to a view of social responsibility that is distinctive”.[41] According to an academic study, lay believers of Buddhism “… offer an alternative view of Japan where their form of Buddhism would form the religious foundation of a peaceful and psychologically and materially enriched society” [42]

text: Japanese Buddhist schools[edit]

text: In the post-Meiji, pre-WWII period, there were officially 13 schools and 56 branches (ja:十三宗五十六派) of traditional Buddhism (i.e., those not established in modern times). The official schools included three from the Nara period, two from the Heian period (Tendai and Shingon), four Pure Land schools, three Zen schools (Rinzai, Sōtō and Obaku), and Nichiren. During the war, this was halved to 28 branches, but the law enforcing this was repealed following the end of the war, allowing former branches to return. Further, since then, many groups have split off from existing branches.[citation needed]

text: The Six Nara Schools[edit]

text: Jōjitsu[edit]

text: 625: Introduced into Japan. The Tattvasiddhi school (成實宗, Jōjitsu-shū)[43] (formerly known as the *Sātyasiddhi) is considered to be an offshoot of the Bahuśrutīya, an Indian Sautrāntika school of Nikaya Buddhism; however, the Tattvasiddhi's position was also close to that of the Sthavira nikāya. They were distinguished by a rejection of abhidharma as not being the words of the Buddha. It was introduced to Japan as Jōjitsu in 625 by the monk Ekwan of Goryeo. In Japan, it was classified as one of the three approaches of East Asian Mādhyamaka instead of a separate lineage.[44] East Asian Mādhyamaka (三論宗, Sanron-shū) was one of the six Nara sects (南都六宗, Nanto Rokushū).[43]

text: Hossō[edit]

text: 654: Dōshō introduces East Asian Yogācāra (法相宗, Hossō). Yogācāra is based on an early Indian philosophy by masters such as Vasubandhu. Practices of this lineage are also known as "consciousness-only" since they teach that all phenomena are phenomena of the mind. The East Asian Yogācāra school of Buddhism was founded by Xuanzang (玄奘, Jp. Genjō) in China c. 630 and introduced to Japan in 654 by Dōshō, who had travelled to China to study under him.[45] The Discourse on the Theory of Consciousness-Only (成唯識論, Jōyuishiki-ron) is an important text for the Hossō school.

text: Sanron[edit]

text: This school was transmitted to Japan in the 7th century. Literally: Three-Discourse School; a Madhyamaka school which developed in China based on two discourses by Nagarjuna and one by Aryadeva. Madhyamaka is one of the two most important Mahayana philosophies, and reemphasizes the original Buddhist teachings that phenomena are neither truly existent or absolutely non-existent, but are characterized by impermanence and insubstantiality.

text: Kegon[edit]

text: 736: Bodhisena introduces the Kegon (Huayan or Avataṃsaka) school to Japan. The Kegon school was founded by Dushun (杜順, Dojun) c. 600 and was introduced to Japan by the Indian monk Bodhisena in 736. The Avatamsaka Sutra (Kegon-kyō 華厳経) is the central text for the Kegon school. The Shin'yaku Kegonkyō Ongi Shiki is an early Japanese annotation of this sūtra.

text: Risshū[edit]

text:
753: Jianzhen (Chinese: 鑑真) introduces the Risshū (Ritsu or vinaya school) to Japan. Founded by Daoxuan (道宣, Jp. Dosen), China, c. 650
First Introduction to Japan: Jianzhen, 753. The Ritsu school specialized in the Vinaya (the monastic rules in the Tripitaka). They used the Dharmagupta version of the vinaya which is known in Japanese as Shibunritsu (四分律)

text: Kusha-shū[edit]

text: The Kusha-shū (倶舎宗) was one of the six schools of Buddhism introduced to Japan during the Asuka and Nara periods.[46] Along with the Tattvasiddhi school (Jōjitsu-shū) and the Risshū, it is a school of Nikaya Buddhism, which is sometimes derisively known to Mahayana Buddhism as "the Hinayana".

text: A Sarvastivada school,[47] Kusha-shū focussed on abhidharma analysis based on the "Commentary on the Abhidharmakośabhaṣya" (倶舎論) by the fourth-century Gandharan philosopher Vasubandhu. The school takes its name from that authoritative text.[46]

text: Esoteric Schools[edit]

text: Tendai[edit]

text: 807: Saichō introduces the Tendai (Tiantai) school to Japan. Known as Tiantai (天台) in China, the Tendai school was founded by Zhiyi (智顗, Jp Chigi) in China, c. 550. In 804 Saichō (最澄) traveled to China to study at the Tiantai teachings, at Mount Tiantai. However, before his return he also studied, and was initiated into, the practice of the Vajrayana, with emphasis on the Mahavairocana Sutra. The primary text of Tiantai is Lotus Sutra (Hokke-kyō 法華経), but when Saichō established his school in Japan he incorporated the study and practice of Vajrayana as well.

text: Shingon Buddhism[edit]

text: 816: Kūkai founds Shingon Buddhism (真言宗, Shingon-shū). One of the major schools of Buddhism in Japan today and one of the few surviving Vajrayana lineages in East Asia, it originally spread from India to China through traveling monks such as Vajrabodhi and Amoghavajra. Known in Chinese as the Tangmi, these esoteric teachings would flourish in Japan under the auspices of a Buddhist monk named Kūkai (空海), who traveled to Tang China in 804 as part of the same expedition as Saichō. In the capital he studied Tangmi and Sanskrit and received initiation from Huiguo. On returning to Japan, Kūkai eventually managed to establish Shingon as a school in its own right. Kūkai received two lineages of teaching—one based on the Mahavairocana Tantra (大日経, Dainichikyō) and the other based on the Vajrasekhara Sutra (金剛頂経, Kongōchōkyō).

text: The word "Shingon" is the Japanese pronunciation of Zhēnyán "True Words",[48] which in turn is the Chinese translation of the Sanskrit word "mantra".[49]

text: Kamakura Buddhism[edit]

text: Amida (Pure Land) Schools[edit]

text: 1175: Hōnen introduces Pure Land Buddhism to Japan.

text: Jōdo-shū[edit]

text:
Jōdo-shū was founded by Hōnen (法然), 1175
Japanese name: 浄土, "Pure Land"
Major Influences: Chinese Jingtu Zong (净土宗 "Pure Land school"), Tendai
Doctrine: Nianfo
Primary Text: Longer Sukhāvatīvyūha Sūtra (Muryōju-kyō 無量壽経)

text: Jōdo Shinshū[edit]

text:
Jōdo Shinshū was founded by Shinran (親鸞), 1224
Japanese name: 浄土真, "True Pure Land"
Major Influences: Jōdo-shū, Tendai
Doctrine: nembutsu no shinjin ("nianfo of true entrusting", that is, saying nianfo is a declaration of faith in Amida's salvation plan for the individual rather than a plan for salvation.)
Primary Text: Longer Sukhāvatīvyūha Sūtra (Muryōju-kyō 無量壽経)

text: Ji-shū[edit]

text:
Ji-shū was founded by Ippen (一遍), 1270
Japanese name: 時宗 or 時衆, "Time"
Major Influences: Jōdo-shū
Doctrine: Nembutsu
Primary Text:

text: Yūzū-Nembutsu School[edit]

text:
The Yūzū-Nembutsu school was founded by Ryōnin (良忍), 1117
Japanese name: 融通念仏
Doctrine: sokushitsu ōjō (速疾往生,)
Primary Text: Avatamsaka Sutra (Kegon-kyō 華厳経)・Lotus Sutra (Hokke-kyō 法華経)

text: Zen Schools[edit]

text: Several variants of Zen's practice and experiential wisdom (禅宗) were separately brought to Japan. Note that Zen influences are identifiable earlier in Japanese Buddhism, esp. cross-fertilization with Hosso and Kegon, but the independent schools were formed quite late.

text: Rinzai[edit]

text:
1191: Eisai introduces the Rinzai school to Japan. Founder: Linji Yixuan (臨済義玄), China, c. 850
Chinese name: Linji school (臨済宗), named after founder
First Introduction to Japan: Eisai (栄西), 1191
Major Influences: East Asian Yogācāra, Kegon
Doctrine: zazen (坐禅, "sitting meditation"), especially kōan (公案, "public matter") practice
Primary Texts: Transcendental Wisdom Sutras aka Prajnaparamita (般若波羅蜜経), incl. Heart Sutra

text: Sōtō[edit]

text:
1227: Dōgen introduces the Sōtō (Caodong school) to Japan. Founders: Caoshan (曹山, Jp. Sosan) and Dongshan Liangjie (洞山, Jp. Tosan), China, c. 850
Chinese name: Caodong (曹洞), named after its founders
First Introduction to Japan: Dōgen (道元), 1227
Major Influences: Tendai, East Asian Yogācāra, Kegon
Doctrine: zazen (坐禅, "sitting meditation"), especially shikantaza
Primary Texts: Transcendental Wisdom Sutras aka Prajnaparamita (般若波羅蜜経), incl. Heart Sutra

text: Ōbaku School[edit]

text:
1654: Ingen introduces the Ōbaku (Huangbo) school to Japan.
Founder: Ingen (隠元), Japan, 1654
Japanese name: Huangbo (黄檗), named for the mountain where the founder had lived in China
Major Influences: Rinzai school
Doctrine: kyōzen-itchi (経禅一致, "Unity of Sutras and Zen")
Primary Texts: Transcendental Wisdom Sutras aka Prajnaparamita (般若波羅蜜経), incl. Heart Sutra

text: Fuke-shū[edit]

text:
The Fuke-shū was founded by Puhua (普化)
First introduction to Japan: Shinchin Kakushin (心地覚心), 1254
Major Influences: Rinzai school
Abolished: 1871

text: Nichiren Buddhism[edit]

text:
1253: Nichiren (日蓮: "Sun-Lotus") expounds his teachings. Nichiren Buddhism split into several denominations after the death of Nichiren in 1282. The Nichiren Fuju-fuse-ha sub-sect of Nichiren Buddhism was abolished in 1669 and legalised again in 1876.
Today's Nichiren Buddhism is represented by traditional-oriented schools such as Honmon Butsuryū-shū, Nichiren-shū and Nichiren Shōshū and more recent movements like the Soka Gakkai, Risshō Kōsei Kai, Reiyūkai and Nipponzan-Myōhōji-Daisanga. See Nichiren Buddhism for a more complete list.

text:
Major Influences: Tendai
Primary Texts: Lotus Sutra (妙法蓮華經: Myōhō Renge Kyō; abbrev. 法華經: Hokke-kyō), treatises and letters by Nichiren.
Mantra: Nam(u) Myōhō Renge Kyō (南無妙法蓮華經)

text: Cultural influence[edit]

text: Japanese culture maintained an uneasy relation to Buddhist culture. While the Chinese culture was admired, Buddhism was also regarded as a strange influence.

text: Societal influence[edit]

text: During the Kamakura (1185–1333) and Muromachi (1336–1573) Buddhism, or the Buddhist institutions, had a great influence on Japanese society. Buddhist institutions were used by the shogunate to control the country. During the Edo (1600–1868) this power was constricted, to be followed by persecutions at the beginning of the Meiji-restoration (1868–1912).[18] Buddhist temples played a major administrative role during the Edo period, through the Danka or terauke system. In this, Japanese citizens were required to register at their local Buddhist temples and obtain a certification (terauke), which became necessary to function in society. At first, this system was put into place to suppress Christianity, but over time it took on the larger role of census and population control.

text: Artistic influence[edit]

text: In Japan, Buddhist art started to develop as the country converted to Buddhism in 548. Some tiles from the Asuka period (shown above), the first period following the conversion of the country to Buddhism, display a strikingly classical style, with ample Hellenistic dress and realistically rendered body shape characteristic of Greco-Buddhist art.

text: Buddhist art became extremely varied in its expression. Many elements of Greco-Buddhist art remain to this day however, such as the Hercules inspiration behind the Nio guardian deities in front of Japanese Buddhist temples, or representations of the Buddha reminiscent of Greek art such as the Buddha in Kamakura.[b]

text: Deities[edit]

text: Various other Greco-Buddhist artistic influences can be found in the Japanese Buddhist pantheon, the most striking being that of the Japanese wind god Fūjin. In consistency with Greek iconography for the wind god Boreas, the Japanese wind god holds above his head with his two hands a draping or "wind bag" in the same general attitude.[c] The abundance of hair has been kept in the Japanese rendering, as well as exaggerated facial features.

text: Another Buddhist deity, Shukongōshin, one of the wrath-filled protector deities of Buddhist temples in Japan, is also an interesting case of transmission of the image of the famous Greek god Heracles to East Asia along the Silk Road. Heracles was used in Greco-Buddhist art to represent Vajrapani, the protector of the Buddha, and his representation was then used in China and Japan to depict the protector gods of Buddhist temples.[d]

text: Artistic motifs[edit]

text: The artistic inspiration from Greek floral scrolls is found quite literally in the decoration of Japanese roof tiles, one of the only remaining element of wooden architecture throughout centuries. The clearest ones are from the 7th century Nara temple building tiles, some of them exactly depicting vines and grapes. These motifs have evolved towards more symbolic representations, but essentially remain to this day in many Japanese traditional buildings.[e]

text: Temples[edit]

text: Soga no Umako built Hōkō-ji, the first temple in Japan, between 588 to 596. It was later renamed as Asuka-dera for Asuka, the name of the capital where it was located. Unlike early Shinto shrines, early Buddhist temples were highly ornamental and strictly symmetrical. The early Heian period (9th–10th century) saw an evolution of style based on the mikkyō sects Tendai and Shingon Buddhism. The Daibutsuyō style and the Zenshūyō style emerged in the late 12th or early 13th century.

text: Buddhist holidays[edit]

text: Obon (お盆)[edit]

text: Although its date and practices vary region to region, the Bon Festival is celebrated primarily in Japan and in communities with large Japanese diaspora communities. It is believed that the spirits of the dead return to earth for three days and visit the family shrines or graves. It is customary to clean the graves and to hold family reunions.


document_title: The Handmaid's Tale (TV series)

question_text: where does the handmaid's tale show take place

question_tokens: where does the handmaid 's tale show take place

text: The Handmaid's Tale (TV series)

text: Plot[edit]

text: In the near future, fertility rates collapse as a result of sexually transmitted diseases and environmental pollution.[1] With this chaos in place, the totalitarian, Christian theonomic government of "Gilead" establishes rule in the former United States in the aftermath of a civil war.[2][3][4] Society is organized by power-hungry leaders along a new, militarized, hierarchical regime of fanaticism and newly created social classes, in which women are brutally subjugated, and by law are not allowed to work, own property, handle money, or read.[4] Worldwide infertility has resulted in the conscription of the few remaining fertile women in Gilead, called handmaids, according to an "extremist interpretation" of a Biblical account.[4] They are assigned to the homes of the ruling elite, where they must submit to ritualized rape with their male masters in order to become pregnant and bear children for those men and their wives.

text: June Osborne, renamed Offred (Elisabeth Moss), is the Handmaid assigned to the home of Gileadan Commander Fred Waterford (Joseph Fiennes) and his wife Serena Joy (Yvonne Strahovski). She is subject to the strictest rules and constant scrutiny; an improper word or deed on her part can lead to her execution. Offred, who is named after her male master like all Handmaids, can remember the "time before", when she was married with a daughter and had her own name and identity, but all she can safely do now is follow the rules of Gilead in the hope that she can someday live free and be reunited with her daughter. The Waterfords, key players in the rise of Gilead, have their own conflicts with the realities of the society they have helped create.

text: Cast[edit]

text: Main[edit]

text:
Elisabeth Moss as June Osborne/Offred, a Handmaid to Commander Fred Waterford and his wife, Serena Joy, mother of Hannah and wife of Luke.
Joseph Fiennes as Commander Fred Waterford, a high-ranking government official and Offred's master, who secretly meets with her to form a connection in the hopes she doesn't kill herself like her predecessor. Both he and his wife played an instrumental role in Gilead's founding.
Yvonne Strahovski as Serena Joy Waterford, Fred's wife and a former conservative cultural activist who appears to have accepted her new limited role in a society she helped create. Capable of great cruelty, she desperately wants to become a mother.
Alexis Bledel as Emily/Ofglen (later Ofsteven), Offred's Handmaid shopping partner. She is considered a "gender traitor" (a term used in Gilead in reference to homosexuality) and knows of a resistance movement called Mayday.
Madeline Brewer as Janine/Ofwarren (later Ofdaniel), a Handmaid with a fragile psyche who has had her right eye removed as punishment for misbehavior. She is convinced her Commander truly loves her and that he wants to run away with her and start a family.
Ann Dowd as Aunt Lydia, a brutal instructor and guardian of the Handmaids. However, she seems to develop a fondness for Janine/Ofwarren.
O. T. Fagbenle as Luke Bankole, June's husband from before Gilead and father to their daughter Hannah. As June is his second wife, their union is considered invalid in the new society and Hannah to be illegitimate.
Max Minghella as Nick Blaine, Commander Waterford's driver and a former drifter from Michigan who develops feelings for Offred.
Samira Wiley as Moira, June's best friend since college. With June's help, she is able to escape her life as a handmaid but ultimately goes to work at one of Gilead's many unofficial brothels/sex clubs as a "Jezebel" named Ruby. She appears to have given up the will to escape Gilead altogether until June gives her the strength to escape again.

tag: ul

text: Recurring[edit]

text:
Amanda Brugel as Rita, a Martha, or housekeeper. Her son was killed in the Gilead takeover.
Ever Carradine as Naomi Putnam, Commander Warren Putnam's wife. She views her baby merely as a status symbol and has no sympathy for the handmaids.
Kristen Gutoskie as Beth, a Martha at Jezebel's. She does business with Nick and appears to have quite an interest in him.
Tattiawna Jones as Ofglen #2, who replaces Emily in the position after she's captured by The Eyes. Her new life in Gilead is much better than her old one and she does not want to jeopardize it. However, she is the very first handmaid to refuse to punish Janine/Ofdaniel in the season finale.
Nina Kiri as Alma, a handmaid already "in service" upon Offred's arrival. She later becomes a contact to a possible resistance group.
Jordana Blake as Hannah Osborne, Offred's daughter.

text: Episodes[edit]

text:
No.
Title
Directed by
Teleplay by
Original release date

1
"Offred"
Reed Morano
Bruce Miller
April 26, 2017 (2017-04-26)

A woman flees from a group of men with guns, but she is captured and separated from her young daughter; her husband has vanished. She is known as Offred, a handmaid to Commander Fred Waterford. Offred goes grocery shopping with her companion, Ofglen. On the way home, they pass by a wall of men who have been hanged for crimes such as being gay, working in an abortion clinic, and being Catholic.[5] In a flashback, various women are indoctrinated into the handmaid roles by Aunt Lydia, who tells them about declining birth rates and that they are "special", serving a Biblical purpose. Offred enters the room and notices Moira, a woman she knew at college. One woman in the class, Janine, answers Lydia back and is shocked with a cattle prod before having her right eye removed as punishment. In the present, Commander Waterford tries to impregnate Offred as she lies in the lap of his wife, Serena Joy. The next day, the handmaids gather in an open field where Lydia announces a man has raped a pregnant handmaid. As punishment, the handmaids are allowed to beat him to death. Janine tells Offred that Moira is dead. On the way home, Ofglen tells Offred that she had a wife and son and warns her there is an Eye (a secret spy) in her house. Through voiceover, Offred reveals her true name, June, and that she intends to survive to find her daughter.

2
"Birth Day"
Reed Morano
Bruce Miller
April 26, 2017 (2017-04-26)

Offred and Ofglen go shopping and they reveal more personal information about themselves to each other. While they are walking, Offred and Ofglen see St. Paul Catholic Church, the local church they belonged to, being destroyed by the new régime.[6][5] Ofglen tells Offred that the régime also bulldozed St. Patrick's Cathedral in Manhattan to try to "erase" the fact that it ever existed; Offred asks how Ofglen knows this information and she reveals that she is part of a resistance against the government.[7] Ofglen asks her to join, but Offred declines. Nick, Commander Waterford's driver, tells Offred that the Commander wants to see her alone later that night, which is forbidden. Nick also warns her “Don't get too close to [Ofglen]. It's dangerous.” Offred and other handmaids go to a home to witness the birth of Ofwarren's (formerly Janine's) child, named "Angela" by the Puttnams, but "Charlotte" by Ofwarren. In flashbacks, June remembers her own daughter's birth. During this time, healthy births were rare and a woman tried to kidnap Hannah but was arrested. Offred goes to the Commander's office, unsure of what will happen, but he just wants to play Scrabble. She laughs with relief when she returns to her room. The next day, Offred prepares to tell Ofglen what happened that night but when she goes outside, it's a different woman who introduces herself as Ofglen.

3
"Late"
Reed Morano
Bruce Miller
April 26, 2017 (2017-04-26)

In flashbacks, the rise of Gilead is detailed. June and all the other women at her office are fired because "it's the law now". June and Moira also learn that the government has frozen all women's bank accounts and that they can no longer own property. In the present, Serena takes Offred to see Ofwarren and the baby. Offred fears Ofwarren is delusional and comments on her behaviour to Serena. Nick drives Offred home and there is a black van waiting. Offred is interrogated by an Eye and Aunt Lydia about her knowledge of Ofglen. Offred eventually reveals she knew Ofglen was gay and quotes one of the Beatitudes from the Bible; for this, Lydia shocks Offred with a cattle prod. Before she can leave the room, Offred responds by quoting the Bible back: “Blessed are those who suffer for the cause of righteousness, for theirs is the kingdom of Heaven.” That would have earned her a much more serious beating but Serena intervenes, yelling at them to stop as she believes that Offred is pregnant. Nick visits Offred in her room to check on her and they share an intimate moment. Offred later tells Serena that she's not pregnant so Serena angrily drags her to her room and loudly orders her not to come out. In a flashback, June and Moira attend a protest against the new laws that is suppressed by automatic gunfire and explosives. In the present, Ofglen and the Martha she's in a relationship with are charged with "gender treachery", with Ofglen receiving a lesser sentence because she can still bear children. The Martha is executed by hanging as Ofglen watches, sobbing and horrified. Later, Ofglen (now referred to by her "old" name, Emily) wakes up in a clinic, having undergone female genital mutilation surgery as explained by Aunt Lydia.

4
"Nolite Te Bastardes Carborundorum"
Mike Barker
Leila Gerstein
May 3, 2017 (2017-05-03)

Offred, who is banished to her room, goes into the closet where she finds the Latin phrase Nolite Te Bastardes Carborundorum scratched into the wall. Rita, the Commander's housekeeper, finds Offred lying in the closet but Offred tells her that she fainted. Believing she is ill, Serena has Offred sent to the hospital for a check-up. While examining Offred, the physician remarks that the Commander is sterile, because "most of those guys are". He offers to impregnate her but she declines. In flashbacks, Aunt Lydia teaches the handmaids (including June and Moira) about the "Ceremony": when the Commander rapes a handmaid. Later, June lures Aunt Elizabeth into the bathroom saying a toilet has overflowed, and Moira threatens the Aunt with a shiv. June and Moira take her to the basement where Moira takes the Aunt's outfit and they tie her up. June and Moira begin their escape, hoping to leave via train to Boston, which has safehouses. When Moira is asking one of the guards for directions, June is approached by another guard who is suspicious of her being alone. Moira gets on the train, leaving June behind, but June smiles at her to letting her know it's okay. June is later punished by having her feet whipped. In the present, Commander Waterford has an unsuccessful Ceremony night with Offred. Later that night, the Commander and Offred have another game of Scrabble where she asks him about the Latin phrase; he tells her it means "Don't let the bastards grind you down". She also inquires about the previous Offred, in which he tells her that she committed suicide because life was unbearable. He makes it known that he doesn't want that to happen again and releases Offred from her solitary confinement.

5
"Faithful"
Mike Barker
Dorothy Fortenberry
May 10, 2017 (2017-05-10)

Serena suggests to Offred that she have sex with Nick in case Commander Waterford is sterile. At the grocery store, Offred talks to the original Ofglen, now called Ofsteven, but she is not as responsive as she used to be. During a Ceremony night, The Commander touches Offred's thigh, which she later tells him never to do again. Nick reveals to Offred that he is indeed an Eye. At an open-air market, Offred questions Ofsteven about "Mayday", the resistance group. Ofsteven steals one of the guards' cars and proceeds to drive away; in the process, she kills a guard by running him over but she is caught and put into a van. Later that day, Serena leads Offred up to Nick's room where she waits by the door while they have Ceremony-like sex. Flashbacks detail Luke and June's first meeting and courtship. Offred returns to Nick's place alone later that night and they share an intimate night.

6
"A Woman's Place"
Floria Sigismondi
Wendy Straker Hauser
May 17, 2017 (2017-05-17)

Mexican delegates visit the Commander's home in an effort to create partnerships in trade and see the effects of the Gilead cultural movement. The head of the Mexican delegation is a woman who questions Offred about her experience in Gilead. With great self-control, Offred tells them, "I have found happiness". After the meeting, Offred visits the Commander's office for their usual discussions where some tensions flare up between them. He asks her to kiss him "like you mean it". She kisses the Commander and leaves, ferociously brushing her teeth afterwards. The handmaids are then taken to a party to honour Gilead and show the foreign delegates their success, including presenting the children of Gilead. Offred's friend remarks that the delegates are interested in fertile women as a commodity to be traded between the two nations. The next day, as the delegates are leaving, Offred tells them the brutal truth about Gilead. She pleads for their help, but the Mexican ambassador claims that she cannot help Offred and explains her own country's dire situation. When Offred is left alone with the ambassador's assistant, he claims her husband is alive and that he can send a message to him. Flashbacks detail Serena and Fred's life before and during the beginnings of the Gilead movement. Serena is revealed to have been a conservative cultural activist during the "life before", with a passion and intelligence equal to that of her husband's (as well as a special fondness for movie popcorn). She even wrote a book about her beliefs, titled A Woman's Place, which contained the famous line "do not mistake a woman's meekness for weakness". However, after the takeover, she is shown to be completely shut out of the new government planning (to Fred's dismay). Rather symbolically, as she prepares to accept her new limited role in the society she helped create, a copy of her book is seen being thrown out in the trash.

7
"The Other Side"
Floria Sigismondi
Lynn Renee Maxcy
May 24, 2017 (2017-05-24)

The episode chronicles the story of Luke after he is separated from his wife and daughter. Luke is shot by Gileadan guards and taken in an ambulance to be interrogated. He escapes when the ambulance gets into an accident and he takes some supplies with him. Evidence of the country's violent takeover is everywhere. After passing out from his wounds, he is awoken by a resistance group (viewed as "undesirables" by Gilead) who are traveling to Canada; these survivors included a Roman Catholic nun, an escaped handmaid, a homosexual man and a daughter of a US army soldier.[8] Initially reluctant, Luke joins them after one of the survivors, Zoe, shows him that Gileadan authorities hanged local townspeople from the rafters of their church for resisting.[9][10] As they are boarding a boat, they are shot at by Gileadan guards, who kill several members of the group. Luke and one of the members, a mute blonde woman who was being trained as a handmaid, survive and flee. Flashbacks prior to Luke, June and their daughter Hannah being separated are detailed. June and Luke get help from Mr. Whitford, a man who knew June's mother. He drives them safely out of town and drops them off at a secluded cabin in the woods. Luke and June wait as Mr. Whitford gets documentation for them to escape to Canada. They are confronted by a hunter, who tells them Whitford has been caught and hanged. But the man says he can help them get over the border. Three years later, Luke and the mute blonde woman are living safely in "Little America", based in Toronto, Ontario. Missing person flyers are posted everywhere in the main administrative office. Luke receives the letter from June, which reads "I love you so much. Save Hannah."

8
"Jezebels"
Kate Dennis
Kira Snyder
May 31, 2017 (2017-05-31)

Commander Waterford gifts Offred with makeup and a dress as he is taking her out for the night. Nick drives them to Boston to an underground brothel where prostitutes known as "Jezebels" work. Offred spots Moira working in the club and they briefly reunite. Nick trades drugs and pregnancy tests for alcohol with one of the brothel's Marthas. Offred goes to see Moira again, where she explains to Offred about how Quakers tried to help her escape, but were caught.[11][12] Moira had the choice of either being sent to the colonies or one of the brothels.[12] Moira tells Offred, "Forget about escaping. This is Gilead. No one gets out." Offred reveals to Moira that she knows Luke is alive. Flashbacks detail how Nick got involved with the Gilead movement and how he became an Eye after reporting a Commander for breaking protocol with his handmaids. There are other flashbacks to the suicide of the previous Offred, with Serena pointedly saying to her husband, "What did you think was going to happen?" In the present, after Nick drives Waterford and Offred home, he ends his relationship with Offred, which upsets and angers her. Offred receives a gift from Serena, a music box. The episode closes with Offred etching "You are not alone" into the closet wall.

9
"The Bridge"
Kate Dennis
Eric Tuchman
June 7, 2017 (2017-06-07)

Ofwarren's daughter is presented to Commander Putnam and his wife. Offred is worried about Ofwarren's mental state but Aunt Lydia informs her that "she's tougher than you think". Ofwarren, now known as Ofdaniel, is taken to her new home. During her first Ceremony night with her new Commander, Ofdaniel forcefully stops it and sobs. At the market, Alma pulls Offred aside and lets her know that she knows about the resistance group "Mayday". Alma tells her to retrieve a package from Jezebel's. Offred convinces Waterford to take her to Jezebel's again that very night. After Offred and Waterford have sex in their room, he presents Moira as he believes a sexual attraction between the two was the reason Offred wanted to come back. Offred talks to Moira about having her retrieve the package from the bar, but she refuses, which angers Offred. Moira seems to have completely given up. Back at the house, Offred is awoken by Serena, who takes her to a bridge where Ofdaniel is standing on the edge with Charlotte. Various Gileadan guards, the Putnams, Waterfords, and Aunt Lydia are also present. Ofdaniel loudly accuses Commander Putnam of lying to her and accuses him of having promised to leave his wife for her. Offred is able to convince Ofdaniel to give her the child but Ofdaniel jumps, attempting suicide. She is pulled out by the guards and lies comatose in hospital with Aunt Lydia by her side, who calls her "stupid". Commander Putnam is later seen being led into a black van by guards due to the accusations made by Ofdaniel. Serena Joy tries to offer comfort to Mrs. Putnam and offers help with the baby, which she curtly refuses. Mrs. Putnam then reminds Serena of the first Offred, saying that "men don't change". Serena is seen going into Fred's office. At the market, Offred is given a package by the butcher, sent by Moira from Jezebels. At the brothel, Moira kills a client and takes his clothes, jubilantly driving off in his car.

10
"Night"
Kari Skogland
Bruce Miller
June 14, 2017 (2017-06-14)

This episode begins with a flashback to when June was first captured and sent to the red center, receiving her first indoctrination lesson from Aunt Lydia. Serena discovers the trips to Jezebel's and strikes Offred in anger before forcing her to take a pregnancy test, which is positive. Serena then directs her anger at her husband, telling him about the pregnancy and that the child is not his. She also says he is weak and that God would never allow him to pass on that weakness. On learning the news, Nick shares a brief, tender moment with Offred. Serena and Offred visit the house that Offred's daughter, Hannah, now lives; Offred can see her daughter through a gate. While Serena does not allow Offred to reveal herself to Hannah, she assures her that she is doing fine. Serena also warns Offred that as long as nothing bad happens to her child, nothing bad will happen to Hannah. Offred furiously curses Serena in a breathless rant, only to be told to be quiet; yelling is not good for the baby. Fred participates in Commander Putnam’s trial: he himself is all for leniency but is told there have been too many occurrences of this kind of sin recently and an example has to be made. Mrs. Putnam herself has asked that her husband receive the harshest punishment possible, as she fears for his immortal soul. Ultimately, Putnam's left hand is amputated. In the evening, Offred pleads with Fred to protect her daughter. He asks if he is the father of her child and she says "of course", to which he replies "you do that so well." Later, Fred is seen being quite gentle and conciliatory towards Serena. The package from Jezebel's is revealed to contain letters from women who have lost family members and been enslaved in the Gilead takeover. Later, a somewhat emotional Aunt Lydia gathers the handmaids for an execution: they are to stone someone who has endangered a child. The convict turns out to be Janine/Ofdaniel. The handmaids hesitate and Ofglen #2 is brutally beaten when she breaks rank and voices her angry refusal. The other women, beginning with Offred, drop their stones, each saying "I'm sorry, Aunt Lydia" (a phrase they were taught early in their indoctrination). The guards are ready to kill them all, but Aunt Lydia frantically tells them that the handmaids are her responsibility. She tells the women to go home, assuring them that there will be consequences. Not long after, a black van comes for Offred, much to Fred and Serena's surprise and indignation. Nick quietly urges her to trust him and go with them. As she is being led out, Offred whispers to Rita where to find the hidden letters. In a side story, Moira makes it to Canada and is reunited with Luke.

tag: table

text: Production[edit]

text: A straight-to-series order by Hulu of The Handmaid's Tale was announced in April 2016, with Elisabeth Moss set to star.[13] Based on the 1985 novel of the same name by Margaret Atwood, the series was created by Bruce Miller, who is also an executive producer with Daniel Wilson, Fran Sears, and Warren Littlefield.[13] Atwood serves as consulting producer giving feedback on some of the areas where the series expands or modernizes the book,[13][14], and also had a small cameo role in the first episode.[15] Moss is also a producer.[16] In June 2016, Reed Morano was announced as director of the series.[17] Samira Wiley, Max Minghella, and Ann Dowd joined the cast in July 2016.[18][19][20] Joseph Fiennes, Madeline Brewer and Yvonne Strahovski were cast in August 2016,[21][22][23] followed by O.T. Fagbenle and Amanda Brugel in September 2016.[24][25] In October 2016, Ever Carradine joined the cast,[26] and Alexis Bledel was added in January 2017.[27]

text: Filming on the series took place in Toronto, Mississauga, Hamilton, and Cambridge, Ontario from September 2016 to February 2017.[28][29] The first full trailer of the TV series was released by Hulu on YouTube on March 23, 2017.[30] The series premiered on April 26, 2017.[31]

text: On May 3, 2017, The Handmaid's Tale was renewed for a second season to premiere in 2018.[32] Moss told the news media that the subsequent episodes will cover further developments in the story, filling in some of the unanswered questions and continuing the narrative already "finished" in the book.[33] The second season will consist of 13 episodes and will begin filming in fall 2017.[34] Alexis Bledel will return as a series regular. Showrunner Bruce Miller stated that he envisioned ten seasons of the show, stating "Well, you know, honestly, when I started, I tried to game out in my head what would ten seasons be like? If you hit a home run, you want energy to go around the bases, you want enough story to keep going, if you can hook the audience to care about these people enough that they’re actually crying at the finale."[35]

text: Broadcast[edit]

text: The first three episodes of the series premiered on April 26, 2017, with the subsequent seven episodes added on a weekly basis.[31][36] In Canada, the series is broadcast by Bravo, beginning with the first two episodes premiering on April 30.[37] In Scandinavia, the series is available on HBO Nordic.[38] In the UK and Ireland, the series premiered on May 28, 2017 and airs every Sunday on Channel 4.[39]

text: In New Zealand, the series was released on the subscription video on demand service Lightbox on June 8, 2017.[40] In Australia, the series premiered on the TV channel SBS's video streaming service SBS on Demand on July 6, 2017.[41]

text: Reception[edit]

text: The Handmaid's Tale has received high acclaim from television critics. On Metacritic, it has a score of 92 out of 100 based on 40 reviews, indicating "universal acclaim".[42] The season has a 99% approval rating on Rotten Tomatoes with an average score of 8.94 out of 10 based on 88 reviews. The site's critical consensus is, "Haunting and vivid, The Handmaid's Tale is an endlessly engrossing adaptation of Margaret Atwood's dystopian novel that's anchored by a terrific central performance from Elisabeth Moss."[43] Daniel Fienberg of The Hollywood Reporter called it "probably the spring's best new show and certainly its most important".[44] Jen Chaney of Vulture gave it a highly positive review, and wrote that it is "A faithful adaptation of the book that also brings new layers to Atwood's totalitarian, sexist world of forced surrogate motherhood" and that "this series is meticulously paced, brutal, visually stunning, and so suspenseful from moment to moment that only at the end of each hour will you feel fully at liberty to exhale".[45]

text: There was much debate on whether parallels could be drawn between the series (and by extension, the book it is based on) and American society following Donald Trump's and Mike Pence's election as President of the United States and Vice President of the United States, respectively.[46][47]

text: Accolades[edit]

text:
Year
Award
Category
Recipients
Result

2017

Primetime Emmy Awards[48]
Outstanding Drama Series
The Handmaid's Tale
Won

Outstanding Lead Actress in a Drama Series
Elisabeth Moss
Won

Outstanding Supporting Actress in a Drama Series
Ann Dowd
Won

Samira Wiley
Nominated

Outstanding Directing for a Drama Series
Reed Morano for "Offred"
Won

Kate Dennis for "The Bridge"
Nominated

Outstanding Writing for a Drama Series
Bruce Miller for "Offred"
Won

Outstanding Guest Actress in a Drama Series
Alexis Bledel
Won

Outstanding Casting for a Drama Series
Russell Scott, Sharon Bialy, Sherry Thomas
Nominated

Outstanding Cinematography for a Single-Camera Series (One Hour)
Colin Watkinson for "Offred"
Won

Outstanding Period/Fantasy Costumes for a Series, Limited Series, or Movie
Ane Crabtree, Sheena Wichary for "Offred"
Nominated

Outstanding Production Design for a Narrative Contemporary or Fantasy Program (One Hour or More)
Julie Berghoff, Evan Webber, Sophie Neudorfer for "Offred"
Won

Outstanding Special Visual Effects in a Supporting Role
Brendan Taylor, Stephen Lebed, Leo Bovell, Martin O'Brien, Winston Lee, Kelly Knauff, Zach Dembinski, Mike Suta, Cameron Kerr for "Birth Day"
Nominated

TCA Awards[49]
Program of the Year
The Handmaid's Tale
Won

Outstanding Achievement in Drama
Won

Outstanding New Program
Nominated

Individual Achievement in Drama
Elisabeth Moss
Nominated

Gold Derby TV Awards[50]
Drama Series
The Handmaid's Tale
Nominated

Drama Actress
Elisabeth Moss
Won

Drama Guest Actress
Alexis Bledel
Won