document_title: Timbuktu

question_text: when did timbuktu become a world heritage site

question_tokens: when did timbuktu become a world heritage site

text: Timbuktu

text: Toponymy[edit]

text: Over the centuries, the spelling of Timbuktu has varied a great deal: from Tenbuch on the Catalan Atlas (1375), to traveller Antonio Malfante's Thambet, used in a letter he wrote in 1447 and also adopted by Alvise Cadamosto in his Voyages of Cadamosto, to Heinrich Barth's Timbúktu and Timbu'ktu. French spelling often appears in international reference as "Tombouctou". As well as its spelling, Timbuktu's toponymy is still open to discussion.[2] At least four possible origins of the name of Timbuktu have been described:

text:
Songhay origin: both Leo Africanus and Heinrich Barth believed the name was derived from two Songhay words:[2] Leo Africanus writes the Kingdom of Tombuto was named after a town of the same name, founded in 1213 or 1214 by Mansa Suleyman.[3] The word itself consisted of two parts: tin (wall) and butu (Wall of Butu). Africanus did not explain the meaning of this Butu.[2] Heinrich Barth wrote: "The town was probably so called, because it was built originally in a hollow or cavity in the sand-hills. Tùmbutu means hole or womb in the Songhay language: if it were a Temáshight (Tamashek) word, it would be written Tinbuktu. The name is generally interpreted by Europeans as well of Buktu (also same word in Persian is bâkhtàr باختر = where the sun sets, West), but tin has nothing to do with well."[4]
Berber origin: Malian historian Sekene Cissoko proposes a different etymology: the Tuareg founders of the city gave it a Berber name, a word composed of two parts: tim, the feminine form of In (place of) and bouctou, a small dune. Hence, Timbuktu would mean "place covered by small dunes".[5]
Abd al-Sadi offers a third explanation in his 17th-century Tarikh al-Sudan: "The Tuareg made it a depot for their belongings and provisions, and it grew into a crossroads for travellers coming and going. Looking after their belongings was a slave woman of theirs called Tinbuktu, which in their language means [the one having a] 'lump'. The blessed spot where she encamped was named after her."[6]
The French Orientalist René Basset forwarded another theory: the name derives from the Zenaga root b-k-t, meaning "to be distant" or "hidden", and the feminine possessive particle tin. The meaning "hidden" could point to the city's location in a slight hollow.[7]

text: The validity of these theories depends on the identity of the original founders of the city: as recently as 2000, archaeological research has not found remains dating from the 11th/12th century within the limits of the modern city given the difficulty of excavating through metres of sand that have buried the remains over the past centuries.[8][9] Without consensus, the etymology of Timbuktu remains unclear.

text: Prehistory[edit]

text: Like other important Medieval West African towns such as Djenné (Jenné-Jeno), Gao, and Dia, Iron Age settlements have been discovered near Timbuktu that predate the traditional foundation date of the town. Although the accumulation of thick layers of sand has thwarted archaeological excavations in the town itself,[10][9] some of the surrounding landscape is deflating and exposing pottery shards on the surface. A survey of the area by Susan and Roderick McIntosh in 1984 identified several Iron Age sites along the el-Ahmar, an ancient wadi system that passes a few kilometres to the east of the modern town.[11]

text: An Iron Age tell complex located 9 kilometres (6 miles) southeast of the Timbuktu near the Wadi el-Ahmar was excavated between 2008 and 2010 by archaeologists from Yale University and the Mission Culturelle de Tombouctou. The results suggest that the site was first occupied during the 5th century BC, thrived throughout the second half of the 1st millennium AD and eventually collapsed sometime during the late 10th or early 11th century AD.[12][13]

text: History[edit]

text: This section should include a better summary of History of Timbuktu. See Wikipedia:Summary style for information on how to properly incorporate it into this article's main text.  (July 2017)

text: Timbuktu was a regional trade centre in medieval times, where caravans met to exchange salt from the Sahara Desert for gold, ivory, and slaves from the Sahel, which could be reached via the nearby Niger River. The population swelled from 10,000 in the 13th century to about 50,000 in the 16th century after the establishment of a major Islamic university, which attracted scholars from throughout the Muslim world. In the 1600s, a combination of a purge by a monarch who accused the scholars of "disloyalty" and a decline in trade caused by increased competition from newly available trans-Atlantic sailing routes caused the city to decline. The first European to reach Timbuktu, Alexander Gordon Laing, did not arrive until 1826, and it was not until the 1890s that Timbuktu was formally incorporated into the French colony of Mali. Today, the city is still inhabited, but it plays little role on the world stage.

text: Geography[edit]

text: Timbuktu is located on the southern edge of the Sahara 15 km (9 mi) north of the main channel of the River Niger. The town is surrounded by sand dunes and the streets are covered in sand. The port of Kabara is 8 km (5 mi) to the south of the town and is connected to an arm of the river by a 3 km (2 mi) canal. The canal had become heavily silted but in 2007 it was dredged as part of a Libyan financed project.[14]

text: The annual flood of the Niger River is a result of the heavy rainfall in the headwaters of the Niger and Bani rivers in Guinea and northern Ivory Coast. The rainfall in these areas peaks in August but the flood water takes time to pass down the river system and through the Inner Niger Delta. At Koulikoro, 60 km (37 mi) downstream from Bamako, the flood peaks in September,[15] while in Timbuktu the flood lasts longer and usually reaches a maximum at the end of December.[16]

text: In the past, the area flooded by the river was more extensive and in years with high rainfall, floodwater would reach the western outskirts of Timbuktu itself.[17] A small navigable creek to the west of the town is shown on the maps published by Heinrich Barth in 1857[18] and Félix Dubois in 1896.[19] Between 1917 and 1921, during the colonial period, the French used slave labour to dig a narrow canal linking Timbuktu with Kabara.[20] Over the following decades this became silted and filled with sand, but in 2007 as part of the dredging project, the canal was re-excavated so that now when the River Niger floods, Timbuktu is again connected to Kabara.[14][21] The Malian government has promised to address problems with the design of the canal as it currently lacks footbridges and the steep, unstable banks make access to the water difficult.[22]

text: Kabara can only function as a port in December to January when the river is in full flood. When the water levels are lower, boats dock at Korioumé which is linked to Timbuktu by 18 km (11 mi) of paved road.

text: Climate[edit]

text: Timbuktu features a hot desert climate according to the Köppen Climate Classification. The weather is hot and dry throughout much of the year. Average daily maximum temperatures in the hottest months of the year – April, May and June – exceed 40 °C (104 °F). Lowest temperatures occur during the Northern hemisphere winter – December, January and February. However, average maximum temperatures do not drop below 30 °C (86 °F). These winter months are characterized by a dry, dusty trade wind blowing from the Saharan Tibesti Region southward to the Gulf of Guinea: picking up dust particles on their way, these winds limit visibility in what has been dubbed the 'Harmattan Haze'.[23] Additionally, when the dust settles in the city, sand builds up and desertification looms.[24]

text:
hideClimate data for Timbuktu (1950–2000, extremes 1897–present)

Month

Jan

Feb

Mar

Apr

May

Jun

Jul

Aug

Sep

Oct

Nov

Dec

Year

Record high °C (°F)

41.6 (106.9)

43.5 (110.3)

46.1 (115)

48.9 (120)

49.0 (120.2)

49.0 (120.2)

46.0 (114.8)

46.5 (115.7)

45.0 (113)

48.0 (118.4)

42.5 (108.5)

40.0 (104)

49.0 (120.2)

Average high °C (°F)

30.0 (86)

33.2 (91.8)

36.6 (97.9)

40.0 (104)

42.2 (108)

41.6 (106.9)

38.5 (101.3)

36.5 (97.7)

38.3 (100.9)

39.1 (102.4)

35.2 (95.4)

30.4 (86.7)

36.8 (98.2)

Average low °C (°F)

13.0 (55.4)

15.2 (59.4)

18.5 (65.3)

22.5 (72.5)

26.0 (78.8)

27.3 (81.1)

25.8 (78.4)

24.8 (76.6)

24.8 (76.6)

22.7 (72.9)

17.7 (63.9)

13.5 (56.3)

21.0 (69.8)

Record low °C (°F)

1.7 (35.1)

7.5 (45.5)

7.0 (44.6)

8.0 (46.4)

18.5 (65.3)

17.4 (63.3)

18.0 (64.4)

20.0 (68)

18.9 (66)

13.0 (55.4)

11.0 (51.8)

3.5 (38.3)

1.7 (35.1)

Average rainfall mm (inches)

0.6 (0.024)

0.1 (0.004)

0.1 (0.004)

1.0 (0.039)

4.0 (0.157)

16.4 (0.646)

53.5 (2.106)

73.6 (2.898)

29.4 (1.157)

3.8 (0.15)

0.1 (0.004)

0.2 (0.008)

182.8 (7.197)

Average rainy days (≥ 0.1 mm)

0.1

0.1

0.1

0.6

0.9

3.2

6.6

8.1

4.7

0.8

0.0

0.1

25.3

Mean monthly sunshine hours

263.9

249.6

269.9

254.6

275.3

234.7

248.6

255.3

248.9

273.0

274.0

258.7

3,106.5

Source #1: World Meteorological Organization,[25] NOAA (sun 1961–1990)[26]

Source #2: Meteo Climat (record highs and lows)[27]

text: Economy[edit]

text: Salt trade[edit]

text: The wealth and very existence of Timbuktu depended on its position as the southern terminus of an important trans-Saharan trade route; nowadays, the only goods that are routinely transported across the desert are slabs of rock salt brought from the Taoudenni mining centre in the central Sahara 664 km (413 mi) north of Timbuktu. Until the second half of the 20th century most of the slabs were transported by large salt caravans or azalai, one leaving Timbuktu in early November and the other in late March.[28]

text: The caravans of several thousand camels took three weeks each way, transporting food to the miners and returning with each camel loaded with four or five 30 kg (66 lb) slabs of salt. The salt transport was largely controlled by the desert nomads of the Arabic-speaking Berabich (or Barabish) tribe.[29] Although there are no roads, the slabs of salt are now usually transported from Taoudenni by truck.[30] From Timbuktu the salt is transported by boat to other towns in Mali.

text: Between the 12th and 14th centuries, Timbuktu's population grew immensely due to an influx of Tuaregs, Fulanis, and Songhais seeking trade, security, or to study. By 1300, the population increased to 10,000 and kept increasing until it reached about 50,000 in the 1500s.[31]

text: Agriculture[edit]

text: There is insufficient rainfall in the Timbuktu region for purely rain-fed agriculture and crops are therefore irrigated using water from the River Niger. The main agricultural crop is rice. African floating rice (Oryza glaberrima) has traditionally been grown in regions near the river that are inundated during the annual flood. Seed is sown at the beginning of the rainy season (June–July) so that when the flood water arrives plants are already 30 to 40 cm (12 to 16 in) in height.[32]

text: The plants grow up to three metres (9.8 feet) in height as the water level rises. The rice is harvested by canoe in December. The procedure is very precarious and the yields are low but the method has the advantage that little capital investment is required. A successful crop depends critically on the amount and timing of the rain in the wet season and the height of the flood. To a limited extent the arrival of the flood water can be controlled by the construction of small mud dikes that become submerged as the water rises.

text: Although floating rice is still cultivated in the Timbuktu Cercle, most of the rice is now grown in three relatively large irrigated areas that lie to the south of the town: Daye (392 ha), Koriomé (550 ha) and Hamadja (623 ha).[33] Water is pumped from the river using ten large Archimedes' screws which were first installed in the 1990s. The irrigated areas are run as cooperatives with approximately 2,100 families cultivating small plots.[34] Nearly all the rice produced is consumed by the families themselves. The yields are still relatively low and the farmers are being encouraged to change their agricultural practices.[35]

text: Tourism[edit]

text: Most tourists visit Timbuktu between November and February when the air temperature is lower. In the 1980s, accommodation for the small number of tourists was provided by two small hotels: Hotel Bouctou and Hotel Azalaï.[36] Over the following decades the tourist numbers increased so that by 2006 there were seven small hotels and guest houses.[33] The town benefited by the revenue from the CFA 5000 tourist tax,[33] by the sale of handicrafts and by the employment for the guides.

text: Attacks[edit]

text: Starting in 2008 the Al-Qaeda Organization in the Islamic Maghreb began kidnapping groups of tourists in the Sahel region.[37] In January 2009, four tourists were kidnapped near the Mali–Niger border after attending a cultural festival at Anderamboukané.[38] One of these tourists was subsequently murdered.[39] As a result of this and various other incidents a number of states including France,[40] Britain[41] and the US,[42] began advising their citizens to avoid travelling far from Bamako. The number of tourists visiting Timbuktu dropped precipitously from around 6000 in 2009 to only 492 in the first four months of 2011.[36]

text: Because of the security concerns, the Malian government moved the 2010 Festival in the Desert from Essakane to the outskirts of Timbuktu.[43][44]  In November 2011, gunmen attacked tourists staying at a hotel in Timbuktu, killing one of them and kidnapping three others.[45][46] This was the first terrorist incident in Timbuktu itself.

text: On 1 April 2012, one day after the capture of Gao, Timbuktu was captured from the Malian military by the Tuareg rebels of the MNLA and Ansar Dine.[47] Five days later, the MNLA declared the region independent of Mali as the nation of Azawad.[48] The declared political entity was not recognized by any regional nations or the international community and it collapsed three months later on 12 July.[49]

text: On 28 January 2013, French and Malian government troops began retaking Timbuktu from the Islamist rebels.[50] The force of 1,000 French troops with 200 Malian soldiers retook Timbuktu without a fight. The Islamist groups had already fled north a few days earlier, having set fire to the Ahmed Baba Institute, which housed many important manuscripts. The building housing the Ahmed Baba Institute was funded by South Africa, and held 30,000 manuscripts. BBC World Service radio news reported on 29 January 2013 that approximately 28,000 of the manuscripts in the Institute had been removed to safety from the premises before the attack by the Islamist groups, and that the whereabouts of about 2,000 manuscripts remained unknown.[51] It was intended to be a resource for Islamic research.[52]

text: On 30 March 2013, jihadist rebels infiltrated into Timbuktu nine days before a suicide bombing on a Malian army checkpoint at the international airport killing a soldier. Fighting lasted until 1 April, when French warplanes helped Malian ground forces chase the remaining rebels out of the city center.

text: Legendary tales[edit]

text: Tales of Timbuktu's fabulous wealth helped prompt European exploration of the west coast of Africa. Among the most famous descriptions of Timbuktu are those of Leo Africanus and Shabeni.

text: Leo Africanus[edit]

text:
The rich king of Tombuto hath many plates and sceptres of gold, some whereof weigh 1300 pounds. ... He hath always 3000 horsemen ... (and) a great store of doctors, judges, priests, and other learned men, that are bountifully maintained at the king's cost and charges.

Leo Africanus, Descrittione dell' Africa[3]

tag: div

text:
The inhabitants are very rich, especially the strangers who have settled in the country [..] But salt is in very short supply because it is carried here from Tegaza, some 500 miles (805 km) from Timbuktu. I happened to be in this city at a time when a load of salt sold for eighty ducats. The king has a rich treasure of coins and gold ingots.

Leo Africanus, Descrittione dell' Africa in Paul Brians' Reading About the World, Volume 2[53]

text: Perhaps most famous among the accounts written about Timbuktu is that by Leo Africanus. Born El Hasan ben Muhammed el- Wazzan-ez-Zayyati in Granada in 1485, his family was among the thousands of Muslims expelled by King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella after their reconquest of Spain in 1492. They settled in Morocco, where he studied in Fes and accompanied his uncle on diplomatic missions throughout North Africa. During these travels, he visited Timbuktu. As a young man he was captured by pirates and presented as an exceptionally learned slave to Pope Leo X, who freed him, baptized him under the name "Johannis Leo de Medici", and commissioned him to write, in Italian, a detailed survey of Africa. His accounts provided most of what Europeans knew about the continent for the next several centuries.[54] Describing Timbuktu when the Songhai empire was at its height, the English edition of his book includes the description:

text:
According to Leo Africanus, there were abundant supplies of locally produced corn, cattle, milk and butter, though there were neither gardens nor orchards surrounding the city.[53] In another passage dedicated to describing the wealth of both the environment and the king, Africanus touches upon the rarity of some of Timbuktu's trade commodities: salt.
These descriptions and passages alike caught the attention of European explorers. Africanus, though, also described the more mundane aspects of the city, such as the "cottages built of chalk, and covered with thatch" – although these went largely unheeded.[9]

text: Shabeni[edit]

text:
The natives of the town of Timbuctoo may be computed at 40,000, exclusive of slaves and foreigners ... The natives are all blacks: almost every stranger marries a female of the town, who are so beautiful that travellers often fall in love with them at first sight.

– Shabeni in James Grey Jackson's An Account of Timbuctoo and Hausa, 1820[55]

text: Roughly 250 years after Leo Africanus' visit to Timbuktu, the city had seen many rulers. The end of the 18th century saw the grip of the Moroccan rulers on the city wane, resulting in a period of unstable government by quickly changing tribes. During the rule of one of those tribes, the Hausa, a 14-year-old child from Tétouan accompanied his father on a visit to Timbuktu. Growing up a merchant, he was captured and eventually brought to England.[56]

text: Shabeni, or Asseed El Hage Abd Salam Shabeeny stayed in Timbuktu for three years before moving to Housa. Two years later, he returned to Timbuktu to live there for another seven years – one of a population that was even centuries after its peak and excluding slaves, double the size of the 21st-century town.

text: By the time Shabeni was 27, he was an established merchant in his hometown. Returning from a trade mission to Hamburg, his English ship was captured and brought to Ostend by a ship under Russian colours in December 1789. He was subsequently set free by the British consulate, but his ship set him ashore in Dover for fear of being captured again. Here, his story was recorded. Shabeeni gave an indication of the size of the city in the second half of the 18th century. In an earlier passage, he described an environment that was characterized by forest, as opposed to nowadays' arid surroundings.

text: Arts and culture[edit]

text: Cultural events[edit]

text: The most well-known cultural event is the Festival au Désert.[57] When the Tuareg rebellion ended in 1996 under the Konaré administration, 3,000 weapons were burned in a ceremony dubbed the Flame of Peace on 29 March 2007 – to commemorate the ceremony, a monument was built.[58] The Festival au Désert, to celebrate the peace treaty, is held near the city in January.[57]

text: World Heritage Site[edit]

text: During its twelfth session, in December 1988, the World Heritage Committee (WHC) selected parts of Timbuktu's historic centre for inscription on its World Heritage list.[59] The selection was based on three criteria:[60]

text:
Criterion II: Timbuktu's holy places were vital to early Islamization in Africa.
Criterion IV: Timbuktu's mosques show a cultural and scholarly Golden Age during the Songhay Empire.
Criterion V: The construction of the mosques, still mostly original, shows the use of traditional building techniques.

text: An earlier nomination in 1979 failed the following year as it lacked proper demarcation:[60] the Malian government included the town of Timbuktu as a whole in the wish for inclusion.[61] Close to a decade later, three mosques and 16 mausoleums or cemeteries were selected from the Old Town for World Heritage status: with this conclusion came the call for protection of the buildings' conditions, an exclusion of new construction works near the sites and measures against the encroaching sand.

text: Shortly afterwards, the monuments were placed on the List of World Heritage in Danger by the Malian government, as  by the selection committee at the time of nomination.[59] The first period on the Danger List lasted from 1990 until 2005, when a range of measures including restoration work and the compilation of an inventory warranted "its removal from the Danger List".[62] In 2008 the WHC placed the protected area under increased scrutiny dubbed "reinforced monitoring", a measure made possible in 2007, as the impact of planned construction work was unclear. Special attention was given to the build of a cultural centre.[63]

text: During a session in June 2009, UNESCO decided to cease its increased monitoring program as it felt sufficient progress had been made to address the initial concerns.[64] Following the takeover of Timbuktu by MNLA and the Islamist group Ansar Dine, it was returned to the List of World Heritage in Danger in 2012.[65]

text: Attacks by Muslim fundamentalists[edit]

text:
In May 2012, Ansar Dine destroyed a shrine in the city[66] and in June 2012, in the aftermath of the Battle of Gao and Timbuktu, other shrines, including the mausoleum of Sidi Mahmoud, were destroyed when attacked with shovels and pickaxes by members of the same group.[65] An Ansar Dine spokesman said that all shrines in the city, including the 13 remaining World Heritage sites, would be destroyed because they consider them to be examples of idolatry, a sin in Islam.[65][67]  These acts have been described as crimes against humanity and war crimes.[68]
After the destruction of the tombs, UNESCO created a special fund to safeguard Mali's World Heritage Sites, vowing to carry out reconstruction and rehabilitation projects once the security situation allows.[69]

text: Education[edit]

text:
If the University of Sankore ... had survived the ravages of foreign invasions, the academic and cultural history of Africa might have been different from what it is today.

– Kwame Nkrumah at the University of Ghana inauguration, 1961[58]

text: Centre of learning[edit]

text: Timbuktu was a world centre of Islamic learning from the 13th to the 17th century, especially under the Mali Empire and Askia Mohammad I's rule. The Malian government and NGOs have been working to catalog and restore the remnants of this scholarly legacy: Timbuktu's manuscripts.[70]

text: Timbuktu's rapid economic growth in the 13th and 14th centuries drew many scholars from nearby Walata (today in Mauretania),[71] leading up to the city's golden age in the 15th and 16th centuries that proved fertile ground for scholarship of religions, arts and sciences. To the people of Timbuktu, literacy and books were symbols of wealth, power, and blessings and the acquisition of books became a primary concern for scholars.[72] An active trade in books between Timbuktu and other parts of the Islamic world and emperor Askia Mohammed's strong support led to the writing of thousands of manuscripts.[73]

text: Knowledge was gathered in a manner similar to the early, informal European Medieval university model.[71] Lecturing was presented through a range of informal institutions called madrasahs.[74] Nowadays known as the University of Timbuktu, three madrasahs facilitated 25,000 students: Djinguereber, Sidi Yahya and Sankore.[75]

text: These institutions were explicitly religious, as opposed to the more secular curricula of modern European universities and more similar to the medieval Europe model. However, where universities in the European sense started as associations of students and teachers, West-African education was patronized by families or lineages, with the Aqit and Bunu al-Qadi al-Hajj families being two of the most prominent in Timbuktu – these families also facilitated students is set-aside rooms in their housings.[76]  Although the basis of Islamic law and its teaching were brought to Timbuktu from North Africa with the spread of Islam, Western African scholarship developed: Ahmad Baba al Massufi is regarded as the city's greatest scholar.[77]

text: Timbuktu served in this process as a distribution centre of scholars and scholarship. Its reliance on trade meant intensive movement of scholars between the city and its extensive network of trade partners. In 1468–1469 though, many scholars left for Walata when Sunni Ali's Songhay Empire absorbed Timbuktu and again in 1591 with the Moroccan occupation.[71]

text:
This system of education survived until the late 19th century, while the 18th century saw the institution of itinerant Quranic school as a form of universal education, where scholars would travel throughout the region with their students, begging for food part of the day.[70]
Islamic education came under pressure after the French occupation, droughts in the 70s and 80s and by Mali's civil war in the early 90s.[70]

text: Manuscripts and libraries[edit]

text: Hundreds of thousands of manuscripts were collected in Timbuktu over the course of centuries: some were written in the town itself, others – including exclusive copies of the Qur'an for wealthy families – imported through the lively booktrade.

text: Hidden in cellars or buried, hid between the mosque's mud walls and safeguarded by their patrons, many of these manuscripts survived the city's decline. They now form the collection of several libraries in Timbuktu, holding up to 700,000 manuscripts:[78]  In late January 2013 it was reported that rebel forces destroyed many of the manuscripts before leaving the city.[79][80] However, there was no malicious destruction of any library or collection as most of the manuscripts were safely hidden away.[81][82][83][84] One librarian in particular, Abdel Kader Haidara, organized to have 350,000 medieval manuscripts smuggled out of Timbuktu for safekeeping.[85][86]

text:
Ahmed Baba Institute
Mamma Haidara Library
Fondo Kati
Al-Wangari Library
Mohamed Tahar Library
Maigala Library
Boularaf Collection
Al Kounti Collections

text: These libraries are the largest among up to 60 private or public libraries that are estimated to exist in Timbuktu today, although some comprise little more than a row of books on a shelf or a bookchest.[87] Under these circumstances, the manuscripts are vulnerable to damage and theft, as well as long term climate damage, despite Timbuktu's arid climate. Two Timbuktu Manuscripts Projects funded by independent universities have aimed to preserve them.

text: During the occupation by Islamic extremists the citizens of the city embarked on a drive to save the “best written accounts of African History.”  Interviewed by the Times the local residents claimed  to have safeguarded the three hundred thousand manuscripts for generations. Many of these documents are still in the safe keeping of the local residents who are reluctant to give them overs to the government-run Ahmed Baba Institute housed  in a modern digitalization building built by the South African government in 2009. The institute houses only 10% of the manuscripts[88]  It was later confirmed by Jean-Michel Djian to the New Yorker that "the great majority of the manuscripts, about fifty thousand, are actually housed in the thirty-two family libraries of the 'City of 333 Saints'". He added, "Those are to this day protected." He also added that due to the massive efforts of one individual two hundred thousand other manuscripts were successfully transported to safety[89]

text: Language[edit]

text: Although French is Mali's official language, today the large majority of Timbuktu's inhabitants speaks Koyra Chiini, a Songhay language that also functions as the lingua franca. Before the 1990–1994 Tuareg rebellion, both Hassaniya Arabic and Tamashek were represented by 10% each to an 80% dominance of the Koyra Chiini language. With Tamashek spoken by both Ikelan and ethnic Tuaregs, its use declined with the expulsion of many Tuaregs following the rebellion, increasing the dominance of Koyra Chiini.[90]

text: Arabic, introduced together with Islam during the 11th century, has mainly been the language of scholars and religion, comparable to Latin in Western Christianity.[91] Although Bambara is spoken by the most numerous ethnic group in Mali, the Bambara people, it is mainly confined to the south of the country. With an improving infrastructure granting Timbuktu access to larger cities in Mali's South, use of Bambara was increasing in the city at least until Azawad independence.[90]

text: Infrastructure[edit]

text: With no railroads in Mali except for the Dakar-Niger Railway up to Koulikoro, access to Timbuktu is by road, boat or, since 1961, aircraft.[92] With high water levels in the Niger from August to December, Compagnie Malienne de Navigation (COMANAV) passenger ferries operate a leg between Koulikoro and downstream Gao on a roughly weekly basis. Also requiring high water are pinasses (large motorized pirogues), either chartered or public, that travel up and down the river.[93]

text: Both ferries and pinasses arrive at Korioumé, Timbuktu's port, which is linked to the city centre by an 18 km (11 mi) paved road running through Kabara. In 2007, access to Timbuktu's traditional port, Kabara, was restored by a Libyan funded project that dredged the 3 km (2 mi) silted canal connecting Kabara to an arm of the Niger River. COMANAV ferries and pinassses are now able to reach the port when the river is in full flood.[14][94]

text: Timbuktu is poorly connected to the Malian road network with only dirt roads to the neighbouring towns. Although the Niger River can be crossed by ferry at Korioumé, the roads south of the river are no better. However, a new paved road is under construction between Niono and Timbuktu running to the north of the Inland Niger Delta. The 565 km (351 mi) road will pass through Nampala, Léré, Niafunké, Tonka, Diré and Goundam.[95][96] The completed 81 km (50 mi) section between Niono and the small village of Goma Coura was financed by the Millennium Challenge Corporation.[97] This new section will service the Alatona irrigation system development of the Office du Niger.[98] The 484 km (301 mi) section between Goma Coura and Timbuktu is being financed by the European Development Fund.[95]

text: Timbuktu Airport is served by both Air Mali and Mali Air Express, hosting flights to and from Bamako, Gao and Mopti.[93] Its 6,923 ft (2,110 m) runway in a 07/25 runway orientation is both lighted and paved.[99]

text: In popular culture[edit]

text: In the imagination of Europeans and North Americans, Timbuktu is a place that bears with it a sense of mystery: a 2006 survey of 150 young Britons found 34% did not believe the town existed, while the other 66% considered it "a mythical place".[100] This sense has been acknowledged in literature describing African history and African-European relations. Timbuktu is also often considered a far away place, in popular western culture.[2][101][102]

text: The origin of this mystification lies in the excitement brought to Europe by the legendary tales, especially those by Leo Africanus: Arabic sources focused mainly on more affluent cities in the Timbuktu region, such as Gao and Walata.[9] In West Africa the city holds an image that has been compared to Europe's view on Athens.[101] As such, the picture of the city as the epitome of distance and mystery is a European one.[2]

text: Down-to-earth-aspects in Africanus' descriptions were largely ignored and stories of great riches served as a catalyst for travellers to visit the inaccessible city – with prominent French explorer René Caillié characterising Timbuktu as "a mass of ill-looking houses built of earth".[103] Now opened up, many travellers acknowledged the unfitting description of an "African El Dorado".[24] This development shifted the city's reputation – from being fabled because of its gold to fabled because of its location and mystery: Being used in this sense since at least 1863, English dictionaries now cite Timbuktu as a metaphor for any faraway place.[104]

text: In the original 1932 recording of the popular seaside song "The Sun Has Got His Hat On", the second verse contains the lines: "[The Sun's] been tanning niggers out in Timbuktu / Now he's coming back to do the same to you!"[105] Due to the controversial nature of the racial epithet "nigger", controversy has arisen when this song has been played[106] and various replacements, including "negroes"[107] and "roasting peanuts"[108] have been offered.

text: Similar uses of the city are found in movies, where it is used to indicate a place a person or good cannot be traced – in a Dutch Donald Duck comic subseries situated in Timbuktu, Donald Duck uses the city as a safe haven,[109] and in the 1970 Disney animated feature The Aristocats, Edgar, the villain of the story, threatens the cats with being sent to Timbuktu only for their friends to rescue them and send Edgar there instead. It is mistakenly noted to be in French Equatorial Africa, instead of French West Africa.[110]

text: Ali Farka Touré inverted the stereotype: "For some people, when you say 'Timbuktu' it is like the end of the world, but that is not true. I am from Timbuktu, and I can tell you that we are right at the heart of the world."[111]

text: Twin towns – sister cities[edit]

text: Timbuktu is a sister city to the following cities:[112]

text:
Chemnitz, Germany
 Hay-on-Wye, Wales, United Kingdom
 Kairuan, Tunisia
 Marrakech, Morocco
 Saintes, France
 Tempe, Arizona, United States


document_title: Freedmen's Bureau

question_text: who led the work of the freedmen's bureau

question_tokens: who led the work of the freedmen 's bureau

root

text: Freedmen's Bureau

text: Achievements[edit]

text: Day-to-day duties[edit]

text: The Bureau helped solve everyday problems of the newly freed slaves, such as obtaining clothing, food, water, health care, communication with family members, and jobs. It distributed 15 million rations of food to African Americans,[8] and set up a system where planters could borrow rations in order to feed freedmen they employed. Although the Bureau set aside $350,000 for this service, only $35,000 (10%) was borrowed by planters.[citation needed]

tag: p

text: Despite the good intentions, efforts, and limited success of the Bureau, medical treatment of the freedmen was severely deficient.[9] Most southern white doctors and nurses would not treat freedmen, infrastructure had been destroyed by the war, and people had few means of improving sanitation. Blacks had not had much opportunity to develop their own medical personnel. In this period epidemics of cholera and yellow fever were carried along the river corridors, breaking out across the South.

text: Gender roles[edit]

text: Freedman's Bureau agents, at first, complained that freedwomen were refusing to contract their labor. One of the first actions black families took was to withdraw women's labor from fieldwork. The Bureau attempted to force freed women to work by insisting that their husbands sign contracts making the whole family available as field labor in the cotton industry, and by declaring that unemployed freed women should be treated as vagrants just as men were. The Bureau did allow some exceptions, such as married women with employed husbands, and some "worthy" women who had been widowed or abandoned and had large families of small children to care for. "Unworthy" women, meaning the unruly and prostitutes, were usually the ones subjected to punishment for vagrancy.[10]

text: Under slavery, most marriages had been informal, as slaveholders refused to acknowledge slave marriages and they were not legally recognized, although planters often presided over marriage ceremonies for their slaves. After the war, the Freedmen's Bureau performed numerous marriages for freed couples who asked for it. As many husbands and wives had been separated during wartime chaos, the Bureau agents helped families in their attempts to reunite after the war. The Bureau had an informal regional communications system that allowed agents to send inquiries and provide answers. It sometimes provided transportation to reunite families. Freedmen and freed women turned to the Bureau for assistance in resolving issues of abandonment and divorce.

text: Education[edit]

text: The most widely recognized accomplishments of the Freedman's Bureau were in education. Prior to the Civil War, no southern state had a system of universal, state-supported public education and prohibited slaves and free blacks from gaining education. Former slaves wanted public education while the wealthier whites opposed the idea. Freedmen had a strong desire to learn to read and write; some started schools at refugee camps; others worked hard to establish schools in their communities even prior to the advent of the Freedmen's Bureau.

text: Oliver Otis Howard was appointed as the first Freedmen's Bureau Commissioner. Through his leadership the bureau set up four divisions: Government-Controlled Lands, Records, Financial Affairs, and Medical Affairs. Education was considered part of the Records division. Howard turned over confiscated property including planters' mansions, government buildings, books, and furniture to superintendents to be used in the education of freedmen, and provided transportation and room and board for teachers. Many Northerners came south to educate the freedmen.

text: By 1866, northern missionary and aid societies worked in conjunction with the Freedmen's Bureau to provide education for former slaves. The American Missionary Association was particularly active, establishing eleven colleges in southern states for the education of freedmen. The primary focus of these groups was to raise funds to pay teachers and manage schools, while the secondary focus was the day-to-day operation of individual schools. After 1866, Congress appropriated some funds to operate the freedmen's schools. The main source of educational revenue for these schools came through a Congressional Act that gave the Freedmen's Bureau the power to seize Confederate property for educational use.

text: George Ruby, an African American, served as teacher and school administrator and as a traveling inspector for the Bureau, observing local conditions, aiding in the establishment of black schools, and evaluating the performance of Bureau field officers. Blacks supported him, but planters and other whites opposed him.[11]

text: Overall, the Bureau spent $5 million to set up schools for blacks. By the end of 1865, more than 90,000 former slaves were enrolled as students in such public schools. Attendance rates at the new schools for freedmen were between 79 and 82 percent. Brigadier General Samuel Chapman Armstrong created and led Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute in Virginia in 1868. It is now known as Hampton University.

text: The Freedmen's Bureau published their own freedmen's textbook. They emphasized the bootstrap philosophy, encouraging freedmen to believe that each person had the ability to work hard and to do better in life.[clarification needed] These readers included traditional literacy lessons; as well as selections on the life and works of Abraham Lincoln, excerpts from the Bible focused on forgiveness, biographies of famous African Americans with emphasis on their piety, humbleness and industry; and essays on humility, the work ethic, temperance, loving your enemies, and avoiding bitterness.[12]

text: By 1870, there were more than 1,000 schools for freedmen in the South.[13] J. W. Alvord, an inspector for the Bureau, wrote that the freedmen "have the natural thirst for knowledge," aspire to "power and influence … coupled with learning," and are excited by "the special study of books." Among the former slaves, children and adults sought this new opportunity to learn. After the Bureau was abolished, some of its achievements collapsed under the weight of white violence against schools and teachers for blacks. After the 1870s, when white Democrats regained power of southern governments, they reduced funds available to fund public education, particularly for blacks. In the 1890s they passed a new state constitutions disenfranchising most blacks by creating barriers to voter registration. They passed Jim Crow laws establishing legal segregation of public places. Segregated schools and other services for blacks were consistently underfunded by the southern legislatures.[8]

text: By 1871, Northerners' interest in reconstructing the South with military power had waned. Northerners were beginning to tire of the effort that Reconstruction required, were discouraged at the high rate of continuing violence around elections, and were ready for the South to take care of itself. All of the southern states had created new constitutions that established universal, publicly funded education. Groups based in the North began to redirect their money toward universities and colleges founded to educate African-American leaders.

text: Teachers[edit]

text:
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tag: table

text: Accounts by northern women and missionary societies resulted in historians believing that most Bureau teachers were well-educated women from the North, motivated by religion and abolitionism to teach in the South. In the 21st century, new research finds that half the teachers were southern whites; one-third were blacks (mostly southern), and one-sixth were northern whites.[14] Few were abolitionists; few came from New England. Men outnumbered women. The salary was the strongest motivation except for the northerners, who were typically funded by northern organizations and had a humanitarian motivation. As a group, the black cohort showed the greatest commitment to racial equality; and they were the ones most likely to remain teachers. The school curriculum resembled that of schools in the north.[15]

text: Colleges[edit]

text: The building and opening of schools of higher learning for African Americans coincided with the shift in focus for the Freedmen's Aid Societies from supporting an elementary education for all African Americans to gaining a high school and college education for African-American leaders. Both of these events worked in concert with concern on the part of white officials working with African Americans in the South. These officials were concerned about the lack of a moral or financial foundation seen in the African-American community and traced that lack of foundation back to slavery.

text: Generally, they believed that blacks needed help to enter a free labor market and reconstruct stable family life. Heads of local American Missionary Associations sponsored various educational and religious efforts for African Americans. Later efforts for higher education were supported by such leaders as Samuel Chapman Armstrong of the Hampton Institute and Booker T. Washington of the Tuskegee Institute (from 1881). They said that black students should be able to leave home and "live in an atmosphere conducive not only to scholarship but to culture and refinement".[16]

text: Most of these colleges, universities and normal schools combined what they believed were the best fundamentals of a college with that of the home, giving students a basic structure to build acceptable practices of upstanding lives. For instance, at the majority of these schools, students were expected to bathe a prescribed number of times per week, maintain an orderly living space, and present a particular appearance. At many of these institutions, Christian principles and practices were also part of the daily regime.

text: Educational legacy[edit]

text: Despite the untimely dissolution of the Freedman's Bureau, its legacy influenced the important historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs), which were the chief institutions of higher learning for blacks in the South through the decades of segregation into the mid-20th century. Under the direction and sponsorship of the Bureau, together with the American Missionary Association in many cases, from approximately 1866 until its termination in 1872, an estimated 25 institutions of higher learning for black youth were established.[17] The leaders among them continue to operate as highly ranked institutions in the 21st century. (Examples include St. Augustine's College, Fisk University, Johnson C. Smith University, Clark Atlanta University, Dillard University, Shaw University, Virginia Union University, and Tougaloo College).

text: As of 2009[update], there exist approximately 105 HBCUs that range in scope, size, organization and orientation. Under the Education Act of 1965, Congress officially defined an HBCU as "an institution whose principal missions were and are the education of Black Americans". HBCUs graduate over 50% of African-American professionals, 50% of African-American public school teachers, and 70% of African-American dentists. In addition, 50% of African Americans who graduate from HBCUs go on to pursue graduate or professional degrees. One in three degrees held by African Americans in the natural sciences, and half the degrees held by African Americans in mathematics, were earned at HBCUs.[18]

text: Perhaps the best known of these institutions is Howard University, founded in Washington, D.C., in 1867, with the aid of the Freedmen's Bureau. It was named for the commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau, General Oliver Otis Howard.[19]

text: Church establishment[edit]

text: After the Civil War, control over existing churches was a contentious issue. The Methodist denomination had split into regional associations prior to the war. In some cities, Northern Methodists seized control of Southern Methodist buildings. Numerous northern denominations, including the independent black denominations of the African Methodist Episcopal (AME) and African Methodist Episcopal Zion, sent missionaries to the South to help the freedmen. By this time the independent black denominations were increasingly well organized and prepared to evangelize to the freedmen. Within a decade, the AME and AME Zion churches had gained hundreds of thousands of new members and were rapidly organizing new congregations.[20]

text: Even before the war, blacks had established independent Baptist congregations in some cities and towns, such as Silver Bluff, Charleston, Petersburg, and Richmond. In many places, especially in more rural areas, they shared public services with whites. Often enslaved blacks met secretly to conduct their own services away from white supervision or oversight.[20] After the war, freedmen mostly withdrew from the white-dominated congregations of the Baptist, Methodist and Presbyterian churches in order to be free to worship as they pleased away from white supervision. Within a short time, they were organizing black Baptist state association, and organized a national association in the 1890s.

text: Northern mission societies raised funds for land, buildings, teachers' salaries, and basic necessities such as books and furniture. For years they used networks throughout their churches to raise money for freedmen's education and worship.[21]

text: Continuing insurgency[edit]

text: Most of the assistant commissioners, realizing that African Americans would not receive fair trials in the civil courts, tried to handle black cases in their own Bureau courts. Southern whites objected that this was unconstitutional. In Alabama, state and county judges were commissioned as Bureau agents. They were to try cases involving blacks with no distinctions on racial grounds. If a judge refused, martial law could be instituted in his district. All but three judges accepted their unwanted commissions, and the governor urged compliance.[22]

text: Perhaps the most difficult region was Louisiana's Caddo-Bossier Parish. It had not experienced wartime devastation or Union occupation. Understaffed and weakly supported by federal troops, well-meaning Bureau agents found their investigations blocked and authority undermined at every turn by recalcitrant plantation owners. Murders of freedmen were common, and suspects in these cases went unprosecuted. Bureau agents did negotiate labor contracts, build schools and hospitals, and aid freedmen, but they struggled against the oppressive environment.[23]

text: In March 1872, at the request of President Ulysses S. Grant and the Secretary of the Interior, Columbus Delano, General Howard was asked to temporarily leave his duties as Commissioner of the Bureau to deal with Indian affairs in the west. Upon returning from his assignment in November 1872, General Howard discovered that the Bureau and all of its activities had been officially terminated by Congress, effective as of June (Howard, 1907). While General Howard was dealing with Indian affairs in the west, the Freedmen's Bureau was steadily losing its support. During the Bureau's first year, Congress appropriated no money for the Bureau so it was forced to rely on the army for financial support. Because the Bureau had a lack of funding from the federal government, it was unable to carry out all of its initiatives to sustain the lives of the newly freed slaves and to ensure any real measure of racially equality. [24]President Johnson was also opposed to the Freedmen's Bureau and his opposition encouraged many people, especially white southerners, to challenge the Bureau. Congress was forced to dismantle the Bureau in 1872 due to pressure from white Southerners. In the South there was a never ending struggle to get the whites and blacks to work together and unfortunately, the Bureau was unable to change that.[25] In his autobiography, General Howard expressed great frustration in regard to what had taken place without his knowledge, stating "the legislative action, however, was just what I desired, except that I would have preferred to close out my own Bureau and not have another do it for me in an unfriendly manner in my absence."[26] All documents and matters pertaining to the Freedmen's Bureau were transferred from the office of General Howard to the War Department of the United States Congress.

text: State effectiveness[edit]

text: Alabama[edit]

text: The Bureau began distributing rations in the summer of 1865. Drought conditions resulted in so much need that the state established its own Office of the Commissioner of the Destitute to provide additional relief. The two agencies coordinated their efforts starting in 1866. The Bureau established depots in eight major cities. Counties were allocated aid in kind each month based on the number of poor reported. The counties then were required to transport the supplies themselves. The ration was larger in winter and spring, and reduced in seasons when locally-grown food was available.

text: In 1866, the depot at Huntsville provided five thousand rations a day. The food was distributed without regard to race. Corruption and abuse was so great that in October 1866, the President ended in-kind aid in that state. One hundred twenty thousand dollars was given to the state to provide relief to the end of January 1867. Aid then ended in the state.

text: Records show that at the end of the program, four times more White people received aid than did Black people.[27]

text: Florida[edit]

text: The Florida Bureau was assessed to be working effectively. Col. T. W. Osborne, the assistant commissioner of the Bureau for Florida, was an astute politician who collaborated with the leadership of both parties in the state. He was warmly praised by observers on all sides.[28][29]

text: Georgia[edit]

text: The Bureau played a major role in Georgia politics.[30] It was especially active in setting up, monitoring, and enforcing labor contracts for both men and women.[31] It also set up a new system of healthcare for the freedmen.[32]

text: North Carolina[edit]

text: In North Carolina, the bureau employed: 9 contract surgeons, at $100 per month; 26 hospital attendants, at average pay each per month $11.25; 18 civilian employees, clerks, agents, etc., at an average pay per month of $17.20; 4 laborers, at an average pay per month of $11.90; enlisted men are detailed as orderlies, guards, etc., by commanding officers of the different military posts where officers of the Bureau are serving.[33]

text: Some misconduct was reported to the bureau main office that bureau agents were using their posts for personal gains. Colonel E. Whittlesey was questioned but said he was not involved in nor knew of anyone involved in such activities. The bureau exercised what whites believed were arbitrary powers: making arrests, imposing fines, and inflicting punishments. They were considered to be disregarding the local laws and especially the statute of limitations. Their activities resulted in resentment among whites toward the federal government in general. These powers invoked negative feelings in many southerners that sparked many to want the agency to leave. In their review, Steedman and Fullerton repeated their conclusion from Virginia, which was to withdraw the Bureau and turn daily operations over to the military.[34]

text: South Carolina[edit]

text: In South Carolina, the bureau employed, nine clerks, at average pay each per month $108.33, one rental agent, at monthly pay of $75.00, one clerk, at monthly pay of $50.00, one storekeeper, at monthly pay of $85.00, one counselor, at monthly pay of $125.00, one superintendent of education, at monthly pay of $150.00, one printer, at monthly pay of $100.00, one contract surgeon, at monthly pay of $100.00, twenty-five laborers, at average pay per month $19.20.

text: General Saxton was head of the bureau operations in South Carolina; he was reported by Steedman and Fullerton to have made so many "mistakes and blunders" that he made matters worse for the freedmen. He was replaced by Brigadier General R.K. Scott. Steedman and Fullerton described Scott as energetic and a competent officer. It appeared that he took great pains to turn things around and correct the mistakes made by his predecessors.

text: The investigators learned of reported murders of freedmen by a band of outlaws. These outlaws were thought to be people from other states, such as Texas, Kentucky and Tennessee, who had been part of the rebel army (Ku Klux Klan chapters were similarly started by veterans in the first years after the war.) When citizens were asked why the perpetrators had not been arrested, many answered that the Bureau, with the support of the military, had the primary authority.[34]

text: In certain areas, such as the Sea Islands, many freedmen were destitute. Many had tried to cultivate the land and began businesses with little to no success in the social disruption of the period.[35]

text: Texas[edit]

text: Suffering much less damage in the war than some other Deep South states, Texas became a destination for some 200,000 refugee blacks from other parts of the South, in addition to 200,000 already in Texas. Slavery had been prevalent only in East Texas, and some freedmen hoped for the chance of new types of opportunity in the lightly populated but booming state. The Bureau's political role was central, as was close attention to the need for schools.[36][37][38]

text: Virginia[edit]

text: The Freedmen's Bureau had 58 clerks and superintendents of farms, paid average monthly wages $78.50; 12 assistant superintendents, paid average monthly wages 87.00; and 163 laborers, paid average monthly wages 11.75; as personnel in the state of Virginia. Other personnel included orderlies and guards.[34]

text: During the war, slaves had escaped to Union lines and forts in the Tidewater, where contraband camps were established. Many stayed in that area after the war, seeking protection near the federal forts. The Bureau fed 9,000 to 10,000 blacks a month over the winter, explaining:

text: Bureau records[edit]

text: In 2000, the U.S. Congress passed the Freedmen's Bureau Preservation Act, which directed the National Archivist to preserve the extensive records of the Bureau on microfilm, and work with educational institutions to index the records.[40] In addition to those records of the Bureau headquarters, assistant commissioners, and superintendents of education, the National Archives now has records of the field offices, marriage records, and records of the Freedmen's Branch of the Adjutant General on microfilm. They are being digitized and made available through online databases. These constitute a major source of documentation on the operations of the Bureau, political and social conditions in the Reconstruction Era, and the genealogies of freedpeople.[41][42][a] The Freedmen's Bureau Project[44] (announced on June 19, 2015) was created as a set of partnerships between FamilySearch International and the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA), the Smithsonian's National Museum of African American History and Culture, the Afro-American Historical and Genealogical Society (AAHGS), and the California African American Museum. Tens of thousands of volunteers are needed to make these records searchable online. No specific time commitment is required, and anyone may participate. Volunteers simply log on (http://www.discoverfreedmen.org/), pull up as many scanned documents as they like, and enter the names and dates into the fields provided. Once published, information for millions of African Americans will be accessible, allowing families to build their family trees and connect with their ancestors. As of February 2016, the project was 51% complete.

text: In October 2006, Virginia governor Tim Kaine announced that Virginia would be the first state to index and digitize Freedmen's Bureau records.[45]


document_title: History of hard disk drives

question_text: when was the first 1tb hard drive released

text: History of hard disk drives

text: The IBM 350 Disk File was developed under the code-name RAMAC by an IBM San Jose team led by Reynold Johnson. It was announced in 1956 with the then new IBM 305 RAMAC computer.[7] A variant, the IBM 355 Disk File, was simultaneously announced with the IBM RAM 650 computer,[8] an enhancement to the IBM 650.

text: The IBM 350 drive had fifty 24-inch (0.6 m) platters, with a total capacity of five million 6-bit characters (3.75 megabytes).[9] A single head assembly having two heads was used for access to all the platters, yielding an average access time of just under 1 second.

text: The RAMAC disk drive created a new level in the computer data hierarchy, today known as secondary storage, less expensive and slower than main memory (then typically core or drum) but faster and more expensive than tape drives.[10] Subsequently there was a period of about 20 years in which other technologies competed with disks in the secondary storage marketplace, for example tape strips, e.g., NCR CRAM, tape cartridges, e.g., IBM 3850, and drums, e.g., Burroughs B430, UNIVAC FASTRAND, but all ultimately were displaced by HDDs. Today SSDs compete with HDDs in the marketplace.

text: The IBM 1301 Disk Storage Unit,[11] announced in 1961, introduced the usage of heads having self-acting air bearings (self-flying heads) with one head per each surface of the disks.

text: Also in 1961, Bryant Computer Products introduced its 4000 series disk drives. These massive units stood 52 inches (1.3 m) tall, 70 inches (1.8 m) wide, and had up to 26 platters, each 39 inches (0.99 m) in diameter, rotating at up to 1,200 rpm. Access times were from 50 to 205 milliseconds (ms). The drive's total capacity, depending on the number of platters installed, was up to 205,377,600 bytes (205 MB).[12][13]

text: The first disk drive to use removable media was the IBM 1311 drive. It was introduced in 1962 using the IBM 1316 disk pack to store two million characters. It was followed by the IBM 2311 (1964) 5 megabyte and IBM 2314 (1965) 29 megabyte disk pack HDDs.

text: Memorex in 1968 shipped the first HDD, the Memorex 630, plug compatible to an IBM model 2311 marking the beginning of independent competition (Plug Compatible Manufacturers or PCMs) for HDDs attached to IBM systems. It was followed in 1969 by the Memorex 660, an IBM 2314 compatible, which was OEM'ed to DEC and resold as the RP02.

text: In 1973, IBM introduced the IBM 3340 "Winchester" disk drive, the first significant commercial use of low mass and low load heads with lubricated platters. This technology and its derivatives remained the standard through 2011. Project head Kenneth Haughton named it after the Winchester 30-30 rifle because it was planned to have two 30 MB spindles; however, the actual product shipped with two spindles for data modules of either 35 MB or 70 MB.[14] The name 'Winchester' and some derivatives are still common in some non-English speaking countries to generally refer to any hard disks (e.g. Hungary, Russia).

text: Also in 1973, Control Data Corporation introduced the first of its series of SMD disk drives using conventional disk pack technology. The SMD family became the predominant disk drive in the minicomputer market into the 1980s.

text: Smaller diameter media came into usage during the 1970s and by the end of the decade standard form factors had been established for drives using nominally 8-inch media (e.g., Shugart SA1000) and nominally 5.25-inch media (e.g., Seagate ST-506).

text: During the 1970s, captive production, dominated by IBM's production for its own use, remained the largest revenue channel for HDDs, though the relative importance of the OEM channel grew. Led by Control Data, Diablo Systems, CalComp and Memorex, the OEM segment reached $631 million in 1979, but still well below the $2.8 billion associated with captive production.[15]

text: 1980s, the transition to the PC era[edit]

text: The 1980s saw the minicomputer age plateau as PCs were introduced. Manufacturers such as DEC and Hewlett-Packard continued to manufacture minicomputer compatible hard drive systems as industry demanded higher storage. Hewlett-Packard introduced the HP 7935 as one such drive. But it was clear that smaller Winchester storage systems were eclipsing large platter hard drives.[citation needed]

text: Hard disk drives for personal computers (PCs) were initially a rare and very expensive optional feature; systems typically had only the less expensive floppy disk drives or even cassette tape drives as both secondary storage and transport media. However by the late '80s, hard disk drives were standard on all but the cheapest PC and floppy disks were used almost solely as transport media.

text: Most hard disk drives in the early 1980s were sold to PC end users by systems integrators such as the Corvus Disk System or the systems manufacturer such as the Apple ProFile. The IBM PC XT in 1983, included an internal standard 10MB hard disk drive, and soon thereafter internal hard disk drives proliferated on personal computers.

text: HDDs continued to get smaller with the introduction of the 3.5-inch form factor in the middle of the decade Rodime 1983 and the 2.5-inch form factor PrairieTek 1988.

text: Industry participation peaked with about 75 active manufacturers in 1985 and then declined thereafter even though volume continued to climb: by 1989 reaching 22 million units and $23 billion in revenue.[16]

text: Even though there were a number of new entrants, industry participants continued to decline in total to 15 in 1999. Unit volume and industry revenue monotonically increased during the 1990s to 174 million units and $26 billion.[17]

text: The industry production consolidated around the 3.5-inch and 2.5 inch form factors; the larger form factors dying off while several smaller form factors were offered but achieved limited success, e.g. HP 1.3-inch Kittyhawk, IBM 1-inch Microdrive, etc..

text: 2000 to present[edit]

text: In 2001 the HDD industry experienced its first ever decline in units and revenue.

text: The number of industry participants decreased to 6 in 2009 and 3 in 2013

text: Unit production peaked in 2010 at about 650 million units and has been in a slow decline since then[18] Shipments in 2016 estimated at about 424 million units.[19]

text: Timeline[edit]

text:
1956 – IBM 350, shipment of test disk drive to Zellerbach, SF CA, USA
1957 – IBM 350, first production disk drive, 5 million characters (6-bit), equivalent to 3.75 megabytes.
1961 – IBM 1301 Disk Storage Unit introduced with one head per surface and aerodynamic flying heads, 28 million characters (6-bit) per module.
1961 – Bryant Computer Products division of Ex-Cell-O, 1 meter platters, 1200 RPM, up to 205MB.
1962 – IBM 1311 introduced removable disk packs containing 6 disks, storing 2 million characters per pack
1964 – IBM 2311 with 7.25 megabytes per disk pack
1964 – IBM 2310 removable cartridge disk drive with 1.02 MB on one disk
1965 – IBM 2314 with 11 disks and 29 MB per disk pack
1968 – Memorex is first to ship an IBM-plug-compatible disk drive
1970 – IBM 3330 Merlin, introduced error correction, 100 MB per disk pack
1973 – IBM 3340 Winchester introduced removable sealed disk packs that included head and arm assembly, 35 or 70 MB per pack
1973 – CDC SMD announced and shipped, 40 MB disk pack
1976 – 1976 IBM 3350 "Madrid" – 317.5 megabytes, eight 14" disks, re-introduction of disk drive with fixed disk media
1979 – IBM 3370 introduced thin film heads, 571 MB, non-removable
1979 – 1979 IBM 62PC "Piccolo" – 64.5 megabytes, six 8" disks, first 8-inch HDD
1980 – The IBM 3380 was the world's first gigabyte-capacity disk drive. Two 1.26 GB, head disk assemblies (essentially two HDDs) were packaged in a cabinet the size of a refrigerator,[20] weighed 455 kg (1000 lb), and had a price tag of 81,000 USD (Model B4) which is 240,579 USD in present-day terms.[21]
1980 – ST-506 first 51⁄4 inch drive released with capacity of 5 megabytes, cost $1500 USD
1982 – HP 7935 404 megabyte, 7 platter hard drive for minicomputers, HP-IB bus, $27,000
1983 – RO351/RO352 first 31⁄2 inch drive released with capacity of 10 megabytes[22]
1986 – Standardization of SCSI
1988 – PrairieTek 220 – 20 megabytes, two 2.5" disks, first 2.5 inch HDD
1989 – Jimmy Zhu and H. Neal Bertram from UCSD proposed exchange decoupled granular microstructure for thin film disk storage media, still used today.
1990 – 1990 IBM 0681 "Redwing" – 857 megabytes, twelve 5.25" disks. First HDD with PRML Technology (Digital Read Channel with 'partial response maximum likelihood' algorithm).
1991 – IBM 0663 "Corsair" – 1,004 megabytes, eight 3.5" disks; first HDD using magnetoresistive heads
1991 – Integral Peripherals 1820 "Mustang" – 21.4 megabytes, one 1.8" disk, first 1.8-inch HDD[23]
1992 – HP Kittyhawk – 20MB, first 1.3-inch hard-disk drive
1993 – IBM 3390 model 9, the last Single Large Expensive Disk drive announced by IBM
1994 – IBM introduces Laser Textured Landing Zones (LZT)
1997 – IBM Deskstar 16GP "Titan" – 16,800 megabytes, five 3.5" disks; first (Giant Magnetoresistance) heads
1997 – Seagate introduces the first hard drive with fluid bearings[24]
1998 – UltraDMA/33 and ATAPI standardized
1999 – IBM releases the Microdrive in 170 MB and 340 MB capacities
2002 – (Parallel) ATA breaks 137 GB (128 GiB) addressing space barrier
2003 – Serial ATA introduced
2003 – IBM sells disk drive division to Hitachi
2004 – MK2001MTN first 0.85-inch drive released by Toshiba with capacity of 2 gigabytes[23]
2005 – First 500 GB hard drive shipping (Hitachi GST)
2005 – Serial ATA 3 Gbit/s standardized
2005 – Seagate introduces Tunnel MagnetoResistive Read Sensor (TMR) and Thermal Spacing Control
2005 – Introduction of faster SAS (Serial Attached SCSI)
2005 – First perpendicular magnetic recording (PMR) HDD shipped: Toshiba 1.8-inch 40/80 GB[25]
2006 – First 750 GB hard drive (Seagate)
2006 – First 200 GB 2.5" hard drive utilizing perpendicular recording (Toshiba)
2006 – Fujitsu develops heat-assisted magnetic recording (HAMR) that could one day achieve one terabit per square inch densities[26]
2007 – First 1 terabyte[27] hard drive[28] (Hitachi GST)
2008 – First 1.5 terabyte[27] hard drive[29] (Seagate)
2009 – First 2.0 terabyte hard drive[30] (Western Digital)
2010 – First 3.0 terabyte hard drive[31][32] (Seagate, Western Digital)
2010 – First hard drive manufactured by using the Advanced Format of 4,096 bytes a block ("4K") instead of 512 bytes a block[33]
2011 – First 4.0 terabyte hard drive[34] (Seagate)
2011 – Floods hit many hard drive factories. Predictions of a worldwide shortage of hard disk drives cause prices to double.[35][36][37]
2012 – Western Digital announces the first 2.5-inch, 5 mm thick drive, and the first 2.5-inch, 7 mm thick drive with two platters[38] (Western Digital)
2012 – HGST announces helium-filled hard disk drives, promising cooler operation and the ability to increase the maximum number of platters from five to seven in the 3.5" form factor[39] (Hitachi GST)
2012 – TDK demonstrates 2 TB on a single 3.5-inch platter[40]
2012 – Hitachi Global Storage Technologies and Western Digital merge to one hard drive manufacturer. To ensure actual competition on the hard drive market after the merging, the U.S. Federal Trade Commission requires that Western Digital and Hitachi GST give assets and intellectual property rights to Toshiba.[41] This allows Toshiba to re-enter the 3.5" desktop hard disk drive market with capacities up to 3 TB.[42] Prior to this, Toshiba had only manufactured 2.5" laptop HDDs for many years.
2013 – Seagate announces that it will ship hard disk drives with capacities up to 5 TB using shingled magnetic recording (SMR), a method where tracks are written to partially overlap each other. The read head, being smaller, can still read the overlapped tracks.[43]
2013 – HGST announces a helium-filled 6 TB hard disk drive for enterprise applications[44]
2013 – Western Digital demonstrates heat assisted magnetic recording (HAMR) technology[45][46][47][48]
2014 – Seagate introduces 6 TB hard drives that do not use helium, in turn increasing their power consumption and lowering their overall cost[49]
2014 – Seagate ships world's first 8 TB hard drives[50]
2015 – In June HGST ships Ultrastar Archive Ha10 SMR HDD, the world's first 10 TB HDD[51] followed in December by a conventional PMR HDD[52]
2017 – 12 TB Helium-based HDD available from Western Digital.[53]
2017 – 14 TB Helium-filled PMR HDD announced by Toshiba, with availability being promised for 2018 Q1 or Q2.[54]

tag: ul

text: Manufacturing history[edit]

text: Manufacturing began in California's Silicon Valley in 1957 with IBM's production shipment of the first HDD, the IBM RAMAC 350. The industry grew slowly at first with three additional companies in the market by 1964, Anelex Corp., Bryant Computer Products and Data Products Corp..[55] The industry grew rapidly in the late 1960s and again in the 1980s reaching a peak of 75 manufacturers in 1984.[56] There have been at least 221 companies manufacturing hard disk drives[57][58][59][60] but most of that industry has vanished through bankruptcy or mergers and acquisitions. Surviving manufacturers are Seagate, Toshiba and Western Digital (WD) with Toshiba as the senior participant having entered the market in 1977,[61] twenty years after IBM started the market.

text: From beginning and into the early 1980s manufacturing was mainly by US firms in the United States at locations such as Silicon Valley, Los Angeles, Minnesota and Oklahoma City.[58]:Table 7 In the 1980s US firms, beginning with Seagate, began to shift production to Singapore and then other locations in southeast Asia. In a span of seven years, 1983 to 1990, Singapore became the single largest location of HDD production, amounting to 55% of worldwide production.[58]:Table 9 Japanese HDD companies later also moved their production to southeast Asia.[58]:Table 10 Today the three remaining firms all produce their units in the Pacific Rim.

text: By the 1990s the dollar value of magnetic recording devices produced by companies located in California's "Silicon Valley" exceeded the dollar value of semiconductor devices produced there leading some to suggest that a more appropriate name for this area would be "Iron Oxide Valley," after the magnetic material coating the disks.[62] All three remaining firms still have significant activities in Silicon Valley, but no manufacturing.


document_title: Mission San Carlos Borromeo de Carmelo

question_text: when was san carlos borromeo de carmelo built

text: Mission San Carlos Borromeo de Carmelo

text: History[edit]

text: Mission Carmel is the second mission built by Franciscan missionaries in Upper California. It was first established as Mission San Carlos Borromeo in Monterey, California near the native village of Tamo on June 3, 1770. It was named for Carlo Borromeo, Archbishop of Milan, Italy. It was the site of the first Christian confirmation in Alta California.[5] When the mission moved, the original building continued to operate as the Royal Presidio chapel and later became the current Cathedral of San Carlos Borromeo.

text: Relocation to Carmel[edit]

text: Pedro Fages, who served as military governor of Alta California between 1770 and 1774, kept his headquarters at the Presidio of Monterey, the capital of Alta California. He worked his men very harshly and was seen as a tyrant. Serra intervened on behalf of Fages' soldiers, and the two men did not get along.[15][16] The soldiers raped the Indian woman and kept them as concubines.[15] Serra wanted to put some distance between the missions neophytes and Fages' soldiers.

text: Serra found that the land near the mouth of the Carmel River was better suited for farming.[17] In May 1771, Spain's viceroy approved Serra's petition to relocate the mission to its current location near the Carmelo River.[notes 1] The relocated mission was renamed Mission San Carlos Borromeo del Río Carmelo.

text: Indian baptism and conscription[edit]

text: After the Carmel mission was moved to Carmel Valley, the Franciscans began to baptize some natives.[18] By the end of 1771, the population of mission was 15 with an additional 22 baptized Indians, out of a total population of northern California of 60.[17] Farming was not very productive and for several years the mission was dependent upon the arrival of supply ships.[17] Historian Jame Culleton wrote in 1950, "The summer of '73 came without bringing the supply ship. Neither Carmel nor Monterey was anything like self-supporting."[17] To improve baptismal rates, they sought to convert key members of the Esselen and Rumsen tribes, including chiefs. This persuaded some Indians to follow them to the mission.

text: The Esselen and Ohlone Indians who lived near the mission were baptized and then forcibly relocated and conscripted into forced labor as plowmen, shepherds, cattle herders, blacksmiths, and carpenters on the mission. Disease, starvation, overwork, and torture decimated these tribes.[19]:114 Native neophyte laborers made the adobe bricks, roof tiles and tools needed to build the mission. In the beginning, the mission relied on bear meat from Mission San Antonio de Padua and supplies brought by ship from Mission San Diego de Alcalá. In 1794, the population reached its peak of 927, but by 1823 the total had dwindled to 381.[citation needed] There was extensive "comingling of the Costanoan with peoples of different linguistic and cultural background during the mission period."[18]

text: On November 20, 1818, French privateer Hipólito Bouchard raided the nearby Monterey Presidio before moving on to other Spanish installations in the south.

text: Secularized and abandoned[edit]

text: The mission was secularized by the newly independent Mexican government in August 1833 with the stipulation that half the mission lands would be awarded to the native people. This purpose was largely subverted however. The priests could not maintain the missions without the Indians' forced labor and they were soon abandoned. The Indians drifted from the mission. Some found work on farms and ranches in exchange for room and board.

text: Restoration[edit]

text: The Carmel Mission was in ruins when the Roman Catholic Church regained control of the mission building and the land in 1863. In 1884 Father Angel Casanova began to restore the mission building. In 1931 Monsignor Philip Scher appointed Harry Downie as the curator in charge of mission restoration. Two years later, the church transferred the mission from the Franciscans to the local diocese and it became a regular parish church. In 1960, the mission was designated as a minor basilica by Pope John XXIII. Downie labored for virtually the rest of his life to restore the mission, ancillary buildings and walls, and the grounds. In 1987, Pope John Paul II visited the mission as part of his U.S. tour.[20][21]

text: "Mission Carmel", as it came to be known, was Serra's favorite[22] and, because it was close to Monterey, the capital of Alta California, he chose it as his headquarters. When he died on August 28, 1784, he was interred beneath the chapel floor.

text: Today[edit]

text: As a result of Downie's dedicated efforts to restore the buildings, the Carmel mission church is one of the most authentically restored of all the mission churches in California. Mission Carmel has been designated a National Historic Landmark by the National Park Service. It is an active parish church of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Monterey.[23]

text: In addition to its activity as a place of worship, Mission Carmel also hosts concerts, art exhibits, lectures and numerous other community events. In 1986, then-pastor Monsignor Eamon MacMahon acquired a magnificent Casavant Frères organ complete with horizontal trumpets. Its hand-painted casework is decorated with elaborate carvings and statuary reflecting the Spanish decorative style seen on the main altar.

text: The mission also serves as a museum, preserving its own history and the history of the area. There are four specific museum galleries: the Harry Downie Museum, describing restoration efforts; the Munras Family Heritage Museum, describing the history of one of the most important area families; the Jo Mora Chapel Gallery, hosting rotating art exhibits as well as the monumental bronze and travertine cenotaph (1924) sculpted by Jo Mora;[24] and the Convento Museum, which holds the cell Serra lived and died in, as well as interpretive exhibits. At one end of the museum is a special chapel room containing some of the vestments used by Serra.[25][26][27]

text: The mission grounds are also the location of the Junipero Serra School, a private Catholic school for kindergartners through 8th grade.[28]

text: Notable interments[edit]

text: Several notable people are buried in the church and churchyard.

text:
Juan Crespí (1721–1782), Spanish missionary and explorer
Fermín Lasuén (1736–1803), Spanish missionary and explorer
José Antonio Roméu, (1742? – 1792) Spanish governor of California
Junípero Serra (1713–1784), founder of the Spanish missions in California