document_title: Croke Park

question_text: where is the hogan stand in croke park

question_tokens: where is the hogan stand in croke park

text: Croke Park

text: City and Suburban Racecourse[edit]

text: The area now known as Croke Park was owned in the 1880s by Maurice Butterly and known as the City and Suburban Racecourse, or Jones' Road sports ground. From 1890 it was also used by the Bohemian Football Club. In 1901 Jones' Road hosted the IFA Cup football final when Cliftonville defeated Freebooters.[5]

text: History[edit]

text: Recognising the potential of the Jones' Road sports ground a journalist and GAA member, Frank Dineen, borrowed much of the £3,250 asking price and bought the ground in 1908. In 1913 the GAA came into exclusive ownership of the plot when they purchased it from Dineen for £3,500. The ground was then renamed Croke Park in honour of Archbishop Thomas Croke, one of the GAA's first patrons.

text: In 1913, Croke Park had only two stands on what is now known as the Hogan stand side and grassy banks all round. In 1917, a grassy hill was constructed on the railway end of Croke Park to afford patrons a better view of the pitch. This terrace was known originally as Hill 60, later renamed Hill 16 in memory of the 1916 Easter Rising. It is erroneously believed to have been built from the ruins of the GPO, when it was constructed the previous year in 1915.

text: In the 1920s, the GAA set out to create a high capacity stadium at Croke Park. Following the Hogan Stand, the Cusack Stand, named after Michael Cusack from Clare (who founded the GAA and served as its first secretary), was built in 1927. 1936 saw the first double-deck Cusack Stand open with 5,000 seats, and concrete terracing being constructed on Hill 16. In 1952 the Nally Stand was built in memorial of Pat Nally, another of the GAA founders. Seven years later, to celebrate the 75th anniversary of the GAA, the first cantilevered "New Hogan Stand" was opened.

text: The highest attendance ever recorded at an All-Ireland Senior Football Championship Final was 90,556 for Offaly v Down in 1961. Since the introduction of seating to the Cusack stand in 1966, the largest crowd recorded has been 84,516.

text: Bloody Sunday[edit]

text: During the Irish War of Independence on 21 November 1920 Croke Park was the scene of a massacre by the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC). The Police, supported by the British Auxiliary Division entered the ground, shooting into the crowd killing or fatally wounding 14 civilians during a Dublin-Tipperary Gaelic football match. The dead included 13 spectators and Tipperary player, Michael Hogan. Posthumously, the Hogan stand built in 1924 was named in his honour. These shootings, on the day which became known as Bloody Sunday, were a reprisal for the killing of 15 people associated with the Cairo Gang, a group of British Intelligence officers, by Michael Collins's 'squad' earlier that day.

text: Stadium design[edit]

text: In 1984 the organisation decided to investigate ways to increase the capacity of the old stadium. The design for an 80,000 capacity stadium was completed in 1991. Gaelic sports have special requirements as they take place on a large field. A specific requirement was to ensure the spectators were not too far from the field of play. This resulted in the three-tier design from which viewing games is possible: the main concourse, a premium level incorporating hospitality facilities and an upper concourse. The premium level contains restaurants, bars and conference areas. The project was split into four phases over a 14-year period. Such was the importance of Croke Park to the GAA for hosting big games, the stadium did not close during redevelopment. During each phase different parts of the ground were redeveloped, while leaving the rest of the stadium open. Big games, including the annual All-Ireland Hurling and Football finals, were played in the stadium throughout the development.

text: Phase one[edit]

text: The first phase of construction was to build a replacement for Croke Park's Cusack Stand. A lower deck opened for use in 1994. The upper deck opened in 1995. Completed at a cost of £35 million, the new stand is 180 metres long, 35 metres high, has a capacity for 27,000 people and contains 46 hospitality suites. The new Cusack Stand contains three tiers from which viewing games is possible: the main concourse, a premium level incorporating hospitality facilities and finally an upper concourse. One end of the pitch was closer to the stand after this phase, as the process of slightly re-aligning the pitch during the redevelopment of the stadium began.

text: Phase two[edit]

text: Phase Two of the development started in late 1998 and involved extending the new Cusack Stand to replace the existing Canal End terrace. It is now known as The Davin Stand (Irish: Ardán Dáimhím), after Maurice Davin, the first president of the GAA. This phase also saw the creation of a tunnel which was later named the Ali tunnel in honour of Muhammad Ali and his fight against Al Lewis in July 1972 in Croke Park.[6]

text: Phase three[edit]

text: Phase Three saw the building of the new Hogan Stand. This required a greater variety of spectator categories to be accommodated including general spectators, corporate patrons, VIPs, broadcast and media services and operation staff. Extras included a fitted-out mezzanine level for VIP and Ard Comhairle (Where the dignitaries sit) along with a top-level press media facility. The end of Phase Three took the total spectator capacity of Croke Park to 82,000.

text: Phase four[edit]

text: After the 2003 Special Olympics, construction began in September 2003 on the final phase, Phase Four. This involved the redevelopment of the Nally Stand, named after the athlete Pat Nally, and Hill 16 into a new Nally End/Dineen Hill 16 terrace. While the name Nally had been used for the stand it replaced, the use of the name Dineen was new, and was in honour of Frank Dineen, who bought the original stadium for the GAA in 1908, giving it to them in 1913. The old Nally Stand was taken away and reassembled in Pairc Colmcille, home of Carrickmore GAA in Co Tyrone.[7] The phase four development was officially opened by the then GAA President Seán Kelly on 14 March 2005. For logistical reasons (and, to a degree, historical reasons), and also to provide cheaper high-capacity space, the area is a terrace rather than a seated stand, the only remaining standing-room in Croke Park. Unlike the previous Hill, the new terrace was divided into separate sections – Hill A (Cusack stand side), Hill B (behind the goals) and the Nally terrace (on the site of the old Nally Stand). The fully redeveloped Hill has a capacity of around 13,200, bringing the overall capacity of the stadium to 82,300. This made the stadium the 2nd biggest in the EU after the Camp Nou, Barcelona. The new Wembley stadium has now taken over second place with Croke Park in third However, the presence of terracing means that for international football, the capacity is reduced to approximately 73,500, due to FIFA's statutes stating that competitive games must be played in all-seater stadiums.

text: Pitch[edit]

text: The pitch in Croke Park is a soil pitch that replaced the Desso GrassMaster pitch laid in 2002. There had been several complaints by players and managers that the pitch, which was installed in 2002, was excessively hard and far too slippery, so the decision was taken to replace it with traditional soil pitch.[8]

text: Since January 2006, a special growth and lighting system called the SGL Concept has been used to assist grass growing conditions, even in the winter months. The system, created by Dutch company SGL (Stadium Grow Lighting), helps in controlling and managing all pitch growth factors, such as light, temperature, CO2, water, air and nutrients.[9]

text: Floodlighting[edit]

text: With the 2007 Six Nations clash with France and possibly other matches in subsequent years requiring lighting the GAA installed floodlights in the stadium (after planning permission was granted). Indeed, many other GAA grounds around the country have started to erect floodlights as the organisation starts to hold games in the evenings, whereas traditionally major matches were played almost exclusively on Sunday afternoons. The first game to be played under these lights at Croke Park was a National Football League Division One match between Dublin and Tyrone on 3 February 2007 with Tyrone winning in front of a capacity crowd of over 81,000 – which remains a record attendance for a National League game, with Ireland's Six Nations match with France following on 11 February.[10] Temporary floodlights were installed for the American Bowl game between Chicago Bears and Pittsburgh Steelers on the pitch in 1997, and again for the 2003 Special Olympics.

text: Concerts[edit]

text:
Date
Performer(s)
Opening act(s)
Tour/Event
Attendance
Notes

29 June 1985
U2
In Tua Nua, R.E.M., The Alarm, Squeeze
The Unforgettable Fire Tour
57,000
Part of the concert was filmed for the group's documentary Wide Awake in Dublin.

28 June 1986
Simple Minds

Once Upon A Time Tour

27 June 1987
U2
Light A Big Fire, The Dubliners, The Pogues, Lou Reed
The Joshua Tree Tour
114,000

28 June 1987
Christy Moore, The Pretenders, Lou Reed, Hothouse Flowers

28 June 1996
Tina Turner

Wildest Dreams Tour

16 May 1997
Garth Brooks

World Tour II

18 May 1997

29 May 1998
Elton John & Billy Joel

Face to Face Tour

30 May 1998

24 June 2005
U2
The Radiators from Space, The Thrills, The Bravery, Snow Patrol, Paddy Casey, Ash
Vertigo Tour
246,743

25 June 2005

27 June 2005

20 May 2006
Bon Jovi
Nickelback
Have a Nice Day Tour
81,327

9 June 2006
Robbie Williams
Basement Jaxx
Close Encounters Tour

30 May 2008
Celine Dion

Taking Chances World Tour

1 June 2008
Westlife
Shayne Ward
Back Home Tour
85,000

14 June 2008
Neil Diamond

13 June 2009
Take That
The Script
Take That Present: The Circus Live

24 July 2009
U2
Glasvegas, Damien Dempsey
U2 360° Tour
243,198

25 July 2009
Kaiser Chiefs, Republic of Loose

27 July 2009
Bell X1, The Script
The performances of "New Year's Day" and "I'll Go Crazy If I Don't Go Crazy Tonight" were recorded for the group's live album U22 and for the band's remix album Artificial Horizon and the live EP Wide Awake in Europe, respectively.

5 June 2010
Westlife
Wonderland, WOW, JLS, Jedward
Where We Are Tour
86,500

18 June 2011
Take That
Pet Shop Boys
Progress Live
154,828

19 June 2011

22 June 2012
Westlife
Jedward, The Wanted, Lawson
Greatest Hits Tour
170,000

23 June 2012

26 June 2012
Red Hot Chili Peppers
Noel Gallagher's High Flying Birds, The Vaccines
I'm with You World Tour

23 May 2014
One Direction
5 Seconds of Summer
Where We Are Tour
235,008

24 May 2014

25 May 2014

20 June 2015
The Script & Pharrell Williams

No Sound Without Silence Tour
74,635

24 July 2015
Ed Sheeran

x Tour
162,308

25 July 2015

27 May 2016
Bruce Springsteen

The River Tour 2016
160,188

29 May 2016

9 July 2016
Beyoncé
Chloe x Halle, Ingrid Burley
The Formation World Tour
68,575

8 July 2017
Coldplay
AlunaGeorge, Tove Lo
A Head Full of Dreams Tour[11]
80,398

22 July 2017
U2
Noel Gallagher's High Flying Birds
The Joshua Tree Tour 2017
80,901

text: Controversy on playing non-Gaelic games[edit]

text: There was great debate in Ireland regarding the use of Croke Park for sports other than those of the GAA. As the GAA was founded as a nationalist organisation to maintain and promote indigenous Irish sport, it has felt honour-bound throughout its history to oppose other, foreign (in practice, British), sports. In turn, nationalist groups supported the GAA as the prime example of purely Irish sporting culture.[12]

text: Until its abolition in 1971, rule 27 of the GAA constitution stated that a member of the GAA could be banned from playing its games if found to be also playing association football, rugby or cricket. That rule was abolished but rule 42 still prohibited the use of GAA property for games with interests in conflict with the interests of the GAA. The belief was that rugby and association football were in competition with Gaelic football and hurling, and that if the GAA allowed these sports to use their ground it might be harmful to Gaelic games, while other sports, not seen as direct competitors with Gaelic football and hurling, were permitted, such as the two games of American football (Croke Park Classic college football game between The University of Central Florida and Penn State, and an American Bowl NFL preseason game between the Chicago Bears and the Pittsburgh Steelers) on the Croke Park pitch during the 1990s.[13]

text: On 16 April 2005, a motion to temporarily relax rule No. 42 was passed at the GAA Annual Congress. The motion gives the GAA Central Council the power to authorise the renting or leasing of Croke Park for events other than those controlled by the Association, during a period when Lansdowne Road – the venue for international soccer and rugby matches – was closed for redevelopment. The final result was 227 in favour of the motion to 97 against, 11 votes more than the required two-thirds majority.

text: In January 2006, it was announced that the GAA had reached agreement with the Football Association of Ireland (FAI) and Irish Rugby Football Union (IRFU) to stage two Six Nations games and four soccer internationals at Croke Park in 2007 and in February 2007, use of the pitch by the FAI and the IRFU in 2008 was also agreed.[14] These agreements were within the temporary relaxation terms, as Lansdowne Road was still under redevelopment until 2010. Although the GAA had said that hosted use of Croke Park would not extend beyond 2008, irrespective of the redevelopment progress,[14] fixtures[15] for the 2009 Six Nations rugby tournament saw the Irish rugby team using Croke park for a third season. 11 February 2007 saw the first rugby union international to be played there. Ireland were leading France in a Six Nations clash, but lost 17–20 after conceding a last minute (converted) try. Raphael Ibanez scored the first try in that match; Ronan O'Gara scored Ireland's first ever try in Croke Park.

text: A second match between Ireland and England on 24 February 2007 was politically symbolic because of the events of Bloody Sunday in 1920.[16] There was considerable concern as to what reaction there would be to the singing of the British national anthem "God Save the Queen". Ultimately the anthem was sung without interruption or incident, and applauded by both sets of supporters at the match, which Ireland won by 43–13 (their largest ever win over England in rugby).

text: On 2 March 2010, Ireland played their final international rugby match against a Scotland team that was playing to avoid the wooden spoon and hadn't won a championship match against Ireland since 2001. Outside half, Dan Parks inspired the Scots to a 3-point victory and ended Irish Hopes of a triple crown.[17]

text: On 24 March 2007, the first association football match took place at Croke Park. The Republic of Ireland took on Wales in UEFA Euro 2008 qualifying Group D, with a Stephen Ireland goal securing a 1–0 victory for the Irish in front of a crowd of 72,500. Prior to this, the IFA Cup had been played at the then Jones' Road in 1901, but this was 12 years before the GAA took ownership.

text: Negotiations took place for the NFL International Series's 2011 game to be held at Croke Park but the game was awarded to Wembley Stadium.[18][19] In July 2013, it was announced that Penn State would open their 2014 college football season against Central Florida at Croke Park.[20]

text: World record attendance[edit]

text: On 2 May 2009, Croke Park was the venue for a Heineken Cup rugby semi-final, in which Leinster defeated Munster 25–6. The attendance of 82,208 set a new world record attendance for a club rugby union game.[21] This record stood until 31 March 2012 when it was surpassed by an English Premiership game between Harlequins and Saracens at Wembley Stadium which hosted a crowd of 83,761.[22] This was beaten again in 2016 in the Top 14 final at the Nou Camp which hosted a crowd of 99,124

text: Skyline tour[edit]

text: A walkway,[23] known under a sponsorship deal as Etihad Skyline Croke Park, opened on 1 June 2012.[24] From 44 metres above the ground, it offers views of Dublin city and the surrounding area.[25][26] The Olympic Torch was brought to the stadium and along the walkway on 6 June 2012.

text: GAA Hall of Fame[edit]

text: On 11 February 2013, the GAA opened the Hall of Fame section in the Croke Park museum. The foundation of the award scheme is the Teams of the Millennium the football team which was announced in 1999 and the hurling team in 2000 and all 30 players were inducted into the hall of fame along with Limerick hurler Eamonn Cregan and Offaly footballer Tony McTague who were chosen by a GAA sub-committee from the years 1970–74.[27] New inductees will be chosen on an annual basis from the succeeding five-year intervals as well as from years preceding 1970.[28] In April 2014, Kerry legend Mick O'Dwyer, Sligo footballer Micheál Kerins, along with hurlers Noel Skehan of Kilkenny and Pat McGrath of Waterford became the second group of former players to receive hall of fame awards.[29]


document_title: Enríquez

question_text: where does the last name enriquez come from

root

text: Enríquez

text: Enríquez is a Spanish patronymic surname meaning "son of Enrique" and a common surname in Mexico, Ecuador and the Philippines.[1]

tag: p

text: Notable people with the surname Enríquez include:

text:
Alberto Enríquez Gallo (1895–1962), president of Ecuador 1937–1938
Antonio Enríquez Gómez (1601–1661), Spanish dramatist, poet and novelist of Portuguese origin
Baltasar de la Cueva Enríquez (1626–1686), Spanish viceroy of Peru 1674–1678
Blanca Enriquez, American educator
Bobby Enriquez (1943–1996), Filipino Jazz pianist
Camilo Ponce Enríquez (politician) (1912–1976), president of Ecuador 1956–1960
Carlos Enríquez Gómez (1900–1957), Cuban painter, illustrator and writer of the Vanguardia movement
Enrico Enriquez (1701–1756), Italian cardinal
Francisco Fernández de la Cueva Enríquez, 10th Duke of Alburquerque (1655–1733), Spanish viceroy of New Spain 1702–1711
Jocelyn Enriquez (born 1974), Filipina dance singer
José Perches Enríquez (1882–1939), Mexican musician and composer
Joy Enriquez (born 1979), American singer and actress
Juan Enriquez, founding director of the Life Sciences Project at Harvard Business School
Juana Enríquez (1425–1468), Queen of Aragon, second wife of John II of Aragon
Luis Enríquez Bacalov (born 1933), Argentine film score composer
Luis Enríquez de Guzmán, conde de Alba de Liste (born c. 1605), viceroy of New Spain and Peru 1650–1661
Manuel Curros Enríquez (1851–1908), Galician writer and journalist
Marco Enríquez-Ominami, Chilean filmmaker and politician
Martín Enríquez de Almanza (died 1583), Spanish viceroy of New Spain 1568–1580; viceroy of Peru 1581–1583
Michel Enríquez (born 1979), Cuban baseball player
Miguel Henríquez (c. 1680–1743), Puerto Rican pirate and privateer
Miguel Enríquez Espinosa (1944–1974), Chilean revolutionary leftist leader during the Allende and Pinochet regimes
Mike Enriquez (born 1951), Filipino radio and television newscaster
Payo Enríquez de Rivera (1622–1684), Spanish Augustinian friar, viceroy of New Spain 1673–1680
René Enríquez (1933–1990), American television actor
Silvia Hernández Enríquez (born 1948), Mexican politician, government minister 1994–1997

tag: ul


document_title: French Algeria

question_text: when did algeria became a department of france

question_tokens: when did algeria became a department of france

text: French Algeria

text: History[edit]

text: Initial conflicts[edit]

text: Since the 1516 capture of Algiers by the Ottoman admirals, the brothers Ours and Hayreddin Barbarossa, Algeria had been a base for conflict and piracy in the Mediterranean. In 1681, Louis XIV asked Admiral Abraham Duquesne to fight the Berber pirates and also ordered a large-scale attack on Algiers between 1682 and 1683 on the pretext of assisting Christian captives.[4] Again, d'Estrées bombarded Tripoli and Algiers from 1685 to 1688. An ambassador from Algiers visited the Court in Versailles, and a Treaty was signed in 1690 that provided peace throughout the 18th century.[5]

text: During the Directory regime of the First French Republic (1795–99), the Bacri and the Busnach, Jewish negotiators of Algiers, provided important quantities of grain for Napoleon's soldiers who participated in the Italian campaign of 1796. However, Bonaparte refused to pay the bill back, claiming it was excessive. In 1820, Louis XVIII paid back half of the Directory's debts. The dey, who had loaned to the Bacri 250,000 francs, requested from France the rest of the money.

text:
Part of a series on the

History of Algeria

Prehistory[show]

Aterian Culture (80,000 BC)
Iberomaurusian Culture (20,000 BC)
Capsian culture (10,000 BC)
Rock art in Oran, Djelfa, Tassili and Ahaggar

Green Sahara
Roknia
Madghacen
Jedars

Related: Archeology of Algeria

Antiquity[show]

Getulia (~500 BC–40 AD)
Numidia (202–46 BC)
Punic Wars (264–146 BC)
Jugurthine War (111–106 BC)
Roman Mauretania and Africa (146 BC–590 AD)
Vandalic War (533–534 AD)
Prefecture of Africa (534–585 AD)
Exarchate of Africa (585–698 AD)

Early African Church
Partenia

Fossatum Africae
Gemellae

Middle Ages[show]

Arab conquest (647–709 AD)
Umayyads (703–744 AD)
Ifranids (742–1066 AD)
Muhallabids (771–793 AD)
Rustamids (776–909 AD)
Idrisids (789–828 AD)
Aghlabids (800–909 AD)
Fatimids (909–1171 AD)
Maghrawas (970–1068 AD)
Zirids (973–1152 AD)
Hammadids (1014–1152 AD)
Almoravids (1040–1147 AD)
Almohads (1121–1269 AD)
Marinids (1215–1465 AD)
Hafsids (1229–1574 AD)
Ziyyanids (1235–1556 AD)

Modern times[show]
Ottoman Algeria (16th - 19th centuries)

Regency of Algiers
Ottoman governors

Emirate of Ait Abbas
Emirate of Kuku

Barbary pirates
Barbary Slave Trade

First Barbary War
Second Barbary War

French Algeria (19th - 20th centuries)

French conquest
French governors

Resistance
Pacification

Emir Abdelkader
Fatma N'Soumer

Mokrani Revolt
Cheikh Bouamama

Nationalism
RCUA
FLN
GPRA

Algerian War
1958 putsch
1961 putsch

Évian Accords
Independence referendum

Pied-Noir
Harkis
Oujda Group

Contemporary era[show]
1960s–80s

Arab nationalism
1965 putsch

Berber Spring
1988 Riots

1990s

Algerian Civil War (Timeline)

FIS
GIA
List of massacres

High Council of State
Civil Concord

2000s to present

Peace Charter
AQIM
Arab Spring

Related topics[show]

Outline of Algeria
Military history of Algeria
(List of wars involving Algeria)
Postal history of Algeria
(List of people on stamps of Algeria)
History of North Africa

 Algeria portal

v
t
e

tag: table

text: The Dey of Algiers himself was weak politically, economically, and militarily. Algeria was then part of the Barbary States, along with today's Tunisia – which depended on the Ottoman Empire then led by Mahmud II — but enjoyed relative independence. The Barbary Coast was then the stronghold of the Berber pirates, which carried out raids against European and American ships.

text: Conflicts between the Barbary States and the newly independent United States of America culminated in the First (1801–05) and Second (1815) Barbary Wars. An Anglo-Dutch force, led by Admiral Lord Exmouth, carried out a punitive expedition, the August 1816 bombardment of Algiers. The Dey was forced to sign the Barbary treaties, while the technological advance of U.S., British, and French forces overwhelmed the Algerians' expertise at naval warfare.[citation needed]

text: The name of "Algeria" itself came from the French. Following the conquest under the July monarchy, the Algerian territories, disputed with the Ottoman Empire, were first named "French possessions in North Africa" before being called "Algeria" by Marshal General Jean-de-Dieu Soult, Duke of Dalmatia, in 1839.[6]

text: French conquest of Algeria[edit]

text: The conquest of Algeria was initiated in the last days of the Bourbon Restoration by Charles X, as an attempt to increase his popularity amongst the French people, particularly in Paris, where many veterans of the Napoleonic Wars lived. His intention was to bolster patriotic sentiment, and distract attention from ineptly handled domestic policies by "skirmishing against the dey".[7]

text: Fly Whisk Incident (April 1827)[edit]

text: In the 1790s, France had contracted to purchase wheat for the French army from two merchants in Algiers, Messrs. Bacri and Boushnak, and was in arrears paying them. These merchants, Bacri and Boushnak who had debts to the dey, claimed inability to pay those debts until France paid its debts to them. The dey had unsuccessfully negotiated with Pierre Deval, the French consul, to rectify this situation, and he suspected Deval of collaborating with the merchants against him, especially when the French government made no provisions for repaying the merchants in 1820. Deval's nephew Alexandre, the consul in Bône, further angered the dey by fortifying French storehouses in Bône and La Calle against the terms of prior agreements.[8]

text: After a contentious meeting in which Deval refused to provide satisfactory answers on 29 April 1827, the dey struck Deval with his fly whisk. Charles X used this slight against his diplomatic representative to first demand an apology from the dey, and then to initiate a blockade against the port of Algiers. France demanded that the dey send an ambassador to France to resolve the incident. When the dey responded with cannon fire directed toward one of the blockading ships, the French determined that more forceful action was required.[9]

text: Invasion of Algiers (June 1830)[edit]

text: Pierre Deval and other French residents of Algiers left for France, while the Minister of War, Clermont-Tonnerre, proposed a military expedition. However, the Count of Villèle, an ultra-royalist, President of the Council and the monarch's heir, opposed any military action. The Restoration finally decided to blockade Algiers for three years, but the overpowering presence of the French naval force prevented an incursion beyond the coastal perimeter. Meanwhile, the Berber pirates were able to exploit the geography of the coast with ease. Before the failure of the blockade, the Restoration decided on 31 January 1830 to engage a military expedition against Algiers.

text: Admiral Duperré commandeered an armada of 600 ships that originated from Toulon, leading it to Algiers. Using Napoleon's 1808 contingency plan for the invasion of Algeria, General de Bourmont then landed 27 kilometres (17 mi) west of Algiers, at Sidi Ferruch on 14 June 1830, with 34,000 soldiers. In response to the French, the Algerian dey ordered an opposition consisting of 7,000 janissaries, 19,000 troops from the beys of Constantine and Oran, and about 17,000 Kabyles. The French established a strong beachhead and pushed toward Algiers, thanks in part to superior artillery and better organization. The French troops took the advantage on 19 June during the battle of Staouéli, and entered Algiers on 5 July after a three-week campaign. The dey agreed to surrender in exchange for his freedom and the offer to retain possession of his personal wealth. Five days later, he exiled himself with his family, departing on a French ship for the Italian peninsula, then under the control of the Austrian Empire. 2,500 janissaries also quit the Algerian territories, heading for Asia,[clarification needed] on 11 July. The dey's departure ended 313 years of Ottoman rule of the territory.

text: The French army then recruited the first zouaves (a title given to certain light infantry regiments) in October, followed by the spahis regiments, while France expropriated all the land properties belonging to the Turkish settlers, known as Beliks. In the western region of Oran, Sultan Abderrahmane of Morocco, the Commander of the Believers, could not remain indifferent to the massacres committed by the French Christian troops and to belligerent calls to enter jihad from the marabouts. Despite the diplomatic rupture between Morocco and the Two Sicilies in 1830, and the naval warfare engaged against the Austrian Empire as well as with Spain, then headed by Ferdinand VII, Sultan Abderrahmane lent his support to the Algerian insurgency triggered by Abd El-Kader. The latter would fight for years against the French. Directing an army of 12,000 men, Abd El-Kader first organized the blockade of Oran.

text: Algerian refugees were welcomed by the Moroccan population, while the Sultan recommended that the authorities of Tetuan assist them, by providing jobs in the administration or the military forces. The inhabitants of Tlemcen, close to the Moroccan border, asked that they be placed under the Sultan's authority in order to escape the invaders. Abderrahmane thus named his nephew, Prince Moulay Ali, as Caliph of Tlemcen, charged with the protection of the city. In retaliation France executed two Moroccans: Mohamed Beliano and Benkirane as spies, while their goods were seized by the military governor of Oran, General Boyer.

text: Hardly had the news of the capture of Algiers reached Paris than Charles X was deposed during the Three Glorious Days of July 1830, and his cousin Louis-Philippe, the "citizen king", was named to preside over a constitutional monarchy. The new government, composed of liberal opponents of the Algiers expedition, was reluctant to pursue the conquest begun by the old regime, but withdrawing from Algeria proved more difficult than conquering it.[citation needed]

text: Characterization as genocide[edit]

text: Some governments and scholars have called France's conquest of Algeria a genocide for example,

text: Ben Kiernan an Australian expert on the Cambodian genocide[10] wrote in Blood and Soil: A World History of Genocide and Extermination from Sparta to Darfur on the French conquest of Algeria:[11]

text:
By 1875, the French conquest was complete. The war had killed approximately 825,000 indigenous Algerians since 1830. A long shadow of genocidal hatred persisted, provoking a French author to protest in 1882 that in Algeria, "we hear it repeated every day that we must expel the native and if necessary destroy him." As a French statistical journal urged five years late, "the system of extermination must give way to a policy of penetration."
-Ben Kiernan, Blood and Soil

text: In response to France's recognition of Armenian Genocide Turkey accused France of committing genocide against 15% of Algeria's population.[12][13]

text: Popular revolts against the French occupation[edit]

text: Conquest of the Algerian territories under the July Monarchy (1830–1848)[edit]

text: On 1 December 1830, King Louis-Philippe named the Duc de Rovigo as head of military staff in Algeria. De Rogivo took control of Bône and initiated colonisation of the land. He was recalled in 1833 due to the overtly violent nature of the repression. Wishing to avoid a conflict with Morocco, Louis-Philippe sent an extraordinary mission to the Sultan, mixed with displays of military might, sending war ships to the bay of Tangiers. An ambassador was sent to the Sultan Moulay Abderrahmane in February 1832, headed by the Count of Mornay and including the painter Eugène Delacroix. The Sultan, however, refused French demands to evacuate Tlemcen.

text: In 1834, France annexed the occupied areas of Algeria, which had an estimated Muslim population of about two million, as a colony. Colonial administration in the occupied areas — the so-called régime du sabre (government of the sword) — was placed under a governor general, a high-ranking army officer invested with civil and military jurisdiction, who was responsible to the minister of war. Marshal Bugeaud, who became the first governor-general, headed the conquest.

text: Soon after the conquest of Algiers, the soldier-politician Bertrand Clauzel and others formed a company to acquire agricultural land and, despite official discouragement, to subsidize its settlement by European farmers, triggering a land rush. Clauzel recognized the farming potential of the Mitidja Plain and envisioned the production there of cotton on a large scale. As governor general (1835–36), he used his office to make private investments in land and encouraged army officers and bureaucrats in his administration to do the same. This development created a vested interest among government officials in greater French involvement in Algeria. Commercial interests with influence in the government also began to recognize the prospects for profitable land speculation in expanding the French zone of occupation. They created large agricultural tracts, built factories and businesses, and hired local labor.

text: Among others testimonies, Lieutenant-colonel Lucien de Montagnac wrote on 15 March 1843, in a letter to a friend:

text: All populations who do not accept our conditions must be despoiled. Everything must be seized, devastated, without age or sex distinction: grass must not grow any more where the French army has set foot. Who wants the end wants the means, whatever may say our philanthropists. I personally warn all good soldiers whom I have the honour to lead that if they happen to bring me a living Arab, they will receive a beating with the flat of the saber.... This is how, my dear friend, we must make war against Arabs: kill all men over the age of fifteen, take all their women and children, load them onto naval vessels, send them to the Marquesas Islands or elsewhere. In one word, annihilate all who will not crawl beneath our feet like dogs.[14]

text: Whatever initial misgivings Louis Philippe's government may have had about occupying Algeria, the geopolitical realities of the situation created by the 1830 intervention argued strongly for reinforcing the French presence there. France had reason for concern that Britain, which was pledged to maintain the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire, would move to fill the vacuum left by a French pullout. The French devised elaborate plans for settling the hinterland left by Ottoman provincial authorities in 1830, but their efforts at state building were unsuccessful on account of lengthy armed resistance.

text: The most successful local opposition immediately after the fall of Algiers was led by Ahmad ibn Muhammad, bey of Constantine. He initiated a radical overhaul of the Ottoman administration in his beylik by replacing Turkish officials with local leaders, making Arabic the official language, and attempting to reform finances according to the precepts of Islam. After the French failed in several attempts to gain some of the bey's territories through negotiation, an ill-fated invasion force led by Bertrand Clauzel had to retreat from Constantine in 1836 in humiliation and defeat. However, the French captured Constantine under Sylvain Charles Valée the following year, on 13 October 1837.

text: Historians generally set the indigenous population of Algeria at one and a half million in 1830.[15] Although the Algerian population decreased at some point under French rule, most certainly between 1866 and 1872,[16] the French military were not responsible for all of this decrease, as a fraction of these deaths could be explained by the locust plagues of 1866 and 1868, as well as by a rigorous winter in 1867–68, which caused a famine followed by an epidemic of cholera.[17]

text: Resistance of Lalla Fadhma N'Soumer[edit]

text: The French began their occupation of Algiers in 1830, starting with a landing in Algiers. As occupation turned into colonization, Kabylie remained the only region independent of the French government. Pressure on the region increased, and the will of her people to resist and defend Kabylie increased as well.

text: A turning point in Lalla Fadma's life was the arrival in Kabylie, in about 1849, of a mysterious man who presented himself as Mohamed ben Abdallah (the name of the Prophet), but who is more commonly known as Bou Baghla. He was probably an ex-lieutenant in the army of Emir Abdelkader, defeated for the last time by the French in 1847. Bou Baghla refused to surrender at that battle, and retreated to Kabylie. From there he began a war against the French armies and their allies, often employing guerrilla tactics. Bou Baghla was a relentless fighter, and very eloquent in Arabic. He was very religious, and some legends tell about his thaumaturgic skills.

text: Bou Baghla went often to Summer to talk with the high-ranking members of the religious community, and Lalla Fadhma was soon attracted by his strong personality. At the same time, the relentless combatant was attracted by a woman so resolutely willing to contribute, by any means possible, to the war against the French. With her inspiring speeches, she convinced many men to fight as imseblen (volunteers ready to die as martyrs) and she herself, together with other women, participated in combat by providing cooking, medicines, and comfort to the fighting forces.

text: Traditional sources tell that a strong bond was formed between Lalla Fadhma and Bou Baghla. She saw this as a wedding of peers, rather than the traditional submission as a slave to a husband. In fact, at that time Bou Baghla left his first wife (Fatima Bent Sidi Aissa) and sent back to her owner a slave he had as a concubine (Halima Bent Messaoud). But on her side, Lalla Fadhma wasn't free: even if she was recognized as tamnafeqt ("woman who left her husband to get back to his family", a Kabylie institution), the matrimonial tie with her husband was still in place, and only her husband's will could free her. However he did not agree to, even when offered large bribes. The love between Fadhma and Bou remained platonic, but there were public expressions of this feeling between the two.

text: Fadhma was personally present at many fights in which Bou Baghla was involved, particularly the battle of Tachekkirt won by Bou Baghla forces (18–19 July 1854), where the French General Randon was caught but managed to escape later. On 26 December 1854, Bou Baghla was killed; some sources claim it was due to the treason of some of his allies. The resistance remained without a charismatic leader and a commander able to guide it efficiently. For this reason, during the first months of 1855, on a sanctuary built on top of the Azru Nethor peak, not far from the village where Fadhma was born, there was a great council among combatants and important figures of the tribes in Kabylie. They decided to grant Lalla Fadhma, assisted by her brothers, the command of combat.

text: Resistance of Emir Abd al Qadir[edit]

text: The French faced other opposition as well in the area. The superior of a religious brotherhood, Muhyi ad Din, who had spent time in Ottoman jails for opposing the bey's rule, launched attacks against the French and their makhzen allies at Oran in 1832. In the same year, jihad was declared[18] and to lead it tribal elders chose Muhyi ad Din's son, twenty-five-year-old Abd al Qadir. Abd al Qadir, who was recognized as Amir al-Muminin (commander of the faithful), quickly gained the support of tribes throughout Algeria. A devout and austere marabout, he was also a cunning political leader and a resourceful warrior. From his capital in Tlemcen, Abd al Qadir set about building a territorial Muslim state based on the communities of the interior but drawing its strength from the tribes and religious brotherhoods. By 1839, he controlled more than two-thirds of Algeria. His government maintained an army and a bureaucracy, collected taxes, supported education, undertook public works, and established agricultural and manufacturing cooperatives to stimulate economic activity.

text: The French in Algiers viewed with concern the success of a Muslim government and the rapid growth of a viable territorial state that barred the extension of European settlement. Abd al Qadir fought running battles across Algeria with French forces, which included units of the Foreign Legion, organized in 1831 for Algerian service. Although his forces were defeated by the French under General Thomas Bugeaud in 1836, Abd al Qadir negotiated a favorable peace treaty the next year. The treaty of Tafna gained conditional recognition for Abd al Qadir's regime by defining the territory under its control and salvaged his prestige among the tribes just as the shaykhs were about to desert him. To provoke new hostilities, the French deliberately broke the treaty in 1839 by occupying Constantine. Abd al Qadir took up the holy war again, destroyed the French settlements on the Mitidja Plain, and at one point advanced to the outskirts of Algiers itself. He struck where the French were weakest and retreated when they advanced against him in greater strength. The government moved from camp to camp with the amir and his army. Gradually, however, superior French resources and manpower and the defection of tribal chieftains took their toll. Reinforcements poured into Algeria after 1840 until Bugeaud had at his disposal 108,000 men, one-third of the French army.

text: One by one, the amir's strongholds fell to the French, and many of his ablest commanders were killed or captured so that by 1843 the Muslim state had collapsed.

text: Abd al Qadir took refuge in 1841 with his ally, the sultan of Morocco, Abd ar Rahman II, and launched raids into Algeria. This alliance led the French Navy to bombard and briefly occupy Essaouira (Mogador) under the Prince de Joinville on August 16, 1844. A French force was destroyed at the Battle of Sidi-Brahim in 1845. However, Abd al Qadir was obliged to surrender to the commander of Oran Province, General Louis de Lamoricière, at the end of 1847.

text: Abd al Qadir was promised safe conduct to Egypt or Palestine if his followers laid down their arms and kept the peace. He accepted these conditions, but the minister of war — who years earlier as general in Algeria had been badly defeated by Abd al Qadir — had him consigned in France in the Château d'Amboise.

text: French rule[edit]

text: Demography[edit]

text:
Algeria's population under the French
→ after 1962

Year
Pop.
±% p.a.

1830
1,500,000
—

1851
2,554,100
+2.57%

1856
2,496,100
−0.46%

1862
2,999,100
+3.11%

1866
2,921,200
−0.66%

1872
2,894,500
−0.15%

1877
2,867,600
−0.19%

1882
3,310,400
+2.91%

1886
3,867,000
+3.96%

1892
4,174,700
+1.28%

1896
4,479,000
+1.77%

Year
Pop.
±% p.a.

1900
4,675,000
+1.08%

1901
4,739,300
+1.38%

1906
5,231,900
+2.00%

1911
5,563,800
+1.24%

1921
5,804,300
+0.42%

1930e
6,453,000
+1.18%

1940e
7,614,000
+1.67%

1947
8,302,000
+1.24%

1948
8,681,800
+4.57%

1949
8,602,000
−0.92%

1950
8,753,000
+1.76%

Year
Pop.
±% p.a.

1951
8,927,000
+1.99%

1952
9,126,000
+2.23%

1953
9,370,000
+2.67%

1954
9,529,700
+1.70%

1955
9,678,000
+1.56%

1956
9,903,000
+2.32%

1958
10,127,000
+1.12%

1959
10,575,000
+4.42%

1960
10,853,000
+2.63%

1962
10,920,000
+0.31%

e - Indicates that this is an estimated figure.
Source: [19][20]

text: Hegemony of the colons[edit]

text: A commission of inquiry set up by the French Senate in 1892 and headed by former Premier Jules Ferry, an advocate of colonial expansion, recommended that the government abandon a policy that assumed French law, without major modifications, could fit the needs of an area inhabited by close to two million Europeans and four million Muslims. Muslims had no representation in the French National Assembly before 1945 and were grossly under-represented on local councils. Because of the many restrictions imposed by the authorities, by 1915 only 50,000 Muslims were eligible to vote in elections in the civil communes. Attempts to implement even the most modest reforms were blocked or delayed by the local administration in Algeria, dominated by colons, and by the 27 colon representatives in the National Assembly (six deputies and three senators from each department).[citation needed]

text: Once elected to the National Assembly, colons became permanent fixtures. Because of their seniority, they exercised disproportionate influence, and their support was important to any government's survival.[citation needed] The leader of the colon delegation, Auguste Warnier (1810–1875), succeeded during the 1870s in modifying or introducing legislation to facilitate the private transfer of land to settlers and continue the Algerian state's appropriation of land from the local population and distribution to settlers. Consistent proponents of reform, like Georges Clemenceau and socialist Jean Jaurès, were rare in the National Assembly.

text: The bulk of Algeria's wealth in manufacturing, mining, agriculture, and trade was controlled by the grands colons. The modern European-owned and -managed sector of the economy centered around small industry and a highly developed export trade, designed to provide food and raw materials to France in return for capital and consumer goods. Europeans held about 30% of the total arable land, including the bulk of the most fertile land and most of the areas under irrigation.[21] By 1900, Europeans produced more than two-thirds of the value of output in agriculture and practically all agricultural exports. The modern, or European, sector was run on a commercial basis and meshed with the French market system that it supplied with wine, citrus, olives, and vegetables. Nearly half of the value of European-owned real property was in vineyards by 1914. By contrast, subsistence cereal production—supplemented by olive, fig, and date growing and stock raising—formed the basis of the traditional sector, but the land available for cropping was submarginal even for cereals under prevailing traditional cultivation practices.

text: The colonial regime imposed more and higher taxes on Muslims than on Europeans.[22] The Muslims, in addition to paying traditional taxes dating from before the French conquest, also paid new taxes, from which the colons were normally exempted. In 1909, for instance, Muslims, who made up almost 90% of the population but produced 20% of Algeria's income, paid 70% of direct taxes and 45% of the total taxes collected. And colons controlled how these revenues would be spent. As a result, colon towns had handsome municipal buildings, paved streets lined with trees, fountains and statues, while Algerian villages and rural areas benefited little if at all from tax revenues.

text: The colonial regime proved severely detrimental to overall education for Algerian Muslims, who had previously relied on religious schools to learn reading, writing, and engage in religious studies. Not only did the state appropriate the habus lands (the religious foundations that constituted the main source of income for religious institutions, including schools) in 1843, but colon officials refused to allocate enough money to maintain schools and mosques properly and to provide for enough teachers and religious leaders for the growing population. In 1892, more than five times as much was spent for the education of Europeans as for Muslims, who had five times as many children of school age. Because few Muslim teachers were trained, Muslim schools were largely staffed by French teachers. Even a state-operated madrasah (school) often had French faculty members. Attempts to institute bilingual, bicultural schools, intended to bring Muslim and European children together in the classroom, were a conspicuous failure, rejected by both communities and phased out after 1870. According to one estimate, fewer than 5% of Algerian children attended any kind of school in 1870. As late as 1954 only one Muslim boy in five and one girl in sixteen was receiving formal schooling.[23]

text: Efforts were begun by 1890 to educate a small number of Muslims along with European students in the French school system as part of France's "civilizing mission" in Algeria. The curriculum was entirely French and allowed no place for Arabic studies, which were deliberately downgraded even in Muslim schools. Within a generation, a class of well-educated, gallicized Muslims — the évolués (literally, the evolved ones)—had been created. Almost all of the handful of Muslims who accepted French citizenship were évolués; ironically, this privileged group of Muslims, strongly influenced by French culture and political attitudes, developed a new Algerian self-consciousness.

text: Reporting to the French Senate in 1894, Governor General Jules Cambon wrote that Algeria had "only a dust of people left her." He referred to the destruction of the traditional ruling class that had left Muslims without leaders and had deprived France of interlocuteurs valables (literally, valid go-betweens), through whom to reach the masses of the people. He lamented that no genuine communication was possible between the two communities.[24]

text: The colons who ran Algeria maintained a dialog only with the beni-oui-ouis. Later they thwarted contact between the évolués and Muslim traditionalists on the one hand and between évolués and official circles in France on the other. They feared and mistrusted the Francophone évolués, who were classified either as assimilationist, insisting on being accepted as Frenchmen but on their own terms, or as integrationists, eager to work as members of a distinct Muslim elite on equal terms with the French.

text: Discrimination[edit]

text: Following its conquest of Ottoman controlled Algeria in 1830, for well over a century France maintained what was effectively colonial rule in the territory, though the French Constitution of 1848 made Algeria part of France, and Algeria was usually understood as such by French people, even on the Left.[25] Algeria became the prototype for a pattern of French colonial rule which has been described as "quasi-apartheid".[26]

text: When French rule began, France had no well established systems for intensive colonial governance, the main existing legal provision being the 1685 Code Noir, which focused on slave-trading and owning. From 1830, Algerians were not French citizens, nor did they have a mechanism to become citizens. As French rule in Algeria expanded, particularly under Thomas-Robert Bugeaud (1841–48), discriminatory governance became increasingly formalised. In 1844, Bugeaud formalised a system of European settlements along the coast, under civil government, with Arab/Berber areas in the interior under military governance.[27] An important feature of French rule was cantonnement, whereby tribal land that was supposedly unused was seized by the state, which enabled French colonists to expand their landholdings, pushing indigenous people onto more marginal land and making them more vulnerable to drought;[28] this was extended under the governance of Bugeaud's successor, Jacques Louis Randon.[27]

text: In the 1860s, Napoleon III, influenced by Ismael Urbain, introduced what were intended as liberalising reforms in Algeria, promoting the French colonial model of assimilation, whereby colonised peoples would eventually become French. His reforms were resisted by colonists in Algeria, and his attempts to allow Muslims to be elected to a putative new assembly in Paris failed. However, he oversaw an 1865 decree that "stipulated that all the colonised indigenous were under French jurisdiction, i.e., French nationals subjected to French laws", and allowed Arab, Jewish, and Berber Algerians to request French citizenship—but only if they "renounced their Muslim religion and culture".[29] Azzedine Haddour argues that this established "the formal structures of a political apartheid".[30] Since few people were willing to abandon their religious values (which was seen as apostasy), rather than promoting assimilation, the legislation had the opposite effect: by 1913, only 1,557 Muslims had been granted French citizenship.[27] In 1870, the French government granted Algerian Jews French citizenship under the Crémieux Decree, but not Muslims.[31] This meant that most Algerians were now 'French subjects', treated as the objects of French law, but were not citizens, could not vote, and were effectively without the right to citizenship.[30] (Jewish people's citizenship was revoked by the Vichy government in the early 1940s, but was restored in 1943.)

text: In 1881, the Code de l'indigénat was formally introduced, enabling district officials to issue summary punishments to Muslims without due legal process, and to extract special taxes and forced labour. In 1909, 70% of all direct taxes in Algeria were paid by Muslims, despite their general poverty.[27]

text: Opportunities for Muslims improved slightly from the 1890s, particularly for urban elites, which helped ensure acquiescence to the introduction of military conscription for Muslims in 1911.[28]

text: Despite periodic attempts at partial reform, the situation of the Code de l'indigénat persisted until the French Fourth Republic, which began in 1946, but although Muslim Algerians were accorded the rights of citizenship, the system of discrimination was maintained in more informal ways. Frederick Cooper writes that Muslim Algerians "were still marginalized in their own territory, notably the separate voter roles of "French" civil status and of "Muslim" civil status, to keep their hands on power."[32]

text: This "internal system of apartheid" met with considerable resistance from the Muslims affected by it, and is cited as one of the causes of the 1954 insurrection.[33]

text: Government and administration[edit]

text: This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (April 2016)

text: Initial settling of Algeria (1830–48)[edit]

text: In November 1830, French colonial officials attempted to limit the arrivals at Algerian ports by requiring the presentation of passports and residence permits.[34] The regulations created by the French government in May 1831 required permission from the Interior Ministry to enter Algeria and other French controlled territories. This May circular allowed merchants with trading interests easy access to passports because they were not permanent settlers and wealthy persons who planned on founding agricultural enterprises in Algeria were also freely given access to move. The circular forbid the passage of indigents and needy unskilled workers.[34] During the 1840s, the French government assisted certain emigrants to Algeria, who were mostly urban workers from the Paris basin and France's eastern frontier and were not the agricultural workers that the colonial officials wanted to be sent from France. Single men received 68 percent of the free passages and only 14 percent of the emigrants were women because of varying policies about the emigration of families that all favored unaccompanied males who were seen as more flexible and useful for laborious tasks. Initially in November 1840, families were eligible only if they had no small children and two-thirds of the family was able to work. Later, in September 1841, only unaccompanied males could travel to Algeria for free and a complicated system for families was developed that made subsidized travel almost unavailable. These emigrants were offered many different forms of government assistance including free passages (both to the ports of France and by ship to Algeria), wine rations and food, land concessions, and promised high wages. Between 1841 and 1845, about 20,000 individuals were offered this assisted emigration by the French government, though it is unknown exactly how many actually went to Algeria.[34] These measures were funded and supported by the French government (both local officials and national) because they saw the move to Algeria as a solution to overpopulation and unemployment; those who applied for assisted emigration emphasized their work ethics, undeserved employment in France, a presumption of government obligation to the less fortunate. By 1848, Algeria was populated by 109,400 Europeans, only 42,274 of which were French.[34]

text: Colonisation and military control[edit]

text: A royal ordinance in 1845 called for three types of administration in Algeria. In areas where Europeans were a substantial part of the population, colons elected mayors and councils for self-governing "full exercise" communes (communes de plein exercice). In the "mixed" communes, where Muslims were a large majority, government was in the hands of appointed and some elected officials, including representatives of the grands chefs (great chieftains) and a French administrator. The indigenous communes (communes indigènes), remote areas not adequately pacified, remained under the régime du sabre (rule of the sword).

text: By 1848 nearly all of northern Algeria was under French control. Important tools of the colonial administration, from this time until their elimination in the 1870s, were the bureaux arabes (Arab offices), staffed by Arabists whose function was to collect information on the indigenous people and to carry out administrative functions, nominally in cooperation with the army. The bureaux arabes on occasion acted with sympathy to the local population and formed a buffer between Muslims and colons.

text: Under the régime du sabre, the colons had been permitted limited self-government in areas where European settlement was most intense, but there was constant friction between them and the army. The colons charged that the bureaux arabes hindered the progress of colonization. They agitated against military rule, complaining that their legal rights were denied under the arbitrary controls imposed on the colony and insisting on a civil administration for Algeria fully integrated with metropolitan France. The army warned that the introduction of civilian government would invite Muslim retaliation and threaten the security of Algeria. The French government vacillated in its policy, yielding small concessions to the colon demands on the one hand while maintaining the régime du sabre to control the Muslim majority on the other.

text: Under the French Second Republic and Second Empire (1848–70)[edit]

text: Shortly after Louis Philippe's constitutional monarchy was overthrown in the revolution of 1848, the new government of the Second Republic ended Algeria's status as a colony and declared in the 1848 Constitution the occupied lands an integral part of France. Three civil territories — Alger, Oran, and Constantine — were organized as Departments of France (local administrative units) under a civilian government. This made them a part of France proper as opposed to a colony. For the first time, French citizens in the civil territories elected their own councils and mayors; Muslims had to be appointed, could not hold more than one-third of council seats, and could not serve as mayors or assistant mayors. The administration of territories outside the zones settled by colons remained under the French Army. Local Muslim administration was allowed to continue under the supervision of French Army commanders, charged with maintaining order in newly pacified regions, and the bureaux arabes. Theoretically, these areas were closed to European colonization.

text: Land and colonisers[edit]

text: Even before the decision was made to annex Algeria, major changes had taken place. In a bargain-hunting frenzy to take over or buy at low prices all manner of property—homes, shops, farms and factories—Europeans poured into Algiers after it fell. French authorities took possession of the beylik lands, from which Ottoman officials had derived income. Over time, as pressures increased to obtain more land for settlement by Europeans, the state seized more categories of land, particularly that used by tribes, religious foundations, and villages[citation needed].

text: Called either colons (settlers), Algerians, or later, especially following the 1962 independence of Algeria, pieds noirs (literally, black feet), the European settlers were largely of peasant farmer or working-class origin from the poor southern areas of Italy, Spain,[37] and France. Others were criminal and political deportees from France, transported under sentence in large numbers to Algeria. In the 1840s and 1850s, to encourage settlement in rural areas, official policy was to offer grants of land for a fee and a promise that improvements would be made. A distinction soon developed between the grands colons (great settlers) at one end of the scale, often self-made men who had accumulated large estates or built successful businesses, and smallholders and workers at the other end, whose lot was often not much better than that of their Muslim counterparts. According to historian John Ruedy, although by 1848 only 15,000 of the 109,000 European settlers were in rural areas, "by systematically expropriating both pastoralists and farmers, rural colonization was the most important single factor in the destructuring of traditional society."[38]

text: European migration, encouraged during the Second Republic, stimulated the civilian administration to open new land for settlement against the advice of the army. With the advent of the Second Empire in 1852, Napoleon III returned Algeria to military control. In 1858 a separate Ministry of Algerian Affairs was created to supervise administration of the country through a military governor general assisted by a civil minister.

text: Napoleon III visited Algeria twice in the early 1860s. He was profoundly impressed with the nobility and virtue of the tribal chieftains, who appealed to the emperor's romantic nature, and was shocked by the self-serving attitude of the colon leaders. He decided to halt the expansion of European settlement beyond the coastal zone and to restrict contact between Muslims and the colons, whom he considered to have a corrupting influence on the indigenous population. He envisioned a grand design for preserving most of Algeria for the Muslims by founding a royaume arabe (Arab kingdom) with himself as the roi des Arabes (king of the Arabs). He instituted the so-called politics of the grands chefs to deal with the Muslims directly through their traditional leaders.[39]

text: To further his plans for the royaume arabe, Napoleon III issued two decrees affecting tribal structure, land tenure, and the legal status of Muslims in French Algeria. The first, promulgated in 1863, was intended to renounce the state's claims to tribal lands and eventually provide private plots to individuals in the tribes, thus dismantling "feudal" structures and protecting the lands from the colons. Tribal areas were to be identified, delimited into douars (administrative units), and given over to councils. Arable land was to be divided among members of the douar over a period of one to three generations, after which it could be bought and sold by the individual owners. Unfortunately for the tribes, however, the plans of Napoleon III quickly unraveled. French officials sympathetic to the colons took much of the tribal land they surveyed into the public domain. In addition, some tribal leaders immediately sold communal lands for quick gains. The process of converting arable land to individual ownership was accelerated to only a few years when laws were enacted in the 1870s stipulating that no sale of land by an individual Muslim could be invalidated by the claim that it was collectively owned. The cudah and other tribal officials, appointed by the French on the basis of their loyalty to France rather than the allegiance owed them by the tribe, lost their credibility as they were drawn into the European orbit, becoming known derisively as béni-oui-oui.[40]

text: Napoleon III visualized three distinct Algerias: a French colony, an Arab country, and a military camp, each with a distinct form of local government. The second decree, issued in 1865, was designed to recognize the differences in cultural background of the French and the Muslims. As French nationals, Muslims could serve on equal terms in the French armed forces and civil service and could migrate to France proper. They were also granted the protection of French law while retaining the right to adhere to Islamic law in litigation concerning their personal status. But if Muslims wished to become full citizens, they had to accept the full jurisdiction of the French legal code, including laws affecting marriage and inheritance, and reject the authority of the religious courts. In effect, this meant that a Muslim had to renounce some of the mores of his religion in order to become a French citizen. This condition was bitterly resented by Muslims, for whom the only road to political equality was perceived to be apostasy. Over the next century, fewer than 3,000 Muslims chose to cross the barrier and become French citizens. A similar status applied to the Jewish natives.[41]

text: Under the Third Republic (1870–1940)[edit]

text: When the Prussians captured Napoleon III at the Battle of Sedan (1870), ending the Second Empire, demonstrations in Algiers by the colons led to the departure of the just-arrived new governor general and the replacement of the military administration by settler committees.[42] Meanwhile, in France the government of the Third Republic directed one of its ministers, Adolphe Crémieux, "to destroy the military regime ... [and] to completely assimilate Algeria into France." In October 1870, Crémieux, whose concern with Algerian affairs dated from the time of the Second Republic, issued a series of decrees providing for representation of the Algerian départements in the National Assembly of France and confirming colon control over local administration. A civilian governor general was made responsible to the Ministry of Interior. The Crémieux Decrees also granted full French citizenship to Algerian Jews,[43] who then numbered about 40,000. This act set them apart from Muslims, in whose eyes they were identified thereafter with the colons. The measure had to be enforced, however, over the objections of the colons, who made little distinction between Muslims and Jews. (Automatic citizenship was subsequently extended in 1889 to children of non-French Europeans born in Algeria unless they specifically rejected it.)

text: The loss of Alsace-Lorraine to Prussia in 1871 after the Franco-Prussian War, led to pressure on the French government to make new land available in Algeria for about 5,000 Alsatian and Lorrainer refugees who were resettled there. During the 1870s, both the amount of European-owned land and the number of settlers were doubled, and tens of thousands of unskilled Muslims, who had been uprooted from their land, wandered into the cities or to colon farming areas in search of work.

text: Comte and colonialism in the Third Republic[edit]

text: Kabylie insurrection[edit]

text: The most serious native insurrection since the time of Abd al Qadir broke out in 1871 in the Kabylie and spread through much of Algeria. The revolt was triggered by Crémieux's extension of civil (that is, colon) authority to previously self-governing tribal reserves and the abrogation of commitments made by the military government, but it had its basis in more long-standing grievances. Since the Crimean War (1854–56), the demand for grain had pushed up the price of Algerian wheat to European levels. Storage silos were emptied when the world market's impact was felt in Algeria, and Muslim farmers sold their grain reserves — including seed grain — to speculators. But the community-owned silos were the fundamental adaptation of a subsistence economy to an unpredictable climate, and a good year's surplus was stored away against a bad year's dearth. When serious drought struck Algeria and grain crops failed in 1866 and for several years following, Muslim areas faced starvation, and with famine came pestilence. It was estimated that 20% of the Muslim population of Constantine died over a three-year period. In 1871 the civil authorities repudiated guarantees made to tribal chieftains by the previous military government for loans to replenish their seed supply. This act alienated even pro-French Muslim leaders, while it undercut their ability to control their people. It was against this background that the stricken Kabyles rose in revolt, following immediately on the mutiny in January 1871 of a squadron of Muslim spahis in the French Army who had been ordered to embark for France.[44] The withdrawal of a large proportion of the army stationed in Algeria to serve in the Franco-Prussian War had weakened France's control of the territory, while reports of defeats undermined French prestige amongst the indigenous population.

text: In the aftermath of the 1871 uprising, French authorities imposed stern measures to punish and control the whole Muslim population. France confiscated more than 5,000 km² of tribal land and placed the Kabylie under a régime d'exception (extraordinary rule), which denied the due process guaranteed French nationals. A special indigénat (native code) listed as offenses acts such as insolence and unauthorized assembly not punishable by French law, and the normal jurisdiction of the cudah was sharply restricted. The governor general was empowered to jail suspects for up to five years without trial. The argument was made in defense of these exceptional measures that the French penal code as applied to Frenchmen was too permissive to control Muslims. Some were deported to New Caledonia, see Algerians of the Pacific.

text: Conquest of the southwestern territories[edit]

text: In the 1890s, the French administration and military called for the annexation of the Touat, the Gourara and the Tidikelt,[45] a complex that during the period prior to 1890, was part of what was known as blad-es-siba (land of dissidence[46]), those regions that were nominally Moroccan but which were not submitted to the authority of the central government.[47]

text: An armed conflict opposed French 19th Corps Oran and Algiers divisions to the Aït Khabbash, a fraction of the Aït Ounbgui khams of the Aït Atta confederation. The conflict ended by the annexation of the Touat-Gourara-Tidikelt complex by France in 1901.[48]

text: In the 1930s, the Saoura valley and the region of Tindouf were in turn annexed to French Algeria at the expense of Morocco, then under French protectorate since 1912.

text: Conquest of the Sahara[edit]

text: The French military expedition, led by Lieutenant-Colonel Paul Flatters, was annihilated by Tuareg attack in 1881.

text: The French took advantage of long-standing animosity between Tuareg and Chaamba Arabs. The newly raised Compagnies Méharistes were originally recruited mainly from the Chaamba nomadic tribe. The Méhariste camel corps provided an effective means of policing the desert.

text: In 1902, Lieutenant Cottenest penetrated Hoggar Mountains and defeated Ahaggar Tuareg in the battle of Tit.

text: During World War II (1940–45)[edit]

text: Colonial troops of French Algeria were sent to fight in metropolitan France during the Battle of France in 1940. After the Fall of France, the Third French Republic collapsed and was replaced by the Philippe Pétain's French State, better known as Vichy France.

text: Under the Fourth Republic (1946–58)[edit]

text: Many Algerians had fought as French soldiers during the Second World War. Thus Algerian Muslims felt that it was even more unjust that their votes were not equal to those of the other Algerians, especially after 1947 when the Algerian Assembly was created. This assembly was composed of 120 members. Algerian Muslims, representing about 6.85 million people, could designate 50% of the Assembly members, while 1,150,000 non-Muslim Algerians could designate the other half. Moreover, a massacre occurred in Sétif May 8, 1945. It opposed Algerians who were demonstrating for their national claim to the French Army. After skirmishes with Police, Algerians killed about 100 French. The French army retaliated harshly, resulting in the deaths of approximately 6,000 Algerians.[49] This triggered a radicalization of Algerian nationalists and could be considered the beginning of the Algerian War. In 1956, about 512,000 French soldiers were in Algeria. No resolution was imaginable in the short term. An overwhelming majority of French politicians were opposed to the idea of independence while independence was gaining ground in Muslim Algerians' minds.[citation needed] France was deadlocked and the Fourth Republic collapsed over this dispute.

text: Under the Fifth Republic (1958–62)[edit]

text:
“
"Vive l'Algérie française !" (lit. "Long live French Algeria!") Declaration of Charles de Gaulle (6 June 1958, Mostaganem, French Algeria[50]
”

text: In 1958, Charles de Gaulle's return to power in response to a military coup in Algiers in May was supposed to keep Algeria's status quo as departments of France as hinted by his famous, yet ambiguous, speeches delivered in Oran and Mostaganem on 6 June 1958. De Gaulle's republican constitution project was approved through the September 1958 referendum and the Fifth Republic was established the following month with de Gaulle as its president.

text: The latter consented to independence in 1962 after a referendum on Algerian self-determination in January 1961 and despite a subsequent aborted military coup in Algiers led by four French generals in April 1961.

text: Post-colonial relations[edit]

text: Relations between post-colonial Algeria and France have remained close throughout the years, although sometimes difficult. In 1962, the Evian Accords peace treaty provided land in the Sahara for the French Army, which it had used under de Gaulle to carry out its first nuclear tests (Gerboise bleue). Many European settlers (pieds-noirs) living in Algeria and Algerian Sephardic Jews, who contrary to Algerian Muslims had been granted French citizenship by the Crémieux decrees at the end of the 19th century, were expelled to France where they formed a new community. On the other hand, the issue of the harkis, the Muslims who had fought on the French side during the war, still remained unresolved. Large numbers of harkis were killed in 1962, during the immediate aftermath of the Algerian War, while those who escaped with their families to France have tended to remain an unassimilated refugee community. The present Algerian government continues to refuse to allow harkis and their descendants to return to Algeria.

text: On February 23, 2005, the French law on colonialism was an act passed by the Union for a Popular Movement (UMP) conservative majority, which imposed on high-school (lycée) teachers to teach the "positive values" of colonialism to their students, in particular in North Africa (article 4). The law created a public uproar and opposition from the whole of the left-wing, and was finally repealed by president Jacques Chirac (UMP) at the beginning of 2006, after accusations of historical revisionism from various teachers and historians.

text: Algerians feared that the French law on colonialism would hinder the task the French confronting the dark side of their colonial rule in Algeria because article four of the law decreed among other things that "School programmes are to recognise in particular the positive role of the French presence overseas, especially in North Africa"[51] Benjamin Stora, a leading specialist on French Algerian history of colonialism and a pied-noir himself, said "France has never taken on its colonial history. It is a big difference with the Anglo-Saxon countries, where post-colonial studies are now in all the universities. We are phenomenally behind the times."[51] In his opinion, although the historical facts were known to academics, they were not well known by the French public and this led to a lack of honesty in France over French colonial treatment of the Algerian people.[51]

text: Algérie française[edit]

text: Algérie française was a slogan used about 1960 by those French people who wanted to keep Algeria ruled by France. Literally “French Algeria,” it means that the three départements of Algeria were to be considered integral parts of France. By integral parts, it is meant that they have their deputies (representatives) in the French National Assembly, and so on. Further, the people of Algeria who were to be permitted to vote for the deputies would be those who universally accepted French law, rather than sharia (which was used in personal cases among Algerian Muslims under laws dating back to Napoleon III), and such people were predominantly of French origin or Jewish origin. Many who used this slogan were returnees.[52]

text: In Paris, during the perennial traffic jams, adherence to the slogan was indicated by sounding a car horn in the form of four telegraphic dots followed by a dash, as "al-gé-rie-fran-çaise". Whole choruses of such horn soundings were heard. This was intended to be reminiscent of the Second World War slogan, "V for Victory," which had been three dots followed by a dash. The intention was that the opponents of Algérie française were to be considered as traitorous as the collaborators with Germany during the Occupation of France.


document_title: List of National Basketball Association seasons played leaders

question_text: who has been playing the longest in the nba

text: Seasons played leaders[edit]

text: Following is a list of players who have played the most seasons in the NBA.

text:
^
Active NBA player

*
Inducted into the Naismith Memorial Basketball Hall of Fame

†
Not yet eligible for Hall of Fame consideration [22]

§
1st time nominee for Hall of Fame in 2018 [23]

text:
Rank
Player
Position
Team(s)
Seasons

1
Parish, RobertRobert Parish*
C

Golden State Warriors (1976–1980)
Boston Celtics (1980–1994)
Charlotte Hornets (1994–1996)
Chicago Bulls (1996–1997)

21

Willis, KevinKevin Willis [a]
PF / C

Atlanta Hawks (1984–1995, 2004–2005)
Miami Heat (1994–1996)
Golden State Warriors (1996)
Houston Rockets (1996–1998, 2001–2002)
Toronto Raptors (1998–2001)
Denver Nuggets (2001)
San Antonio Spurs (2002–2004)
Dallas Mavericks (2007)

Garnett, KevinKevin Garnett†
PF / C

Minnesota Timberwolves (1995–2007, 2015–2016)
Boston Celtics (2007–2013)
Brooklyn Nets (2013–2015)

4
Abdul-Jabbar, KareemKareem Abdul-Jabbar*
C

Milwaukee Bucks (1969–1975)
Los Angeles Lakers (1975–1989)

20

Bryant, KobeKobe Bryant†
SG
Los Angeles Lakers (1996–2016)

Carter, VinceVince Carter^
SG/SF

Toronto Raptors (1998–2004)
New Jersey Nets (2004–2009)
Orlando Magic (2009–2010)
Phoenix Suns (2010–2011)
Dallas Mavericks (2011–2014)
Memphis Grizzlies (2014–2017)
Sacramento Kings (2017–present)

Nowitzki, DirkDirk Nowitzki^
PF
Dallas Mavericks (1998–present)

8
Malone, MosesMoses Malone*
C

Buffalo Braves (1976)
Houston Rockets (1976–1982)
Philadelphia 76ers (1982–1986, 1993–1994)
Washington Bullets (1986–1988)
Atlanta Hawks (1988–1991)
Milwaukee Bucks (1991–1993)
San Antonio Spurs (1994–1995)

19

Edwards, JamesJames Edwards
C

Los Angeles Lakers (1977, 1992–1994)
Indiana Pacers 1977–1981
Cleveland Cavaliers (1981–1983)
Phoenix Suns (1983–1988)
Detroit Pistons (1988–1991)
Los Angeles Clippers (1991–1992)
Portland Trail Blazers (1994–1995)
Chicago Bulls (1995–1996)

Stockton, JohnJohn Stockton*
PG
Utah Jazz (1984–2003)

Malone, KarlKarl Malone*
PF

Utah Jazz (1985–2003)
Los Angeles Lakers (2003–2004)

Oakley, CharlesCharles Oakley
PF / C

Chicago Bulls (1985–1988, 2001–2002)
New York Knicks (1988–1998)
Toronto Raptors (1998–2001)
Washington Wizards (2002–2003)
Houston Rockets (2004)

O'Neal, ShaquilleShaquille O'Neal*
C

Orlando Magic (1992–1996)
Los Angeles Lakers (1996–2004)
Miami Heat (2004–2008)
Phoenix Suns (2008–2009)
Cleveland Cavaliers (2009–2010)
Boston Celtics (2010–2011)

Howard, JuwanJuwan Howard
PF / C

Washington Bullets / Wizards (1994–2001)
Dallas Mavericks (2001–2002, 2007–2008)
Denver Nuggets (2002–2003, 2008)
Orlando Magic (2003–2004)
Houston Rockets (2004–2007)
Charlotte Bobcats (2008–2009)
Portland Trail Blazers (2009–2010)
Miami Heat (2010–2013)

Kidd, JasonJason Kidd*
PG

Dallas Mavericks (1994–1996, 2008–2012)
Phoenix Suns (1996–2001)
New Jersey Nets (2001–2008)
New York Knicks (2012–2013)

Duncan, TimTim Duncan†
PF / C
San Antonio Spurs (1997–2016)

Pierce, PaulPaul Pierce†
SG/SF

Boston Celtics (1998–2013)
Brooklyn Nets (2013–2014)
Washington Wizards (2014–2015)
Los Angeles Clippers (2015–2017)

Terry, JasonJason Terry^
G

Atlanta Hawks (1999–2004)
Dallas Mavericks (2004–2012)
Boston Celtics (2012–2013)
Brooklyn Nets (2013–2014)
Houston Rockets (2014–2016)
Milwaukee Bucks (2016–present)