document_title: Ford Power Stroke engine

question_text: when did ford quit making the 7.3 diesel

text: Ford Power Stroke engine

text: 7.3 Power Stroke[edit]

text:
7.3 Power Stroke

Overview

Manufacturer
Navistar International

Layout

Configuration
V8

Displacement
7.3L, 444 cu³

Cylinder bore
4.11 in (104 mm)

Piston stroke
4.18 in (106 mm)

Cylinder block alloy
Iron

Cylinder head alloy
Iron

Valvetrain
OHV

Combustion

Fuel type
Diesel

Output

Power output
210-275hp [1]

Torque output
425-525 lb-ft[1]

Dimensions

Dry weight
≈920 lb (417 kg)(Dry)

Chronology

Predecessor
7.3L IDI

Successor
6.0 Power Stroke

text: The first engine to bear the Power Stroke name, the 7.3L Power Stroke V8 is the Ford version of the Navistar T444E turbo-diesel V8. Introduced in 1994 as the replacement for the 7.3L IDI V8, the Power Stroke/T444E is a completely new engine, with only its bore and stroke dimensions common with its predecessor (resulting in its identical 444 cubic-inch displacement). In line with the IDI diesel, the Power Stroke was offered in one-ton versions of the Ford F-Series/Ford Econoline product ranges.

text: The Power Stroke is an electronically controlled, direct injection engine with a 4.11 in (104 mm) bore and 4.18 in (106 mm) stroke creating a displacement of 444 cu in (7.3 L). It has a 17.5:1 compression ratio, and a dry weight of approximately 920 lb (420 kg). This engine produces up to 250 hp (190 kW) and 505 lb⋅ft (685 N⋅m) of torque in automatic-transmission trucks from the last years of production, and 275 hp (205 kW) and 525 lb⋅ft (712 N⋅m) of torque in manual-transmission trucks. The oil capacity is 15 quarts (14.2 liters). The oil pan holds 12 quarts (11.36 liters) while the top end holds an additional 3 quarts (2.84 liters).

text: The 1994.5 to 1996/97 DI Power stroke has "single shot" HEUI (hydraulically actuated electronic unit injection) fuel injectors and ran a high pressure oil pump (HPOP) to create the necessary oil pressure to fire the fuel injectors. This generation of Power Stroke utilizes an HPOP with a 15° swash plate angle. The 1995-1997 trucks use a cam-driven fuel pump, whereas the 1999-2003 trucks use a frame rail mounted electric fuel pump. The California trucks from 1996 and 1997 have split-shot fuel injectors; other trucks did not get split-shot injectors until 1999. Single-shot injectors only inject one charge of fuel per cycle, whereas the split-shot injector releases a preliminary light load before the main charge to initiate combustion in a more damped manner. This controlled injection helps reduce the sharp combustion 'knock'.

text: It utilizes a single turbocharger with a turbine housing size of 1.15 A/R. In 1999, an air-to-air intercooler was added to cool the charged air from the turbo for increased air density. With the new cooler, denser air would increase the horsepower potential of the engine, while also reducing exhaust gas temperatures (EGT). Eventually, the turbine housing was changed to a .84 A/R and a wastegate was added. With larger injectors, the HPOP output was increased by utilizing a 17° swash plate angle to meet the requirements of the new, higher flowing injectors.

text: The 7.3L DI Power Stroke was in production until the second quarter of model year 2003 when it was replaced by the 6.0L because of its inability to meet newer emission requirements. Nearly 2 million 7.3s were produced from International's Indianapolis plant.[2]

text: The 7.3L DI Power Stroke engine is commonly referred to as one of the best engines that International produced.[3][unreliable source?]

text: 6.0 Power Stroke[edit]

text: The 7.3L (444 CID) Power Stroke was replaced by the 6.0L (365 CID) beginning in the second quarter of the 2003 model year. The 6.0L Power Stroke, was used in Ford Super Duty trucks until the 2007 model year but lasted until 2009 in the Ford Econoline vans (model year 2010) and in the Ford Excursion SUVs until after the 2005 models when Ford discontinued Excursion production. The engine has a 3.74 in (95 mm) bore and 4.13 in (105 mm) stroke creating a displacement of 365 cu in (6.0 L) or 5,954 cc. It utilizes a variable geometry turbocharger and intercooler, producing 325 hp (242 kW) and 570 lb⋅ft (773 N⋅m) torque with an 18:1 compression ratio, with fuel cutoff at 4,200 rpm. Many poorly maintained or modified 6.0 L Power Stroke engines experienced problems,[4]

text: Key specifications[edit]

text:
Fuel injection system: Split-shot HEUI (hydraulic electronic unit injectors)
Valve train: OHV 4-valves per cylinder, 32 valves total (16 intake valves, 16 exhaust valves)
Turbo configuration: Single; variable vane geometry (VGT)

text: Common Issues[edit]

text: Oil Cooler/EGR Cooler - The sources of the main issues with the 6.0L were the in-block oil cooler, and the EGR cooler materials. The oil cooler is located in the valley of the engine block, underneath the cartridge oil filter set up. The sealed outer portion of the oil cooler is submerged in engine oil, with coolant flowing through the center passages. Over time, the oil cooler will develop small cracks in the aluminum tubes from the constant heating and cooling of the engine. This situation usually results in oil pushing its way into the cooling system. The sludge created from the mixture of oil and coolant creates a high pressure environment in the EGR cooler (due to the viscosity change in the coolant), leading to cracking of the EGR cooler's coolant passages. Once the EGR cooler cracks, it begins to leak coolant into the intake system and is then routed into the engine's cylinders to be burnt. The burning of coolant in the cylinders then causes a steam buildup, thus increasing cylinder pressures and the stretching of the head bolts; which leads to head gasket failure. The early EGR coolers (2003-2004.5) were also susceptible to premature failure without oil cooler issues, also resulting in head gasket failure.

text: High Pressure Oil System - With the use of Split-shot HEUI fuel injectors, high pressure oil is required to pressurize the fuel injectors. The main high pressure oil (HPO) system components are; High Pressure Oil Pump (HPOP), HPO manifolds, Stand pipes and branch tube. The HPOP is located in the engine valley at the rear of the engine block. Early build years (2003.5-04.5) are well known for premature HPOP failure. This is due to the poor quality materials used in manufacturing. The HPOP is pressurized by a rotating gear, meshed with a rear camshaft gear. The early model HPOP gears were known to be weak, and develop stress cracks in the teeth resulting in gear failure, thus causing a no start issue for the engine. Early models also had the ICP sensor located on the HPOP cover. The high amount of heat in this location, combined with the exposure to debris in the oil was known to cause ICP sensor failure also resulting in a no start condition. This issue was addressed by Ford with the late 2004 engine update, bringing a new HPOP design, along with relocation of the ICP sensor to the Passenger side valve cover. The newly designed pump is not known for frequent failure, however a new issue arose with the update. In the late model engines, Ford also redesigned the HPO stand pipes and dummy plugs in the HPO manifold, using poor quality o-rings. These o-rings were prone to failure causing a HPO leak, and eventually a no start condition. Ford addressed this concern with updated Viton o-ring washers fixing the issue. With the new HPO system design also came a Snap To Connect (STC) fitting. Some models had issue with the prongs of the STC fitting breaking causing the fitting to lose it's sealing property and again, a no start condition for the engine. Another frequent (but not always catastrophic) issue with the HPO system is the Injection Pressure Regulator (IPR) screen. The IPR screen is located in the engine valley with the oil cooler. The material used was susceptible to failure and neglecting to replace the screen during an oil cooler replacement could lead to the debris being sent through the HPOP causing complete failure.

text: Head Gaskets - Ford/International used four Torque to Yield (TTY) cylinder head bolts per cylinder for the 6.0s and 6.4s. TTY bolts offer some of the most precise clamping force available, but can be problematic. In certain situations (Oil cooler/EGR cooler failure, high boost/load levels brought on by improper use of aftermarket programmers) TTY bolts can be stretched beyond their torque mark by increased cylinder pressures. This has never been addressed by Ford due to the fact that other malfunctions or abuse must occur to stretch the bolts. Some in the aftermarket will replace the factory bolts with head studs in an attempt to protect the head gaskets from future failure. If this is done without addressing the underlying issue, the head gaskets may fail again bringing along a cracked or warped cylinder head. In contrast, the Powerstroke 7.3s and 6.7s have 6 head bolts per cylinder while the IDI 7.3s and 6.9s have five. [5]

text: Electrical and fuel[edit]

text: Numerous PCM recalibrations, fuel injector stiction along with several other driveability and quality control problems have plagued the 6.0. The FICM (fuel injection control module) has been a problem, where low voltage in the vehicle's electrical system due to failing batteries or a low-output alternator can cause damage to the FICM. In addition, the placement of the FICM on top of the engine subjects it to varying and extreme temperatures and vibrations causing solder joints and components to fail in early build models; mostly in the power supply itself. The FICM multiplies the voltage in the fuel injector circuit from 12 to 48-50 volts to fire the injectors. Low voltage can eventually cause damage to the fuel injectors.

text: 6.4 Power Stroke[edit]

text: The 6.4L Power Stroke was introduced for the 2008 model year. Also known as the Slug, the 6.4L Power Stroke was the first engine introduced to the light truck market that utilized dual turbochargers from the factory. This was the first Power Stroke to use a diesel particulate filter (DPF) in order to nearly eliminate particulate emissions. The new DPS and active regeneration system greatly hindered the engine's fuel economy capability, though the engine proved to be comparatively strong and reliable. The engine was ultimately retired after the 2010 model year, as Ford replaced it with its own in-house built 6.7L Power Stroke.

text: The engine has a 3.87 in (98 mm) bore and 4.13 in (105 mm) stroke, resulting in a total calculated displacement of 387 cu in (6.3 L) (6,333 cc). Despite having to meet emission regulations, the engine was able to increase horsepower ratings to 350 hp (261 kW) and torque to 650 lb⋅ft (881 N⋅m) at the flywheel. Horsepower and torque are achieved at 3,000 rpm and 2,000 rpm respectively. It also features a compound VGT turbo system. Air enters the low-pressure turbo (the smaller of the two) and is fed into the high-pressure turbo (the larger of the two), then is directed into the engine or intercooler. This system is designed to result in reduced turbo lag when accelerating from a stop. The series-turbo system is set up to provide a better throttle response while in motion to give a power flow more like a naturally aspirated engine. The 6.4 L also has a DPF and dual EGR coolers which are capable of reducing exhaust gas temps by up to 1,000 degrees before they reach the EGR valve and mix with the intake charge. The DPF traps soot and particulates from the exhaust and virtually eliminates the black smoke that most diesel engines expel upon acceleration. The engine computer is programmed to periodically inject extra fuel in the exhaust stroke of the engine (known as a "regeneration" in the F-Series) to burn off soot that accumulates in the DPF. This engine is designed to only run on ultra low sulfur diesel (ULSD) fuel which has no more than 15 ppm sulfur content; using regular diesel fuel results in emission equipment malfunctions and violates manufacturer warranties.

text: The 6.4L has had one recall (safety product recall 07S49 was released on March 23, 2007) that addresses the potential for flames to come from the tailpipe of the truck. This problem arises from the DPF which is part of the diesel after-treatment system. A PCM recalibration was released to eliminate the possibility of excessive exhaust temperatures combined with certain rare conditions resulting from what is becoming known as a "thermal event".

text: Key specifications[edit]

text:
Fuel injection system: High pressure commonrail
Valve train: OHV 4-valve
Compound VGT turbo
DPF
Advanced multi-shot piezoelectric fuel injection control

text: Common issues[edit]

text:
Piston ring failures in #7 & #8 cylinders due to regeneration process. During regeneration, fuel is injected during the exhaust stroke in order to increase the exhaust temperature for DPF cleaning. This exposes the piston rings to excessive heat which eventually causes the piston rings to lose tension, causing low to no compression (compression skip) and excessive blow-by.
Rocker arm tips impacting (especially on lower geared trucks) due to higher pressure on valve-train (that was not upgraded from the 6.0 liter engine design) after 100,000 to 150,000 miles.
Turbo-charger bearing seal failures (which in turn allows engine lubricating oil to leak past the bearing seal) due to regeneration process pushing high exhaust temperatures thru the turbo-charger. This condition will precipitate premature clogging of the DPF, which then causes the engine to stay in regeneration mode. If this condition is not corrected quickly, the leaking seal will eventually allow all the engine oil to be pumped out of the engine thru the exhaust, causing complete engine failure due to lack of lubrication.
Higher incidents of cavitation erosion of the front cover due to the larger water pump impeller speed, causing coolant to leak into engine oil.
EGR cooler failures allowing engine coolant to flow back into #8 cylinder while engine is shut off, which causes the cylinder to hydro-lock and possibly bend the piston connecting rod as well as other damage to engine when it is subsequently started.
Cylinder head valve-guides do not have bronze sleeves, which allows for excessive wear and oil leakage around the valves(also an issue on the 6.0 liter).
If aftermarket tuning is installed that introduces too much advanced fuel injection timing, cracking of the cylinder heads can result due to excessive exhaust temperatures.
Very high cost of service and repair parts compared to other versions of the Powerstroke.

text: 6.7 Power Stroke[edit]

text: Emissions controls include exhaust gas recirculation, Denoxtronic-based selective catalytic reduction (SCR) from Bosch, and a DPF. Output was originally 390 hp (291 kW) and 735 lb⋅ft (997 N⋅m).[6] but shortly after production started, Ford announced that they made an update to the 6.7L diesel. The new engine control software makes the engine capable of 400 hp (298 kW) at 2,800 rpm and 800 lb⋅ft (1,085 N⋅m) at 1,600 rpm while achieving better fuel economy and without any physical changes to the engine. [7] The 2015 engines are rated at 440 horsepower (330 kW) and 860 lb⋅ft (1,166 N⋅m).[8] Ford claims the bump in horsepower is from a new turbo, new injector nozzles and exhaust improvements. For 2017, the torque has risen to 925 lb⋅ft (1,254 N⋅m) at 1800rpm, Horsepower remains the same..[9]

text: Key specifications[edit]

text:
DPF
Valve train: OHV 4-valve
Turbo configuration: 'GT32 SST (single sequential turbocharger)' --single 64mm turbine and dual-sided compressor
Fuel injection system: High-pressure common-rail, Bosch CP4 injection pump, piezo electric injectors

text:
Turbo configuration:
'GT37' --single 72.5mm turbine and 88mm compressor[11]

Fuel system:
High-pressure common-rail, Bosch CP4.2 injection pump, piezo electric injectors

Engine:
Power Stroke V-8

Displacement:
6.7L

Bore and stroke:
3.90 x 4.25 inches

Cylinders:
90-degree V-8

Block:
Compacted graphite iron

Heads:
Aluminum (reverse flow)

Pistons:
Forged aluminum

Valvetrain:
OHV, four valves per cylinder

Horsepower:
440 at 2,800 rpm

Torque:
860 lb-ft at 1,600 rpm

Emissions equipment:
EGR, DPF, SCR

Engine dry weight:
970 pounds

text: Ford 6.7 Powerstroke

text: 3.2 Power Stroke[edit]

text: The 3.2 L Power Stroke is an inline five-cylinder engine that debuted in the U.S.-spec Transit for model year 2015. The engine is a modified version of the Ford Duratorq 3.2 L diesel engine that has been adapted to meet emissions in the United States. To aid in economy, emissions, and reduce NVH, it has a high pressure common rail fuel injection system and piezo injectors that can spray up to five different injections per compression event. It has a water cooled EGR system to reduce the temperature of the exhaust gas before being recirculated through the intake. A unique feature to the emissions system is that the diesel oxidation catalyst (DOC) and the DPF have been combined into one singular unit as opposed to the traditional two separate units. Exhaust treatment continues with SCR which is done by the injection of diesel exhaust fluid in the exhaust to reduce NOx. The engine features a variable geometry turbo which allows for intake air flow tuning on the fly to increase power and fuel economy. The engine also features a variable-flow oil pump to avoid wasting mechanical energy pumping excessive amounts of oil. It has cast aluminum, low friction pistons with oil squirters to keep them cool during heavy-load conditions, a die cast aluminum cam carrier to stiffen up the valve train and reduce NVH, and to increase low end durability, the crankshaft is cast iron and the connecting rods are forged. The block itself is an extra rigid, gray cast iron with a closed deck.[12] The power figures for the 3.2 L Power Stroke are 185 hp at 3,000 rpm and 350 lb-ft at 1,500-2,750 rpm. The Euro Duratorq 3.2 makes 197 HP and 350 ft-lb of torque.

text: Key specifications[edit]

text:
Fuel injection system: High pressure commonrail
Valve train: DOHC 4-valve
Turbo configuration: Single variable geometry turbo
Combined diesel particulate filter and diesel oxidation catalyst
Urea injected selective catalytic reduction

text: 3.0 Power Stroke[edit]

text: A 3.0 liter Power Stroke turbo-diesel V6 will be introduced in the new 2018 Ford F-150 as a medium duty engine to compete with the Ram 1500 EcoDiesel V6. The engine produces 250 hp (190 kW) and 440 lb-ft of torque, and is expected to get at least 30 miles per gallon on the highway. fuel efficiency.

text: Applications[edit]

text: The Power Stroke engine has been used in the following applications.

text: Ford E-Series (full-size vans)

text:
1995–2003 7.3 L
2004–2010 6.0 L

text: Ford Excursion (full-size sport utility vehicles}

text:
2000–2003 7.3 L
2003.5–2005 6.0 L

text: Ford F-Series (full-size pickup trucks)

text:
Mid-1994–Mid-2003 7.3 L[13]
Mid-2003–2007 6.0 L
2008–2010 6.4 L
2011–present 6.7 L
2018– 3.0 L (F-150 only)

text: LCF (low cab forward)

text: 2005–2010 4.5 L

text: Ford Transit

text: 2015–present 3.2 L

text: Other engines with the Power Stroke name[edit]

text:
In South American models, the Ford Ranger 2001 up to 2012 use a Power Stroke engine in their diesel versions. A 2.8L diesel engine was developed by Navistar/International Engines from an inline-four Land Rover Defender diesel 2.5L engine, with 130 (waste gate) or 133 hp (VNT). A 3L common rail four valves per cylinder and 160 hp (waste gate turbo) became the electronic version of the Power Stroke. It has only the block and connect-rods in common with 2.8 L Power Stroke
The above-detailed 3.2L Duratorq I5 is branded as Power Stroke in US-spec Ford Transit vans.


document_title: Economic history of the Ottoman Empire

question_text: the most noticeable change in the manufacturing sector of the ottoman empire in the 19th century was

root

text: Economic history of the Ottoman Empire

text: Transport[edit]

text: 16th, 17th and 18th Centuries[edit]

text: The quality of both land and sea transport was driven primarily by the efforts of the Ottoman administration over this time. As a result, the quality of transport infrastructure varied significantly over time depending on the current administration's efficacy. The story of transport in the empire should not be seen as one of continual improvement. Indeed, the road infrastructure was significantly better in the 16th century than it was in the 18th century.[citation needed]

tag: p

text: Land[edit]

text: In Anatolia the Ottomans inherited a network of caravanserai (also known as hans) from the Selçuk Turks that preceded them. It was in the interest of the empire to ensure the safety of couriers and convoys and by extension merchant caravans. The caravanserai network was extended into the Balkans and provided safe lodgings for merchants and their animals.

text: The Jelali revolts of the 16th and 17th centuries did much to disrupt the land transport network in Anatolia. The empire could no longer ensure the safety of merchants who then had to negotiate safe passage with the local leader of the area they were travelling through. Only in the 18th century with concerted efforts to improve the safety of the caravanserai network and the reorganization of a corps of pass-guards did land transport in Anatolia improve.

text: Sea[edit]

text: The empire did not take an active interest in sea trade preferring a free-market system from which they could draw a tax revenue. However such laissez-faire policies were not always followed. For example, under Hadim Suleyman Pasha's tenure as Grand Vizier till 1544, the Ottoman administration was directly involved in the spice trade with the aim of increasing revenue.[2] However such policies were often repealed by their successors.

text: The main arenas of maritime activity were: the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean (main trade: wheat); the Red Sea and Persian Gulf (main trade: spices); the Black Sea (main trade: wheat and lumber); and the Western Mediterranean.

text: 19th century[edit]

text: During the 19th century, new technologies radically transformed both travel and communications. Through the invention of the steam engine in Britain, water and land transport revolutionised the conduct of trade and commerce. The steam ship meant journeys became predictable, times shrank and large volumes of goods could be carried more cheaply. Quataert cites the Istanbul-Venice route, a main trade artery, taking anything from fifteen to eighty-one days by sail ship, was reduced to ten days by the steam ship. Sail ships would carry 50 to 100 tonnes. In contrast, steamships could now carry 1,000 tonnes.[Note 2]

text: With the advent of the steam ship formerly intraversable routes opened up. Rivers that carried cargoes only in one direction could now be traversed both ways bringing innumerable benefits to certain regions. New routes like the Suez Canal were created, prompted by steamships, changing trade demographics across the Near East as trade was rerouted. Quataert's research shows that the volume of trade began to rise over the course of the 19th century. By 1900 sailboats accounted for just 5 percent of ships visiting the Istanbul. However, this 5 percent was greater in number than any year of the 19th century. In 1873 Istanbul handled 4.5 million tons of shipping – this was 10 million tons by 1900. The development of larger ships accelerated the growth of port cities with deep harbours in order to accommodate them. Europeans however owned 0 percent of commercial shipping operating in Ottoman waters. Not all regions benefited from steam ships as rerouting meant trade from Iran, Iraq and Arabia now did not need to go through Istanbul, Aleppo, and even Beirut, leading to losses in these territories.[4][5]

text: In terms of transport the Ottoman world could be split into two main regions. The European provinces connected by wheeled transport and the non-wheeled transport of Anatolia and the Arab world. Rail-roads revolutionized land transport profoundly, cutting journey times drastically promoting population movements and changing rural-urban relations. Rail-roads offered cheap and regular transport for bulk goods, allowing for the first time the potential of fertile interior regions to be exploited. When rail-roads were built near these regions agriculture developed rapidly with hundreds of thousands of tons of cereals being shipped in this way. Rail-roads had additional benefits for non-commercial passengers who began using them. 8 million passengers using the 1,054-mile Balkan lines and 7 million using the Anatolian 1,488 miles. Railroads also created a new source of employment for over 13,000 workers by 1911.[149] With low population densities and lack of capital, the Ottomans did not develop extensive rail-road or shipping industries. Most of the capital for rail-roads came from European financiers, which gave them considerable financial control.[6]

text: Older forms of transport did not disappear with the arrival of steam. The businesses and animals used previously to transport goods between regions found new work in moving goods to and from trunk lines. The Aegean areas alone had over 10,000 camels working to supply local rail-roads. Ankara station had a thousand camels at a time waiting to unload goods.[7] Furthermore, additional territories traversed by rail-roads encouraged development and improved agriculture. Like sailing vessels, land transport contributed to and invigorated trade and commerce across the empire.

text: Agriculture[edit]

text: The Ottoman Empire was an agrarian economy, labour scarce, land rich and capital poor. Majority of the population earned their living from small family holdings and this contributed to around 40 percent of taxes for the empire directly as well as indirectly through customs revenues on exports.

text: Cultivator families drew their livelihoods from a complex set of different economic activities and not merely from growing crops. This included growing a variety of crops for their own consumption as well as rearing animals for their milk and wool. Some rural families manufactured goods for sale to others, for instance Balkan villagers travelled to Anatolia and Syria for months to sell their wool cloth.[Note 3] This pattern established for the 18th century had not significantly changed at the beginning of the 20th century.[9] That is not to say that there were no changes in the agrarian sector. Nomads played an important role in the economy, providing animal products, textiles and transportation. They were troublesome for the state and hard to control – sedentarization programs took place in the 19th century, coinciding with huge influxes of refugees. This dynamic had the effect of a decline in animal rearing by tribes and an increase in cultivation. The rising commercialization of agriculture commencing in the 18th century meant more people began to grow more. With increased urbanisation, new markets created greater demand, easily met with the advent of railroads. State policy requiring a greater portion of taxes to be paid in cash influenced the increased production. Finally, increased demand for consumer goods themselves drove an increase in production to pay for the same.[10]

text: Quataert argues production rose due to a number of factors. An increase in productivity resulted from irrigation projects, intensive agriculture and utilisation of modern agricultural tools increasing in use throughout the 19th century. By 1900, tens of thousands of plows, reapers and other agricultural technologies such as combines were found across the Balkan, Anatolian and Arab lands. However, most of the increases in production came from vast areas of land coming under further cultivation. Families began increasing the amount of time at work, bringing fallow land into use. Sharecropping increased utilising land that had been for animal pasturage. Along with state policy, millions of refugees brought vast tracts of untilled land into production. The empty central Anatolian basin and steppe zone in the Syrian provinces were instances where government agencies parcelled out smallholdings of land to refugees. This was a recurring pattern across the empire, small landholdings the norm. Foreign holdings remained unusual despite Ottoman political weakness – probably due to strong local and notable resistance and labour shortages. Issawi et al. have argued that division of labour was not possible, being based on religious grounds.[11] Inalcik however demonstrates that division of labour was historically determined and open to change. Agricultural reform programs in the late 19th century saw the state founding agricultural schools, model farms, and education of a self-perpetuating bureaucracy of agrarian specialists focused on increasing agricultural exports. Between 1876 and 1908, the value of agricultural exports just from Anatolia rose by 45 per cent whilst tithe proceeds rose by 79 percent.[12]

text: However, cheap American grain imports undermined agricultural economies across Europe in some cases causing outright economic and political crises.[13]

text: Manufacturing[edit]

text: Medieval times[edit]

text: No formal system had emerged to organize manufacturing in medieval Anatolia. The closest such organization that can be identified is the Ahi Brotherhood, a religious organization that followed the Sufi tradition of Islam during the 13th and 14th centuries. Most of the members were merchants and craftsmen and viewed taking pride in their work as part and parcel of their adherence to Islam. However, the organization was not a professional organization and should not be confused with the professional guilds that emerge later.[14]

text: The emergence of the guilds[edit]

text: It is not clear when or how various guilds emerged. What is known for sure is that by 1580 guilds had become a well established aspect of contemporary Ottoman society. This is evidenced by the Surname of 1582 which was a description of the procession to celebrate the circumcision of Murad III's son Mehmed.[15] The guilds were organizations that were responsible for the maintenance of standards,

text: Late 18th century onwards[edit]

text: Whilst looking at Ottoman manufacture, a significant area of technology transfer, Quataert argues one must not only look at large factories but also the small workshops:

text: “One will find then find that Ottoman industry was not a “dying, unadaptive, unevolving sector...”

text: [but] vital, creative, evolving and diverse”.[16]

text: Over the 19th century, a shift occurred to rural female labour with guild organized urban-based male labour less important. The global markets for Ottoman goods fell somewhat with certain sectors expanding. However, any changes were compensated by an increase in domestic consumption and demand.[17] Mechanized production even at its peak remained an insignificant portion of total output. The lack of capital, as in other areas of the economy, deterred the mechanization of production. Nonetheless, a number of factories did emerge in Istanbul, Ottoman Europe and Anatolia. In the 1830s steam powered silk reeling factories emerged in Salonica, Edirne, West Anatolia and the Lebanon.[18][19]

text: Under the late 18th century fine textiles, hand-made yarns and leathers were in high demand outside the empire. However, these declined by the early 19th century and half a century later production for export re-emerged in the form of raw silk and oriental carpets. The two industries alone employed 100,000 persons in 1914 two-thirds in carpet-making for European and American buyers. Most workers were women and girls, receiving wages that were amongst the lowest in the manufacturing sector. Much of the manufacturing shifted to the urban areas during the 18th century, in order to benefit from the lower rural costs and wages.[20]

text: Guilds operating prior to the 18th century did see a decline through the 18th and 19th centuries. Guilds provided some form of security in prices, restricting production and controlling quality and provided support to members who hit hard times. However, with market forces driving down prices their importance declined, and with the Janissaries as their backers, being disbanded by Mahmut II in 1826, their fate was sealed.[21][18]

text: By far the majority of producers targeted the 26 million domestic consumers who often lived in adjacent provinces to the producer. Analysing these producers is difficult, as they did not belong to organizations that left records.

text: Manufacturing through the period 1600–1914 witnessed remarkable continuities in the loci of manufacturing; industrial centers flourishing in the 17th century were often still active in 1914.[22] Manufacturing initially struggled against Asian and then European competition in the 18th and 19th centuries whereby handicraft industries were displaced by cheaper industrially produced imports.[Note 4] However, manufacturing achieved surprising output levels, with the decline of some industries being more than compensated by the rise of new industries.[24] Decline of handicrafts production saw a shift of output move to agricultural commodity production and other manufacturing output.[Note 5]

text: 19th century[edit]

text: In the early 19th century, Ottoman Egypt had an advanced economy, with a per-capita income comparable to that of leading Western European countries such as France, and higher than the overall average income of Europe and Japan.[26] Economic historian Jean Barou estimated that, in terms of 1960 dollars, Egypt in 1800 had a per-capita income of $232 ($1,025 in 1990 dollars). In comparison, per-capita income in terms of 1960 dollars for France in 1800 was $240 ($1,060 in 1990 dollars), for Eastern Europe in 1800 was $177 ($782 in 1990 dollars), and for Japan in 1800 was $180 ($795 in 1990 dollars).[27][28] In addition to Egypt, other parts of the Ottoman Empire, particularly Syria and southeastern Anatolia, also had a highly productive manufacturing sector that was evolving in the 19th century.[29]

text: In 1819, Egypt under Muhammad Ali began programs of state-sponsored industrialization, which included setting up factories for weapons production, an iron foundry, large-scale cotton cultivation, mills for ginning, spinning and weaving of cotton, and enterprises for agricultural processing. By the early 1830s, Egypt had 30 cotton mills, employing about 30,000 workers.[30] In the early 19th century, Egypt had the world's fifth most productive cotton industry, in terms of the number of spindles per capita.[31] The industry was initially driven by machinery that relied on traditional energy sources, such as animal power, water wheels, and windmills, which were also the principle energy sources in Western Europe up until around 1870.[32] While steam power had been experimented with in Ottoman Egypt by engineer Taqi ad-Din Muhammad ibn Ma'ruf in 1551, when he invented a steam jack driven by a rudimentary steam turbine,[33] it was under Muhammad Ali of Egypt in the early 19th century that steam engines were introduced to Egyptian industrial manufacturing.[32]

text: While there was a lack of coal deposits in Egypt, prospectors searched for coal deposits there, and manufactured boilers which were installed in Egyptian industries such as ironworks, textile manufacturing, paper mills and hulling mills. Coal was also imported from overseas, at similar prices to what imported coal cost in France, until the 1830s, when Egypt gained access to coal sources in Lebanon, which had a yearly coal output of 4,000 tons. Compared to Western Europe, Egypt also had superior agriculture and an efficient transport network through the Nile. Economic historian Jean Batou argues that the necessary economic conditions for rapid industrialization existed in Egypt during the 1820s–1830s, as well as for the adoption of oil as a potential energy source for its steam engines later in the 19th century.[32]

text: Following the death of Muhammad Ali in 1849, his industrialization programs fell into decline, after which, according to historian Zachary Lockman, “Egypt was well on its way to full integration into a European-dominated world market as supplier of a single raw material, cotton.” He argues that, had Egypt succeeded in its industrialization programs, “it might have shared with Japan [or the United States] the distinction of achieving autonomous capitalist development and preserving its independence.”[30]

text: Economic historian Paul Bairoch argues that free trade contributed to deindustrialization in the Ottoman Empire. In contrast to the protectionism of China, Japan, and Spain, the Ottoman Empire had a liberal trade policy, open to foreign imports. This has origins in capitulations of the Ottoman Empire, dating back to the first commercial treaties signed with France in 1536 and taken further with capitulations in 1673 and 1740, which lowered duties to 3% for imports and exports. The liberal Ottoman policies were praised by British economists such as J. R. McCulloch in his Dictionary of Commerce (1834), but later criticized by British politicians such as Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli, who cited the Ottoman Empire as "an instance of the injury done by unrestrained competition" in the 1846 Corn Laws debate:[34]

text: There has been free trade in Turkey, and what has it produced? It has destroyed some of the finest manufactures of the world. As late as 1812 these manufactures existed; but they have been destroyed. That was the consequences of competition in Turkey, and its effects have been as pernicious as the effects of the contrary principle in Spain.

text: Domestic[edit]

text: Domestic trade vastly exceeded international trade in both value and volume though researchers have little in direct measurements.[35] Much of Ottoman history has been based on European archives that did not document the empire's internal trade resulting in it being underestimated.[36]

text: Quataert illustrates the size of internal trade by considering some examples. The French Ambassador in 1759 commented that total textile imports into the empire would clothe a maximum of 800,000 of a population of at least 20 million. In 1914 less than a quarter of agricultural produce was being exported the rest being consumed internally.[37][38] The early 17th century saw trade in Ottoman-made goods in the Damascus province exceeded five times the value of all foreign-made goods sold there. Finally, amongst the sparse internal trade data are some 1890s statistics for three non-leading cities. Their sum value of their interregional trade in the 1890s equalled around 5 percent of total Ottoman international export trade at the time. Given their minor status, cities like Istanbul, Edirne, Salonica, Damascus, Beirut or Aleppo being far greater than all three, this is impressively high. These major trade centres, dozens of medium-sized towns, hundreds of small towns and thousands of villages remains uncounted – it puts into perspective the size of domestic trade.[35]

text: Two factors that had major impact on both internal and international trade were wars and government policies. Wars had major impact on commerce especially where there were territorial losses that would rip apart Ottoman economic unity, often destroying relationships and patterns that had endured centuries. The role of government policy is more hotly debated – however most policy-promoted barriers to Ottoman international and internal commerce disappeared or were reduced sharply.[39] However, there appears little to indicate a significant decline in internal trade other than disruption caused by war and ad-hoc territorial losses.

text: International[edit]

text: Global trade increased around sixty-fourfold in the 19th century whereas for the Ottomans it increased around ten to sixteenfold. Exports of cotton alone doubled between 1750 and 1789. The largest increases were recorded from the ports of Smyrna and Salonica in the Balkans, however they were partially offset by some reductions from Syria and Constantinople. While cotton exports to France and England doubled between the late 17th and late 18th centuries, exports of semi-processed goods to northwest Europe also increased. Whilst the Ottoman market was important to Europe in the 16th century, it was no longer so by 1900. The Ottoman Empire was not shrinking - quite the opposite in fact – however it was becoming relatively less significant.[21]

text: As regards trade imbalance, only Constantinople ran an import surplus. Both Lampe and McGowan argue that the empire as a whole, and the Balkans in particular, continued to record an export surplus throughout the period.[Note 6] The balance of trade however moved against the Ottomans from the 18th century onwards. They would re-export high value luxury goods, mainly silks from the Far East and exported many of its own goods. Luxury goods began being imported. Through the 18th century, exports moved to unprocessed goods whilst at the same time commodities were imported from European colonies. Most of these commodities were produced by slave labour undercutting domestic production. However, according to most scholars, a favourable balance of trade still existed at the end of the 18th century.[37] 19th century trade increased multi-fold, however exports remained similar to 18th century levels. Foodstuffs and raw materials were the focus with carpets and raw silk appearing in the 1850s.[41] Although the basket of exports remained generally constant, relative importance of the goods would vary considerably.

text: From the 18th century onwards, foreign merchants and Ottoman non-Muslims became dominant in the growing international trade. With increasing affluence, their political significance grew especially in Syria. Muslim merchants however dominated internal trade and trade between the interior and coastal cities.[Note 7]

text: Foreign trade, a minor part of the Ottoman economy, became slightly more important towards the end of the 19th century with the rise of protectionism in Europe and producers looking to new markets. Its growth was seen throughout the period under study, particularly the 19th century. Throughout, the balance of payments was roughly on par with no significant long-term deficits or surpluses.

text: Finance[edit]

text: Ottoman bureaucratic and military expenditure was raised by taxation, generally from the agrarian population.[43][44] Pamuk notes considerable variation in monetary policy and practice in different parts of the empire.[44] Although there was monetary regulation, enforcement was often relaxed and little effort was made to control the activities of merchants, moneychangers, and financiers.[Note 8] During the "price revolution" of the 16th century, when inflation took off, there were price increases of around 500 percent[Note 9] from the end of the 15th century to the close of the 17th.[Note 10] However, the problem of inflation did not remain and the 18th century did not witness the problem again.

text: The 18th century witnessed increasing expenditure for military related expenditure and the 19th century for both bureaucracy and military. McNeil describes an Ottoman stagnation through centre-periphery relations – a moderately taxed centre with periphery provinces suffering the burden of costs.[Note 11] Though this analysis may apply to some provinces, like Hungary, recent scholarship has found that most of the financing was through provinces closer to the centre.[49] As the empire modernized itself in line with European powers, the role of the central state grew and diversified. In the past, it had contented itself with raising tax revenues and war making. It increasingly began to address education, health and public works, activities that used to be organised by religious leaders in the communities – this can be argued as being necessary in a rapidly changing world and was a necessary Ottoman response. At the end of the 18th century, there were around 2,000 civil officials ballooning to 35,000 in 1908.[50] The Ottoman military increasingly adopted western military technologies and methods, increasing army personnel of 120,000 in 1837 to over 120,000 in the 1880s.[51] Other innovations were increasingly being adopted including the telegraph, railroads and photography, utilised against old mediators who were increasingly marginalised.[Note 12]

text: Up to 1850, the Ottoman Empire was the only empire to have never contracted foreign debt and its financial situation was generally sound.[52][53] As the 19th century increased the state's financial needs, it knew it could not raise the revenues from taxation or domestic borrowings, so resorted to massive debasement and then issued paper money.[54][55] It had considered European debt, which had surplus funds available for overseas investment, but avoided it aware of the associated dangers of European control.[40][56][57][58] However, the Crimean war of 1853–1856 resulted in the necessity of such debt.[Note 13][57][60][61][62][63]

text: The Ottomans had not yet developed their own financial system in line with London and Paris. Since the beginning of the 18th century, the government was aware of the need for a reliable bank. The Galata bankers as well as the Bank of Constantinople did not have the capital or competence for such large undertakings.[40][64] As such, Ottoman borrowings followed the Heckscher-Ohlin theorem.

text: Borrowing spanned two distinct periods, 1854–1876 (see Table 4). The first is the most important resulted in defaults in 1875. Borrowings were normally at 4 to 5 percent of the nominal value of the bond, new issues however being sold at prices well below these values netted of commissions involved in the issue, resulting in a much higher effective borrowing rate – coupled with a deteriorating financial situation, the borrowing rate rarely went below 10 percent after 1860.[65]

text: European involvement began with the creation of the Public Debt Administration, after which a relatively peaceful period meant no wartime expenditures and the budget could be balanced with lower levels of external borrowing. The semi-autonomous Egyptian province also ran up huge debts in the late 19th century resulting in foreign military intervention. With security from the Debt Administration further European capital entered the empire in railroad, port and public utility projects, increasing foreign capital control of the Ottoman economy.[66] The debt burden increased consuming a sizeable chunk of the Ottoman tax revenues – by the early 1910s deficits had begun to grow again with military expenditure growing and another default may have occurred had it not been for the outbreak of the First World War.

text: The exact amount of annual income the Ottoman government received, is a matter of considerable debate, due to the scantness and ambiguous nature of the primary sources. The following table contains approximate estimates.

text:
Year
Annual Revenue

1433
2,500,000 ducats[67]

1496
3,300,000 ducats[68]

1520
3,130,000 ducats[68]

1526
4,500,000 ducats[68]

1530
6,000,000 ducats[69]

1553
7,166,000 ducats[68]

1558
7,740,000 ducats[68]

1566
8,000,000 ducats[69]

1587
9,000,000 ducats[68]

1592
10,000,000 ducats[68]

1603
8,000,000 ducats[68]

1660
12,000,000 ducats[69]

tag: table


document_title: James Scott (actor)

question_text: where is james scott from days of our lives

text: James Scott (actor)

text: Early life[edit]

text: Scott was born in Jesmond, Newcastle Upon Tyne, England. The eldest of four children, he has two brothers and a sister.[2] Initially schooled in Newcastle, Scott moved to an all-boys boarding school in Lancaster.[1]

text: After school, Scott moved to Edinburgh, Scotland on a voyage of self-discovery. His mother is Scottish and he spent a lot of time in Scotland as a boy.[1] His first summer there he managed to get a job working at the famous "Gilded Balloon Theatre", one of the Edinburgh Festival Fringe's best-known venues, established by Karen Koren in 1986 in Edinburgh's Cowgate and worked with such actors/comedians as Stephen Fry, Ben Elton, and Eddie Izzard. "They set me in motion, giving me the drive I needed to move forward. Soon it became apparent that I would need to move to London in order to truly focus on this as a career," Scott remembers.[3]

text: Career[edit]

text: Scott began his career working in the music industry, and later started acting in community theatre.[2]

text: After only a few weeks in London, Scott was spotted by the Storm Model Management agency in London, home to Kate Moss, Elle Macpherson, and other prominent models. Modelling allowed him to earn enough money to put himself through college.[3] He studied for two years at the London Academy of Music and Dramatic Art (LAMDA).[2]

text:
I didn't always want to be an actor but I always knew I would be. Just a feeling that has lived within me from my earliest childhood memories.
— James Scott[3]

tag: div

text: As time went on, he began to model for clothing companies. During a modelling trip to Los Angeles, he went to an acting class at the Ivana Chubbuck studio in Hollywood.[2] The class inspired him to save money and make the move to Los Angeles. He studied acting for two more years before being cast on All My Children. Scott originated the role of Ethan Cambias in August 2004 and played it until February 2006.[2] He has since moved on to Days of Our Lives where he took on the role of EJ DiMera in May 2006.[2]

text: During an interview in April 2014, Scott described a spiritual experience he had in Peru during a trip to the country, which he had just returned from prior to the interview, during which he took Ayahuasca with the guidance of Native Peruvian shamans.[4] During the interview, Scott described the experience as "the single most positive experience of my life" and further stated of the experience that "it sounds wacky when you say it, but it was truly the most important thing I have ever done. I came back a very different person."[4]

text: On 2 May 2014 it was announced that Scott would be leaving Days of Our Lives to pursue other endeavours.[5]

text: On 27 September 2015, he reprised his role as EJ DiMera of Days of Our Lives on Last Week Tonight with John Oliver, reuniting with Alison Sweeney (as Sami Brady) in honour of Noujain Mustaffa and the Syrian refugee crises.[6]

text: Filmography[edit]

text:
Year

Title

Role

Notes

2004-2006

All My Children

Ethan Cambias

Contract role

2006-2014

Days of Our Lives

EJ DiMera

2007-2008

Days of Our Lives

Santo DiMera

2016

Wrecked

Liam

TBS, Pilot only

text: Awards and nominations[edit]

text:
List of acting awards and nominations

Year

Award

Category

Title

Result

Ref.

2010

Daytime Emmy Award

Outstanding Lead Actor in a Drama Series

Days of Our Lives

Nominated

[7]

2011

Daytime Emmy Award

Outstanding Lead Actor in a Drama Series

Days of Our Lives

Nominated

[8]


document_title: Iced coffee

question_text: when did iced coffee become popular in the us

text: Iced coffee

text: History[edit]

text: Mazagran, a cold, sweetened coffee beverage that originated in Algeria[1] circa 1840, has been described as "the original iced coffee".[2] It was prepared with coffee syrup and cold water.[2]

text: Frozen coffee beverages, similar to slush, are documented in the 19th century, often called "café frappé (à la glace)".[3][4] Similar is the Italian granita al caffè.[5]

text: Coffee brewed then chilled with ice, called "iced coffee", appears in menus and recipes in the late 19th century.[6]

text: Iced coffee was popularized by a marketing campaign of the Joint Coffee Trade Publicity Committee of the United States in 1920.[7] Much later, it was marketed by Burger King, Dunkin' Donuts, Starbucks.[8]

text: Serving[edit]

text: Iced coffee may be served already chilled, or poured hot over ice. Because sugar does not dissolve readily into cold liquids, it must be added either directly to the hot base, or to the finished product in the form of syrup.

text: Variations by country[edit]

text: Australia[edit]

text: In Australia, iced coffee is occasionally served with ice cream and whipped cream. The drink may also include syrup, cream, cocoa powder or coffee beans.[9] The result is something like an unblended milkshake. Some commercial varieties of iced coffee are made from instant coffee or espresso coffee, while others contain only coffee flavouring. Iced coffee has been sold commercially in Australia since the late 19th century in the form of a syrup, an example of which is Bushells Coffee And Chicory Essence.

text: Iced coffee is commonly available as a prepackaged, ready to consume drink. Ice Break and Dare are arguably the most popular Iced Coffee brands in Australia today at grocery stores. In South Australia, Farmers Union Iced Coffee has outsold Coca-Cola and is one of the state’s biggest brands.[10] The brand is available in other states. Pauls "Territory's Own" Iced Coffee is hugely popular in the Northern Territory and Norco Real Iced Coffee is big in Northern New South Wales and South East Queensland. Other iced coffee varieties include Breaka, Big M, Brownes Chill, Moove, Masters, Dare, Max, Fleurieu iced coffee, Rush and Oak.

text: Canada[edit]

text: In Canada, the popular Tim Hortons coffee chain sells iced cappuccinos, known locally as Ice Capps. The chain has also recently introduced traditional iced coffee to its Canadian menu in addition to its U.S. menu.  Other fast-food and beverage chains also provide iced coffee. A June 2016 study by research firm NPD found that the popularity of iced coffee drinks had increased by about 16 percent over the same period a year earlier.[11]

text: Chile[edit]

text: In Chile, iced coffee is called café helado (iced coffee). It is very popular in the summertime. Café helado is composed of espresso, or Coffee powder. Ice cream is added to the coffee as well as sugary additives such as vanilla, cinnamon, or Dulce de leche. Iced coffee is enjoyed during the summer time at breakfast and at parties.[12] A top of Chilean iced coffee may also be whipped cream, and chopped nuts.

text: China[edit]

text: The "Tak" technique involves leaving the coffee to cool to room temperature over a number of hours, then adding ice afterwards. A bottled variant is to be made available.

text: Czech Republic[edit]

text: In Czech Republic iced coffee is called "Ledova Kava".

text: Germany[edit]

text: In Germany there are different types of Eiskaffee (coffee with ice cream). The most widespread form is a flavoured milk drink similar to Australian iced coffee, generally spelled as Eiscafé (from the French café) and available in German coffeehouses and in Eisdielen (ice cream parlours). It consists of filtered, hot brewed and cooled coffee with vanilla ice cream and whipped cream on top. However, this type of iced coffee is rarely available in German supermarkets. The most widespread form of iced coffee in supermarkets is a canned version from a variety of brands with different flavours such as Cappuccino and Espresso. This iced coffee is very similar to the canned iced coffee in the UK and in the case of some brands (particularly Nestlé) actually the same product.

text: Greece[edit]

text: In Greece, one of the most popular coffees is a variation of iced coffee called Frappé, invented by a Nescafe represenatative Dimitrios Vakondios in 1957. The preparation entails instant coffee (traditionally Nescafe), water, and optionally, sugar, together using either an electric mixer or a shaker to create a foam. Subsequently, milk is optionally added followed by ice cubes, and the remainder is topped with water. It became well known outside of Greece as a result of the 2004 Summer Olympics in Athens, during which many tourists became fond of it and an article in the Los Angeles Times was published about it.[2] Since its founding, Frappe became a very popular drink in Cyprus, and in Romania.

text: Other popular iced coffee beverages in Greece include Freddo Cappuccino, which is topped with a cold milk-based foam known as aphrogala (Greek: αφρόγαλα), and Freddo Espresso, which are made with a double shot of espresso coffee mixed in a mixer with a few ice cubes and poured over ice.

text: India[edit]

text: Iced coffee in India usually consists of instant coffee mixed with cold/frozen milk in a blender, producing a thin, coffee-flavored smoothie or often mixed with vanilla ice cream for thicker consistency. South Australians, especially in Adelaide, are also known for this drink. A more upscale version is popular in the espresso bar chains Barrista and Cafe Coffee Day. This is made with a shot of espresso and cold milk, similar to a latte.

text: Italy[edit]

text: In Italy, the Nestlé company introduced Frappé coffee under its Nescafé Red Cup line, with the name Red Cup Iced Coffee.  Many Italian coffee bars serve "caffè freddo," which is straight espresso kept in a freezer and served as icy slush. In the Salento region of Apulia, this was perfected by brewing the espresso freshly, adding the desired amount of sugar, and finally pouring it into a whiskey glass filled with ice cubes right before being served, known as Caffè in ghiaccio, or coffee in ice. Affogato (espresso poured over a scoop of vanilla gelato or ice cream) is also served, typically as a dessert.[13]

text: Japan[edit]

text: In Japan, iced coffee (アイスコーヒー, aisu kōhī) has been drunk since Taishō period (around the 1920s) in coffeehouses. It is served with gum syrup and milk. Cold tea was already popular, so it was natural to drink cold coffee. Cold brew coffee is also common in Japan, where it is known as Dutch coffee (ダッチ・コーヒー, dacchi kōhī), due to the historical Dutch coffee trade from Indonesia. In 1969, UCC Ueshima Coffee released canned coffee, which made coffee available everywhere. Today, canned liquid coffee is consumed both cold and hot.

text: Philippines[edit]

text: Iced coffee is also popular in the Philippines, and it is served in a number of cafés. Notable chains of Philippines coffee shops include  Figaro Coffee, Starbucks Coffee, Bo's Coffee, Fiorgelato Cafe and Coffee Bean Tea Leaf. For a more elaborate version, a scoop of ice cream is added on top. There are also Ready-to-Drink Coffee in cans.

text: Saudi Arabia[edit]

text: Iced coffee is a very well known drink in Saudi Arabia; its popularity is almost that of hot coffee. Recently, iced coffee has become a preferred drink among young Saudis especially in the very hot summer; temperatures sometimes reach 50 °C (122 °F).

text: Packaged iced coffee is gaining prominence in stores, featuring brands both foreign and domestic. For example, iced coffee (Nadeccino) has been introduced by a dairy company called NADEC, and powdered versions are introduced as an outstanding product innovation by a growing coffee brand called Cofique developed by a multinational food company called Goody.

text: Slovenia[edit]

text: In Slovenia, iced coffee is called "ledena kava". It is served in coffee shops and restaurants all across this tiny Alpine state.  More popular during the summer than winter time. Ledena kava is composed with double espresso, vanilla ice cream, whipped cream, almond or chocolate flake and waffle. The most popular coffee brand Barcaffè is selling Prestige ice coffee in all supermarkets. Ice coffee is commonly prepared at home during summers and served typically as a desert.

text: Sri Lanka[edit]

text: In Sri Lanka Iced coffee served in special events and weddings typically in the afternoon. Sri Lankan iced coffee contained a bit of brandy to give it a distinct taste.

text: Thailand[edit]

text: Thai iced coffee is  brewed using strong black coffee, sweetened with sugar, heavy cream (or half-and-half) and cardamom, and quickly cooled and served over ice. Some variations are brewed using espresso.   Thai iced coffee can be served with whipped cream on top for a layered effect, and garnished with cinnamon, vanilla or anise. It is a common menu item at Thai restaurants and works well after a spicy meal.

text: United States[edit]

text: This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (July 2012) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)

text: Long popular among coffee enthusiasts in the U.S.,[citation needed] iced coffee is quickly gaining popularity among the general consumer audience as evidenced by the fact that it is available in mass food franchises such as Dunkin' Donuts and sold bottled in grocery stores. Iced coffee is prepared many different ways, though traditionalists[who?] maintain that true iced coffee is cold brewed using one of a number of ways. Cold brew coffee contains up to 70% fewer bitter acids than heat brewed coffee, making for a smoother, richer tasting coffee drink.[citation needed]

text: Iced coffee can be made from cold brew coffee, where coffee grounds are soaked overnight and then strained. Prior to the commercialization of cold brewers, consumers took the matter into their own hands, cold-brewing an iced coffee concentrate by soaking ground coffee and chicory with water in a mayonnaise jar.[14] The next day, the grounds would be filtered out. The result was a very strong coffee concentrate that was mixed with milk and sweetened. This sweeter, creamier form of iced coffee is the type commonly found in New Orleans, Louisiana, at local coffee chains such as CC's Coffee House.[14]

text: Many coffee retailers simply use hot-brewed coffee in their iced coffee drinks. Starbucks specifically uses the double-strength method in which the coffee is brewed hot with twice the amount of grounds.[15] With this method, the melted ice does not dilute the strength and flavor of the coffee. Unlike the cold-brew process, this method does not eliminate the acidity inherent in hot-brewed coffee.[15]

text: Cold coffee drinks such as Frappuccinos are premade, presweetened and typically shelf stable. They are usually made using heat-brewed coffee.

text: Vietnam[edit]

text: Vietnamese iced coffee is drip coffee with condensed milk served over ice. In Vietnam, it is typical to use a phin filter or French press to brew the dark-roasted beans often used to make iced coffee.  It is generally a sweeter, heavier drink than its Thai counterpart.


document_title: Applebee's

question_text: who uses the slogan eatin good in the neighborhood

text: Applebee's

text: History[edit]

text: The Applebee's chain was started by Bill and T. J. Palmer, who opened their first restaurant, T.J. Applebee's Rx for Edibles & Elixirs, in Decatur, Georgia, on November 19, 1980.[12] After opening their second restaurant, the pair sold their company to W. R. Grace and Company in 1983. As part of the transaction, Bill Palmer was named president of the Applebee's Division, an indirect subsidiary of W. R. Grace and Company. In that capacity, Palmer guided the operation from its entrepreneurial beginnings to a full-fledged franchise system. He became an Applebee's franchisee in 1985 and today owns more than three dozen Applebee's restaurants.

text: In 1986, the name of the concept was changed to Applebee's Neighborhood Grill & Bar to reflect the Palmers' original concept of a place people could call their own. In 1988, Applebee's International, Inc., became the restaurant chain's franchiser when Kansas City franchisees Abe Gustin and John Hamra purchased the rights to the Applebee's concept from W. R. Grace.[13]

text:
Applebee's locations

Applebee's Restaurant in Yonkers, New York

Typical Applebee's in Coral Springs, Florida

Applebee's, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia

Locations that have Carside To Go usually have two or three designated parking spaces.

text: Acquisition by DineEquity[edit]

text: On July 16, 2007, IHOP Corp. announced that it agreed to buy Applebee's International for about $2.1 billion. Applebee's shareholders would receive $25.50 in cash per share, representing a 4.6% premium to the closing price on July 13, 2007.[9] After the acquisition, IHOP Corp. changed its name to DineEquity, Inc.[14] DineEquity, which franchises nearly all of its restaurants, said it hoped to employ that strategy with Applebee's. With their merger in November 2007, Applebee's and IHOP combined to make the largest full-service restaurant company in the world, with more than 3,250 locations.[10][15]

text: Company headquarters[edit]

text: Applebee's Kansas City–area headquarters was at 3929 Broadway in Kansas City, Missouri, in 1988. In 1993, it relocated to Overland Park, Kansas. In January 2008, it relocated to neighboring Lenexa, Kansas, per an agreement made in 2005 before it was taken over by IHOP (now DineEquity) to a new 175,000-square-foot (16,300 m2) building designed by BNIM (lured by a 90 percent property tax reduction offer).[16] However, DineEquity has since been downsizing the headquarters presence as it has begun a strategy of converting its company-owned restaurants to franchises with a goal of having 98 percent of its restaurants franchised by 2013. In July 2008, DineEquity sold the headquarters (officially called the Restaurant Support Center) for $39 million in a sale-leaseback arrangement. The company has now listed the headquarters for sale and is reported looking for new space after it was announced on January 30, 2009, that its headquarters staff of 325 did not meet Lenexa's requirement that at least 497 be employed at the headquarters to receive the property tax abatement.[17] In 2011, it announced plans to relocate to 8140 Ward Parkway in Kansas City proper after receiving $12.65 million in incentives from Missouri.[18]

text: Advertising[edit]

text: This section needs to be updated. Please update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information. (September 2016)

text: As part of the company's marketing campaign and slogan, Wanda Sykes was hired to voice the chain's new mascot, the Applebee's Apple.[19] The character appears in commercials touting Applebee's various specials and stating the new slogan, "Together is good." or saying, "Get it together, baby!" as the slogan appears at the bottom right of the screen. A new campaign started on February 25, 2008, without Sykes' character (the spokesapple) with its slogan, "It's a whole new neighborhood." The commercials used both the company's original and new logos.[citation needed] In 2009, Applebee's changed its slogan again to "There's no place like the neighborhood."

text: From 2012–2016, Applebee's aired an advertising campaign focusing on fresh ingredients and new dishes, narrated by Jason Sudeikis, featuring the slogan, "See you tomorrow".[20]

text: And most recently, in late September 2017, Applebee's brought back its most famous slogan from the early-to-mid 2000s, "Eatin' Good in the Neighborhood."

text: Controversies[edit]

text: Side-work compensation[edit]

text: This section needs to be updated. Please update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information. (March 2017)

text: Since 2006, Applebee's and its servers have been engaged in a lawsuit over hourly wages. The servers, who received a federal minimum wage of $2.13 per hour as tipped employees, allege that the company requires them to spend 20% of their time doing non-serving labor for which they should be paid the federal minimum wage of $7.25 per hour. The case has gone through several stages, including a judicially mandated binding arbitration session.[21][22]


question_text: who appoints the members of the public company accounting oversight board quizlet

text: Organizational overview[edit]

text: The PCAOB has five Board members, including a Chairman, each of whom is appointed by the SEC, after consultation with the Chairman of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System and the Secretary of the Treasury.  Two Board members must be Certified Public Accountants.[1]  If the PCAOB Chairman is one of them, he or she may not have been a practicing CPA for at least five years prior to being appointed to the board.  Each member serves full-time, for staggered five-year terms.  The Board's budget, approved by the SEC each year, is funded by fees paid by the companies and broker-dealers who rely on the audit firms overseen by the Board. The organization has a staff of about 800 and offices in 11 states in addition to its headquarters in Washington.

text: The PCAOB's current Chairman is William D. Duhnke III, who was sworn in on January 2, 2018, by the Securities and Exchange Commission. Previously, he served as Staff Director and General Counsel to three Senate Committees.[2] From 2011-2017, James R. Doty served as Chairman, a former SEC General Counsel and a former partner at the law firm of Baker Botts LLP.[3] He was preceded by Mark W. Olson, a former member of the Federal Reserve Board of Governors.  The first Chairman in place at the PCAOB was former President and Chief Executive Officer of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, William Joseph McDonough.  The SEC first appointed William H. Webster to the position, a prominent lawyer and former Director of both the FBI and CIA. He resigned after several weeks and prior to the Board's first official meeting (as explained below).

text: Powers[edit]

text: Under Section 101 of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act, the PCAOB has the power to:

text:
register public accounting firms that prepare audit reports for issuers and broker-dealers;
set auditing, quality control, ethics, independence and other standards relating to the preparation of audit reports of issuers;
conduct inspections of PCAOB-registered public accounting firms;
conduct investigations and disciplinary proceedings, and impose sanctions, against registered public accounting firms and associated persons of such firms (including fines of up to $100,000 against individual auditors, and $2 million against audit firms);
perform such other duties or functions as the Board determines are necessary or appropriate to promote high professional standards among, and improve the quality of audit services offered by, registered public accounting firms and their employees;
sue and be sued, complain and defend, in its corporate name and through its own counsel, with the approval of the SEC, in any Federal, State or other court;
conduct its operations, maintain offices, and exercise all of its rights and powers in any part of the United States, without regard to any qualification, licensing or other provision of state or [municipal] law;
hire staff, accountants, attorneys and other agents as may be necessary or appropriate to the PCAOB's mission (with salaries set at a level comparable to private-sector self-regulatory, accounting, technical, supervisory, or other staff or management positions, as set out by the Sarbanes-Oxley Act to attract the highly skilled and experienced professionals needed to oversee global accounting firms);
allocate, assess, and collect accounting support fees that fund the Board; and
enter into contracts, execute instruments, incur liabilities, and do any and all other acts and things necessary, appropriate, or incidental to the conduct of its operations and the exercise of its powers under the Sarbanes-Oxley Act.

tag: ul

text: Auditors of public companies are prohibited by the Sarbanes-Oxley Act to provide non-audit services, such as consulting, to their audit clients. Congress made certain exceptions for tax services, which are therefore overseen by the PCAOB. This prohibition was made as a result of allegations, in cases such as Enron and WorldCom, that auditors' independence from their clients' managers had been compromised because of the large fees that audit firms were earning from these ancillary services.

text: In addition, as part of the PCAOB's investigative powers, the Board may require that audit firms, or any person associated with an audit firm, provide testimony or documents in its (or his or her) possession.  If the firm or person refuses to provide this testimony or these documents, the PCAOB may suspend or bar that person or entity from the public audit industry.  The PCAOB may also seek the SEC's assistance in issuing subpoenas for testimony or documents from individuals or entities not registered with the PCAOB.

text:
The Board's Office of the Chief Auditor advises the Board on the establishment of auditing and related professional practice standards.
[4]

text: Government oversight[edit]

text: Each of these powers is subject to approval and oversight by the SEC.  Individuals and audit firms subject to PCAOB oversight may appeal PCAOB decisions (including any disciplinary actions) to the SEC and the SEC has the power to modify or overturn PCAOB rules.

text: Inspection reports[edit]

text: The PCAOB periodically issues Inspection Reports of registered public accounting firms. While a large part of these reports is made public (called "Part I"), portions of the inspection reports that deal with criticisms of, or potential defects in, the audit firm's quality control systems are not made public if the firm addresses those matters to the Board's satisfaction within 12 months after the report date. Those portions are made public (called "Part II"), however, if (1) the Board determines that a firm's efforts to address the criticisms or potential defects were not satisfactory, or (2) the firm makes no submission evidencing any such efforts.[5]

text: History[edit]

text: The PCAOB was created in response to an ever increasing number of accounting "restatements" (corrections of past financial statements) by public companies during the 1990s, and a series of high-profile accounting scandals and record-setting bankruptcies by large public companies, notably those in 2002 involving WorldCom and Enron, and the audit firm for both companies, Arthur Andersen.  Prior to the creation of the PCAOB, the audit profession was  self-regulated through its trade group, the American Institute of Certified Public Accountants (AICPA).  The AICPA's Public Oversight Board was formally dissolved on March 31, 2002, though its members had resigned en masse in January 2002 to protest then-SEC Chairman Harvey Pitt's proposal for a new private auditor oversight body to regulate the profession (a proposal which would evolve into the PCAOB).

text: Appointment of Chairman Webster[edit]

text: The SEC named William H. Webster, to be the first PCAOB Chairman. He was a prominent lawyer and former director of both the FBI and CIA.  This appointment was controversial, however, for while Webster was widely recognized for his integrity and intellect, two of the SEC's five Commissioners believed that SEC Chairman Harvey Pitt had not properly vetted the candidates or consulted with them on the appointment (and had previously agreed with them to appoint TIAA-CREF Chairman John Biggs as PCAOB Chairman).  In one of the most contentious SEC public hearings, these two Commissioners (Harvey Goldschmid and Roel Campos) publicly criticized the process of the appointment (though not Webster himself).  Webster nonetheless was approved by the SEC by a 3-2 vote to become the PCAOB's first Chairman.  An audio recording of this contentious October 25, 2002 SEC public hearing at which Webster's nomination was approved (and debated) can be heard at here.

text: Just a few weeks after Webster was appointed to the PCAOB, however, another controversy erupted when newspapers reported that Webster had served on the board audit committee of U.S. Technologies, a high-tech company being investigated for accounting irregularities.  Pitt, whose tenure as SEC Chair had already proven controversial, found himself in an untenable position.  One of the claims made by Goldschmid during the rancorous October SEC hearing was that the candidates put forward by Pitt had not been properly vetted.  Goldschmid's criticisms seemed prescient, and this, combined with other pressures, led Pitt to announce his resignation from the SEC on election day (Nov. 4, 2002).  Webster himself announced his resignation from the PCAOB a week later -– less than three weeks after the PCAOB was set up.[6]

text: Constitutional challenge[edit]

text: In February 2006, the Free Enterprise Fund and Beckstead and Watts, LLP (a small Nevada-based accounting firm) filed a lawsuit in federal court challenging the constitutionality of the PCAOB.  According to the lawsuit, the provision of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act establishing the PCAOB violated the "Appointments Clause" of the U.S. Constitution, since PCAOB Board members should be viewed as "officers of the United States" because of the public purposes PCAOB serves, and, as such, must either be appointed by the President of the United States, with the advice and consent of the U.S. Senate, or by the "head" of a "department", whereas PCAOB's board is appointed by the SEC, rather than by the Chairman of the SEC.  The lawsuit also challenged the PCAOB as violating the Constitution's separation of powers clause, since the organization has quasi-executive, -legislative and -judicial functions.

text: On Aug. 22, 2008, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit upheld the PCAOB as constitutional.  The Court found that Board members are inferior officers not required to be appointed by the President, and that the President retains sufficient control of the Board via the SEC that the Board does not violate the separation of powers clause.[7]

text: The United States Supreme Court granted certiorari on May 18, 2009, to consider three questions:

text:
Whether the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 violates the Constitution's separation of powers by vesting members of the [PCAOB] with far-reaching executive power while completely stripping the President of all authority to appoint or remove those members or otherwise supervise or control their exercise of that power, or whether, as the court of appeals held, the Act is constitutional because Congress can restrict the President's removal authority in any way it "deems best for the public interest."
Whether the court of appeals erred in holding that, under the Appointments Clause, PCAOB members are "inferior officers" directed and supervised by the [SEC], where the SEC lacks any authority to supervise those members personally, to remove the members for any policy-related reason or to influence the members' key investigative functions, merely because the SEC may review some of the members' work product.
If PCAOB members are inferior officers, whether the Act's provision for their appointment by the SEC violates the Appointments Clause either because the SEC is not a "Department" or because the five commissioners, acting collectively, are not the "Head" of the SEC.[8]

tag: ol

text: Free Enterprise Fund and Beckstead and Watts, LLP v. Public Company Accounting Oversight Board, et al., was argued on Dec. 7, 2009.  In addition to the PCAOB, the United States (represented by Solicitor General Elena Kagan) also appeared as a respondent in the case and argued separately, defending the constitutionality of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act.  Thirteen amici, ranging from libertarian think-tanks like the Cato Institute to managers of state public-employee pension funds, filed briefs in the case.[9]

text: On June 28, 2010, in a five-justice majority opinion written by Chief Justice John G. Roberts, the Supreme Court found the appointment provisions of the Act to be constitutional, but struck down the for-cause removal provision.  The Court did not accept petitioners' argument that the constitutional infirmity made all of the Board's prior activity unconstitutional; rather, it simply severed the for-cause removal clause from the rest of Sarbanes-Oxley, leaving the Board itself intact.[10]