document_title: 1905 Russian Revolution

question_text: describe the four major demands of the russian revolutionaries before the russian revolution of 1917

question_tokens: describe the four major demands of the russian revolutionaries before the russian revolution of 1917

text: 1905 Russian Revolution

text: Causes[edit]

text: According to Sidney Harcave, author of The Russian Revolution of 1905, four problems in Russian society contributed to the revolution. Newly emancipated peasants earned too little, and were not allowed to sell or mortgage their allotted land. Ethnic minorities resented the government because of its "Russification", discrimination and repression, both social and formal, such as banning them from voting and serving in the Guard or Navy and limited attendance in schools. A nascent industrial working class resented the government for doing too little to protect them, banning strikes and labor unions. Finally, the educated class fomented and spread radical ideas after a relaxing of discipline in universities allowed a new consciousness to grow among students.

text: Vladimir Lenin was a political theorist who also contributed his own ideology of how a revolution would be caused. In his book Imperialism, he claimed that driven imperialism and the dependence on overseas markets would be a contributing factor to revolution. This would cause a rivalry between the major powers, leading to war.[1]

text: Taken individually, these issues might not have affected the course of Russian history, but together they created the conditions for a potential revolution.[2] "At the turn of the century, discontent with the Tsar’s dictatorship was manifested not only through the growth of political parties dedicated to the overthrow of the monarchy but also through industrial strikes for better wages and working conditions, protests and riots among peasants, university demonstrations, and the assassination of government officials, often done by Socialist Revolutionaries."[3]

text: The government finally recognized these problems, albeit in a shortsighted and narrow-minded way. The minister of interior Plehve stated in 1903 that, after the agrarian problem, the most serious ones plaguing the country were those of the Jews, the schools, and the workers, in that order.[4] Because the Russian economy was tied to European finances, the Western money markets' contraction in 1899–1900 plunged Russian industry into a deep and prolonged crisis which outlasted the dip in European industrial production. This setback aggravated social unrest during the five years preceding the revolution of 1905.[5]

text: Agrarian problem[edit]

text: Every year, thousands of nobles in debt mortgaged their estates to the noble land bank or sold them to municipalities, merchants, or peasants. By the time of the revolution, the nobility had sold off one-third of its land and mortgaged another third. The government hoped to make peasants—freed by the Emancipation reform of 1861—a politically conservative, land-holding class by enacting laws to enable them to buy land from nobility and pay small installments over many decades.[6]

text: The land, known as "allotment land", would not be owned by individual peasants, but by the community of peasants; individual peasants would have rights to strips of land that were assigned to them under the open field system. Unfortunately, a peasant could not sell or mortgage his land, so in practice he could not renounce his rights to his land and thus he would be required to pay his share of redemption dues to the village commune.[6] This plan was meant to prevent proletarianisation of the peasants. However, the peasants were not given enough land to provide for their needs.[7] "Their earnings were often so small that they could neither buy the food they needed nor keep up the payment of taxes and redemption dues they owed the government for their land allotments. By the tenth year of Nicholas II's reign, their total arrears in payments of taxes and dues was 118 million rubles."[7] The situation became worse. Masses of hungry peasants roamed the countryside looking for work and sometimes walked hundreds of kilometres to find it. Desperate peasants proved capable of violence.[7] "In the provinces of Kharkov and Poltava in 1902, thousands of them, ignoring restraints and authority, burst out in a rebellious fury that led to extensive destruction of property and looting of noble homes before troops could be brought to subdue and punish them."[7]

text: These violent outbreaks caught the attention of the government, so it created many committees to investigate their causes.[7] The committees concluded that no part of the countryside was prosperous; some parts, especially the fertile areas known as "black-soil region", were in decline.[8] Although cultivated acreage had increased in the last half century, the increase had not been proportionate to the growth of peasant populations, which had doubled.[8] "There was general agreement at the turn of the century that Russia faced a grave and intensifying agrarian crisis due mainly to rural overpopulation with an annual excess of fifteen to eighteen live births over deaths per 1,000 inhabitants."[9] The investigations revealed many difficulties but could not find solution that were both sensible and "acceptable" to the government.[8]

text: Nationality problem[edit]

text: Russia was a multi-ethnic empire. Nineteenth-century Russians saw cultures and religions in a clear hierarchy. Non-Russian cultures were tolerated in the empire but were not necessarily respected.[10] "European civilization was valued over Asian culture, and Christianity was on the whole considered more progressive and 'true' than other religions."[10]

text: For generations, Russian Jews had been considered a special problem.[8] "The official view had come to be that they were enemies of Christianity, exploiters of the peasantry, and the fountain head of the revolutionary movement."[attribution needed][8][clarification needed] Jews constituted only about 6 percent of the population, but were concentrated in the western borderlands.[11] Like other minorities in Russia, the Jews lived in "miserable and circumscribed lives, forbidden to settle or acquire land outside the cities and towns, legally limited in attendance at secondary school and higher schools, virtually barred from legal professions, denied the right to vote for municipal councilors, and excluded from services in the Navy or the Guards".[12]

text: The government's treatment of Jews, although considered its own issue, was similar to the government's policies in dealing with all national and religious minorities.[12] "Russian administrators, who never succeeded in coming up with a legal definition of "Pole", despite the decades of restrictions on that ethnic group, regularly spoke of individuals 'of Polish descent' or, alternatively, 'of Russian descent', making identity a function of birth."[attribution needed][13] This policy only succeeded in producing or aggravating feelings of disloyalty. There was growing impatience with their inferior status and resentment against "Russification".[12] Russification is cultural assimilation definable as "a process culminating in the disappearance of a given group as a recognisably distinct element within a larger society".[14]

text: Besides the imposition of a uniform Russian culture throughout the empire, the government's pursuit of Russification, especially during the second half of the nineteenth century, had political motives. After the emancipation of the serfs in 1861, the Russian state was compelled to take into account public opinion, but the government failed to gain the public's support.[15] Another motive for Russification policies was the Polish uprising of 1863. Unlike other minority nationalities, the Poles, in the eyes of the Tsar, were a direct threat to the empire's stability. After the rebellion was crushed, the government implemented policies to reduce Polish cultural influences.[15] In the 1870s the government began to distrust German elements on the western border. The Russian government felt that the unification of Germany would upset the power balance among the great powers of Europe and that Germany would use its strength against Russia. The government thought that the borders would be defended better if the borderland were more "Russian" in character.[16] The culmination of cultural heterogeneity created a cumbersome nationality problem that plagued the Russian government in the years before leading to the revolution.

text: Labour problem[edit]

text: The economic situation in Russia before the revolution presented a grim picture. The government had experimented with laissez-faire capitalist policies, but this strategy largely failed to gain traction within the Russian economy until the 1890s. Meanwhile, "agricultural productivity stagnated, while international prices for grain dropped, and Russia’s foreign debt and need for imports grew. War and military preparations continued to consume government revenues. At the same time, the peasant taxpayers' ability to pay was strained to the utmost, leading to widespread famine in 1891."[17]

text: In the 1890s, under Finance Minister Sergei Witte, a crash governmental programme was proposed to promote industrialization. His policies included heavy government expenditures for railroad building and operations, subsidies and supporting services for private industrialists, high protective tariffs for Russian industries (especially heavy industry), an increase in exports, currency stabilization, and encouragement of foreign investments.[18] His plan was successful and during the 1890s "Russian industrial growth averaged 8 percent per year. Railroad mileage grew from a very substantial base by 40 percent between 1892 and 1902."[attribution needed][18] Ironically, Witte's success in implementing this program helped spur the 1905 revolution and eventually the 1917 revolution because it exacerbated social tensions. "Besides dangerously concentrating a proletariat, a professional and a rebellious student body in centers of political power, industrialization infuriated both these new forces and the traditional rural classes."[attribution needed][19] The government policy of financing industrialization through taxing peasants forced millions of peasants to work in towns. The "peasant worker" saw his labour in the factory as the means to consolidate his family's economic position in the village and played a role in determining the social consciousness of the urban proletariat. The new concentrations and flows of peasants spread urban ideas to the countryside, breaking down isolation of peasants on communes.[20]

text: Industrial workers began to feel dissatisfaction with the Tsarist government despite the protective labour laws the government decreed. Some of those laws included the prohibition of children under 12 from working, with the exception of night work in glass factories. Employment of children aged 12 to 15 was prohibited on Sundays and holidays. Workers had to be paid in cash at least once a month, and limits were placed on the size and bases of fines for workers who were tardy. Employers were prohibited from charging workers for the cost of lighting of the shops and plants.[12] Despite these labor protections, the workers believed that the laws were not enough to free them from unfair and inhumane practices. At the start of the 20th century, Russian industrial workers worked on average an 11-hour day (10 hours on Saturday), factory conditions were perceived as grueling and often unsafe, and attempts at independent unions were often not accepted.[21] Many workers were forced to work beyond the maximum of 11 and a half hours per day. Others were still subject to arbitrary and excessive fines for tardiness, mistakes in their work, or absence.[22] Russian industrial workers were also the lowest wage-workers in Europe. Although the cost of living in Russia was low, "the average worker's 16 rubles per month could not buy the equal of what the French worker's 110 francs would buy for him."[attribution needed][22] Furthermore, the same labour laws prohibited organization of trade unions and strikes. Dissatisfaction turned into despair for many impoverished workers, which made them more sympathetic to radical ideas.[22] These discontented, radicalized workers became key to the revolution by participating in illegal strikes and revolutionary protests.

text: The government responded by arresting labour agitators and enacting more "paternalistic" legislation.[23] Introduced in 1900 by Sergei Zubatov, head of the Moscow security department, "police socialism" planned to have workers form workers' societies with police approval to "provide healthful, fraternal activities and opportunities for cooperative self-help together with 'protection' against influences that might have inimical effect on loyalty to job or country".[attribution needed][23] Some of these groups organized in Moscow, Odessa, Kiev, Nikolayev (Ukraine), and Kharkov, but these groups and the idea of police socialism failed.[23]

text: In 1900–1903, the period of industrial depression caused many firm bankruptcies and a reduction in the employment rate. Employees were restive: they would join legal organizations but turn the organizations toward an end that the organizations' sponsors did not intend. Workers used legitimate means to organize strikes or to draw support for striking workers outside these groups.[23] A strike that began in 1902 by workers in the railroad shops in Vladikavkaz and Rostov-on-Don created such a response that by the next summer, 225,000 in various industries in southern Russia and Transcaucasia were on strike.[24] These were not the first illegal strikes in the country's history but their aims, and the political awareness and support among workers and non-workers, made them more troubling to the government than earlier strikes. The government responded by closing all legal organizations by the end of 1903.[24]

text: Educated class as a problem[edit]

text: The Minister of the Interior, Plehve, designated schools as a pressing problem for the government, but he did not realize it was only a symptom of antigovernment feelings among the educated class. Students of universities, other schools of higher learning, and occasionally of secondary schools and theological seminaries were part of this group.[24]

text: Student radicalism began around the time Tsar Alexander II came to power. Alexander abolished serfdom and enacted fundamental reforms in the legal and administrative structure of the Russian empire, which were revolutionary for their time.[25] He lifted many restrictions on universities and abolished obligatory uniforms and military discipline. This ushered in a new freedom in the content and reading lists of academic courses.[26] In turn, that created student subcultures, as youth were willing to live in poverty in order to receive an education.[27] As universities expanded, there was a rapid growth of newspapers, journals, and an organization of public lectures and professional societies. The 1860s was a time when the emergence of a new public sphere was created in social life and professional groups. This created the idea of their right to have an independent opinion.[26]

text: The government was alarmed by these communities, and in 1861 tightened restrictions on admission and prohibited student organizations; these restrictions resulted in the first ever student demonstration, held in St. Petersburg, which led to a two-year closure of the university.[26] The consequent conflict with the state was an important factor in the chronic student protests over subsequent decades. The atmosphere of the early 1860s gave rise to political engagement by students outside universities that became a tenet of student radicalism by the 1870s. Student radicals described "the special duty and mission of the student as such to spread the new word of liberty. Students were called upon to extend their freedoms into society, to repay the privilege of learning by serving the people, and to become in Nikolai Ogarev's phrase 'apostles of knowledge'."[attribution needed][28] During the next two decades, universities produced a significant share of Russia's revolutionaries. Prosecution records from the 1860s and 1870s show that more than half of all political offences were committed by students despite being a minute proportion of the population.[28] "The tactics of the left-wing students proved to be remarkably effective, far beyond anyone's dreams. Sensing that neither the university administrations nor the government any longer possessed the will or authority to enforce regulations, radicals simply went ahead with their plans to turn the schools into centres of political activity for students and non students alike."[attribution needed][29]

text: They took up problems that were unrelated to their "proper employment", and displayed defiance and radicalism by boycotting examinations, rioting, arranging marches in sympathy with strikers and political prisoners, circulating petitions, and writing anti-government propaganda.[24]

text: This disturbed the government, but it believed the cause was lack of training in patriotism and religion. Therefore, the curriculum was "toughened up" to emphasize classical language and mathematics in secondary schools, but defiance continued.[30] Expulsion, exile, and forced military service also did not stop students. "In fact, when the official decision to overhaul the whole educational system was finally made, in 1904, and to that end Vladimir Glazov, head of General Staff Academy, was selected as Minister of Education, the students had grown bolder and more resistant than ever."[attribution needed][30]

text: Rise of the opposition[edit]

text: The events of 1905 were preceded by a Progressive and academic agitation for more political democracy and limits to Tsarist rule in Russia; plus an increase in strikes by workers against employers for radical economic demands and union recognition, especially in southern Russia. Many socialists view this as a period when the rising revolutionary movement was met with rising reactionary movements. As Rosa Luxemburg stated in The Mass Strike, when collective strike activity was met with what is perceived as repression from an autocratic state, economic and political demands grew into and reinforced each other.[31]

text: Russian progressives formed the Union of Zemstvo Constitutionalists in 1903 and the Union of Liberation in 1904, which called for a constitutional monarchy. Russian socialists formed two major groups: the Socialist Revolutionary Party, following the Russian populist tradition, and the Marxist Russian Social Democratic Labour Party.

text: In the autumn of 1904, liberals started a series of banquets celebrating the 40th anniversary of the liberal court statutes and calling for political reforms and a constitution. On 13 December [O.S. 30 November] 1904, the Moscow City Duma passed a resolution demanding establishment of an elected national legislature, full freedom of the press, and freedom of religion. Similar resolutions and appeals from other city dumas and zemstvo councils followed.

text: Tsar Nicholas II made a move to fulfill many of these demands, appointing liberal Pyotr Dmitrievich Sviatopolk-Mirskii Minister of the Interior after the assassination of Vyacheslav von Plehve. On 25 December [O.S. 12 December] 1904, the Tsar issued a manifesto promising the broadening of the Zemstvo and local municipal councils' authority, insurance for industrial workers, the emancipation of Inorodtsy, and the abolition of censorship. However, the crucial demand of representative national legislature was missing in the manifesto.

text: In 1902, worker strikes in the Caucasus broke out in March, and strikes on the Railway originating from pay disputes took on other issues, and drew in other industries, culminating in a general strike at Rostov-on-Don in November. Daily meetings of 15,000 to 20,000 heard openly revolutionary appeals for the first time, before a massacre defeated the strikes. But reaction to the massacres brought political demands to purely economic ones. Luxemburg described the situation in 1903 by saying: "the whole of South Russia in May, June and July was aflame",[32] including Baku where separate wage struggles culminated in a citywide general strike, and Tiflis, where commercial workers gained a reduction in the working day, and were joined by factory workers. In 1904, massive strike waves broke out in Odessa in the spring, Kiev in July, and Baku in December. This all set the stage for the strikes in St. Petersburg in December 1904 to January 1905 seen as the first step in the 1905 revolution.

text:
Years
Average annual strikes[33]

1862–69
6

1870–84
20

1885–94
33

1895–1905
176

text: Start of the revolution[edit]

text: In December 1904, a strike occurred at the Putilov plant (a railway and artillery supplier) in St. Petersburg. Sympathy strikes in other parts of the city raised the number of strikers to 150,000 workers in 382 factories.[34] By 21 January [O.S. 8 January] 1905, the city had no electricity and newspaper distribution was halted. All public areas were declared closed.

text: Controversial Orthodox priest Georgy Gapon, who headed a police-sponsored workers' association, led a huge workers' procession to the Winter Palace to deliver a petition[35] to the Tsar on Sunday, 22 January [O.S. 9 January] 1905. The troops guarding the Palace were ordered to tell the demonstrators not to pass a certain point, according to Sergei Witte, and at some point, troops opened fire on the demonstrators, causing between 200 (according to Witte) and 1000 deaths. The event became known as Bloody Sunday, and is considered by many scholars as the start of the active phase of the revolution.

text: The events in St. Petersburg provoked public indignation and a series of massive strikes that spread quickly throughout the industrial centers of the Russian Empire. Polish socialists—both the PPS and the SDKPiL—called for a general strike. By the end of January 1905, over 400,000 workers in Russian Poland were on strike (see Revolution in the Kingdom of Poland (1905–1907)). Half of European Russia's industrial workers went on strike in 1905, and 93.2% in Poland.[36] There were also strikes in Finland and the Baltic coast. In Riga, 130 protesters were killed on 26 January [O.S. 13 January] 1905, and in Warsaw a few days later over 100 strikers were shot on the streets. By February, there were strikes in the Caucasus, and by April, in the Urals and beyond. In March, all higher academic institutions were forcibly closed for the remainder of the year, adding radical students to the striking workers. A strike by railway workers on 21 October [O.S. 8 October] 1905 quickly developed into a general strike in Saint Petersburg and Moscow. This prompted the setting up of the short-lived Saint Petersburg Soviet of Workers' Delegates, an admixture of Bolsheviks and Mensheviks headed by Khrustalev-Nossar and despite the Iskra split would see the likes of Julius Martov and Georgi Plekhanov spar with Lenin. Leon Trotsky, who felt a strong connection to the Bolsheviki, had not given up a compromise but spearheaded strike action in over 200 factories.[37] By 26 October [O.S. 13 October] 1905, over 2 million workers were on strike and there were almost no active railways in all of Russia. Growing inter-ethnic confrontation throughout the Caucasus resulted in Armenian-Tatar massacres, heavily damaging the cities and the Baku oilfields.

text: With the unsuccessful and bloody Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905) there was unrest in army reserve units. On 2 January 1905, Port Arthur was lost; in February 1905, the Russian army was defeated at Mukden, losing almost 80,000 men. On 27–28 May 1905, the Russian Baltic Fleet was defeated at Tsushima. Witte was dispatched to make peace, negotiating the Treaty of Portsmouth (signed 5 September [O.S. 23 August] 1905). In 1905, there were naval mutinies at Sevastopol (see Sevastopol Uprising), Vladivostok, and Kronstadt, peaking in June with the mutiny aboard the battleship Potemkin. The mutineers eventually surrendered the battleship to Romanian authorities on 8 July in exchange for asylum, then the Romanians returned her to Imperial Russian authorities on the following day.[38] Some sources claim over 2,000 sailors died in the suppression.[39] The mutinies were disorganised and quickly crushed. Despite these mutinies, the armed forces were largely apolitical and remained mostly loyal, if dissatisfied — and were widely used by the government to control the 1905 unrest.

text: Nationalist groups had been angered by the Russification undertaken since Alexander II. The Poles, Finns, and the Baltic provinces all sought autonomy, and also freedom to use their national languages and promote their own culture.[40] Muslim groups were also active — the First Congress of the Muslim Union took place in August 1905. Certain groups took the opportunity to settle differences with each other rather than the government. Some nationalists undertook anti-Jewish pogroms, possibly with government aid, and in total over 3,000 Jews were killed.[41]

text: The number of prisoners throughout the Russian Empire, which had peaked at 116,376 in 1893, fell by over a third to a record low of 75,009 in January 1905, chiefly because of several mass amnesties granted by the Tsar;[42] the historian S G Wheatcroft has wondered what role these released criminals played in the 1905–06 social unrest.[42]

text: Government response[edit]

text: On 12 January, the Tsar appointed Dmitri Feodorovich Trepov as governor in St Petersburg and dismissed the Minister of the Interior, Pyotr Sviatopolk-Mirskii, on 18 February [O.S. 5 February] 1905. He appointed a government commission "to enquire without delay into the causes of discontent among the workers in the city of St Petersburg and its suburbs"[attribution needed] in view of the strike movement. The commission was headed by Senator NV Shidlovsky, a member of the State Council, and included officials, chiefs of government factories, and private factory owners. It was also meant to have included workers’ delegates elected according to a two-stage system. Elections of the workers delegates were, however, blocked by the socialists who wanted to divert the workers from the elections to the armed struggle. On 5 March [O.S. 20 February] 1905, the Commission was dissolved without having started work.

text: Following the assassination of his uncle, the Grand Duke Sergei Aleksandrovich, on 17 February [O.S. 4 February] 1905, the Tsar made new concessions. On 18 February [O.S. 5 February] 1905 he published the Bulygin Rescript, which promised the formation of a consultative assembly, religious tolerance, freedom of speech (in the form of language rights for the Polish minority) and a reduction in the peasants' redemption payments.

text: On 24 and 25 May [O.S. 11 and 12 May] 1905, about 300 Zemstvo and municipal representatives held three meetings in Moscow, which passed a resolution, asking for popular representation at the national level. On 6 June [O.S. 24 May] 1905, Nicholas II had received a Zemstvo deputation. Responding to speeches by Prince Sergei Trubetskoi and Mr Fyodrov, the Tsar confirmed his promise to convene an assembly of people's representatives.

text: Height of the Revolution[edit]

text: Tsar Nicholas II agreed on 18 February [O.S. 5 February] to the creation of a State Duma of the Russian Empire but with consultative powers only. When its slight powers and limits on the electorate were revealed, unrest redoubled. The Saint Petersburg Soviet was formed and called for a general strike in October, refusal to pay taxes, and the withdrawal of bank deposits.

text: In June and July 1905, there were many peasant uprisings in which peasants seized land and tools.[43] Disturbances in the Russian-controlled Congress Poland culminated in June 1905 in the Łódź insurrection. Surprisingly, only one landlord was recorded as killed.[44] Far more violence was inflicted on peasants outside the commune: 50 deaths were recorded.

text: The October Manifesto, written by Sergei Witte and Alexis Obolenskii, was presented to the Tsar on 14 October  [O.S. 1 October]. It closely followed the demands of the Zemstvo Congress in September, granting basic civil rights, allowing the formation of political parties, extending the franchise towards universal suffrage, and establishing the Duma as the central legislative body. The Tsar waited and argued for three days, but finally signed the manifesto on 30 October [O.S. 17 October] 1905, citing his desire to avoid a massacre and his realisation that there was insufficient military force available to pursue alternate options. He regretted signing the document, saying that he felt "sick with shame at this betrayal of the dynasty ... the betrayal was complete".

text: When the manifesto was proclaimed, there were spontaneous demonstrations of support in all the major cities. The strikes in Saint Petersburg and elsewhere officially ended or quickly collapsed. A political amnesty was also offered. The concessions came hand-in-hand with renewed, and brutal, action against the unrest. There was also a backlash from the conservative elements of society, with right-wing attacks on strikers, left-wingers, and Jews.

text: While the Russian liberals were satisfied by the October Manifesto and prepared for upcoming Duma elections, radical socialists and revolutionaries denounced the elections and called for an armed uprising to destroy the Empire.

text: Some of the November uprising of 1905 in Sevastopol, headed by retired naval Lieutenant Pyotr Schmidt, was directed against the government, while some was undirected. It included terrorism, worker strikes, peasant unrest and military mutinies, and was only suppressed after a fierce battle. The Trans-Baikal railroad fell into the hands of striker committees and demobilised soldiers returning from Manchuria after the Russo–Japanese War. The Tsar had to send a special detachment of loyal troops along the Trans-Siberian Railway to restore order.

text: Between 5 and 7 December [O.S. 22 and 24 November], there was a general strike by Russian workers. The government sent troops on 7 December, and a bitter street-by-street fight began. A week later, the Semyonovsky Regiment was deployed, and used artillery to break up demonstrations and to shell workers' districts. On 18 December [O.S. 5 December], with around a thousand people dead and parts of the city in ruins, the workers surrendered. After a final spasm in Moscow, the uprisings ended in December 1905.

text: According to figures presented in the Duma by Professor Maksim Kovalevsky, by April 1906, more than 14,000 people had been executed and 75,000 imprisoned.[45] Historian Brian Taylor states the number of deaths in the 1905 Revolution was in the "thousands", and notes one source that puts the figure at over 13,000 deaths.[41]

text: Results[edit]

text: This section does not cite any sources. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (October 2013) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)

text: Following the Revolution of 1905, the Tsar made last attempts to save his regime, and offered reforms similar to most rulers when pressured by a revolutionary movement. The military remained loyal throughout the Revolution of 1905, as shown by their shooting of revolutionaries when ordered by the Tsar, making overthrow difficult. These reforms were outlined in a precursor to the Constitution of 1906 known as the October Manifesto which created the Imperial Duma. The Russian Constitution of 1906, also known as the Fundamental Laws, set up a multiparty system and a limited constitutional monarchy. The revolutionaries were quelled and satisfied with the reforms, but it was not enough to prevent the 1917 revolution that would later topple the Tsar's regime.

text: Creation of Duma and Stolypin[edit]

text: There had been earlier attempts in establishing a Russian Duma before the October Manifesto, but these attempts faced dogged resistance. One attempt in July 1905, called the Bulygin Duma, tried to reduce the assembly into a consultative body. It also proposed limiting voting rights to those with a higher property qualification, excluding industrial workers. Both sides- the opposition and the conservatives- were not pleased with the results.[46] Another attempt in August 1905 was almost successful, but that too died when Nicholas insisted on the Duma’s functions be relegated to an advisory position.[47] The October Manifesto, aside from granting the population the freedom of speech and assembly, proclaimed that no law would be passed without examination and approval by the Imperial Duma. The Manifesto also extended the suffrage to universal proportions, allowing for greater participation in the Duma, though the electoral law in December 11 still excluded women.[48] Nevertheless, the tsar retained the power to veto.

text: Of course, propositions for restrictions to the Duma’s legislative powers remained persistent. A decree on February 20, 1906 transformed the State Council, the advisory body, into a second chamber with legislative powers “equal to those of the Duma.”[48] Not only did this transformation violate the Manifesto, but the Council became a buffer zone between the tsar and Duma, slowing whatever progress the latter could achieve. Even three days before the Duma’s first session, on April 24, 1906, the Fundamental Laws further limited the assembly's movement by proclaiming the tsar as the sole authority to appoint/dismiss ministers.[49] Adding insult was the indication that the tsar alone had control over many facets of political reins- all without the Duma’s expressed permission. The trap seemed perfectly set for the unsuspecting Duma: by the time the assembly convened in April 27, it quickly found itself unable to do much without violating the Fundamental Laws. Defeated and frustrated, the majority of the assembly voted no confidence and handed in their resignations after a few weeks on May 13.[50]

text: The attacks on the Duma were not confined to its legislative powers. By the time the Duma opened, it was missing the crucial support from its populace, thanks in no small part to the government’s return to Pre-Manifesto levels of suppression. The Soviets were forced to lay low for a long time, while the zemstvos turned against the Duma when the issue of land appropriation came up. The issue of land appropriation was the most contentious of the Duma’s appeals. The Duma proposed that the government distribute its treasury, “monastic and imperial lands,” and seize private estates as well.[50] The Duma, in fact, was preparing to alienate some of its more affable supporters, a decision that left the assembly without the necessary political power to be efficient.

text: Of course, Nicholas II remained wary of having to share power with reform-minded bureaucrats. When the pendulum in 1906 elections swung to the left, Nicholas immediately ordered the Duma’s dissolution just after 73 days.[51] Hoping to further squeeze the life out of the assembly, he appointed a tougher prime minister in Petr Stolypin as the liberal Witte’s replacement. Much to Nicholas’s chagrin, Stolypin attempted to bring about acts of reform (land reform), while retaining measures favorable to the regime (stepping up the number of executions of revolutionaries). After the revolution subsided, he was able to bring economic growth back to Russia’s industries, a period which lasted until 1914. But Stolypin's efforts did nothing to prevent the collapse of the monarchy, nor seemed to satisfy the conservatives. Stolypin died from a bullet wound by a revolutionary, Dmitry Bogrov, on September 5, 1911.[52]

text: October Manifesto[edit]

text: Even after Bloody Sunday and defeat in the Russo-Japanese War, Nicholas II had been slow to offer a meaningful solution to the social and political crisis. At this point, he became more concerned personal affairs such as the illness of his son, whose struggle with haemophilia was overseen by Rasputin. Nicholas also refused to believe that the population was demanding changes in the autocratic regime, seeing "public opinion" as mainly the "intelligentsia"[53] and believing himself to be the patronly 'father figure' to the Russian people. Sergei Witte, the minister of Russia, frustratingly argued with the Tsar that an immediate implementation of reforms was needed to retain order in the country. It was only after the Revolution started picking up steam that Nicholas was forced to make concessions by writing the October Manifesto.

text: Issued on 17 October 1905, the Manifesto stated that the government would grant the population reforms such as the right to vote and to convene in assemblies. Its main provisions were:

text:
The granting of the population "inviolable personal rights" including freedom of conscience, speech, and assemblage
Giving the population who were previously cut off from doing so participation in the newly formed Duma
Ensuring that no law would be passed without the consent of the Imperial Duma.[54]

tag: ol

text: Of course, despite what seemed to be a moment for celebration for Russia’s population and the reformists, the Manifesto was rife with problems. Aside from the absence of the word "constitution", one issue with the manifesto was its timing. By October 1905, the idea of liberal reform was irrelevant, meaning when the Manifesto was enacted, Nicholas was already dealing with a revolution. Another problem surfaced in the conscience of Nicholas himself: Witte said in 1911 that the manifesto was written only to get the pressure off the monarch's back, that it was not a "voluntary act".[55] In fact, the writers hoped that the Manifesto would sow discord into "the camp of the autocracy’s enemies" and bring order back to Russia.[56]

text: One immediate effect it did have, for a while, was the start of the Days of Freedom, a six-week period from 17 October to early December. This period witnessed an unprecedented level of freedom on all publications—revolutionary papers, brochures, etc.—even though the tsar officially retained the power to censor provocative material. This opportunity allowed the press to address the tsar, and government officials, in a harsh, critical tone previously unheard of. The freedom of speech also opened the floodgates for meetings and organized political parties. In Moscow alone, over 400 meetings took place in the first four weeks. Some of the political parties that came out of these meetings were the Constitutional Democrats (Kadets), Social Democrats, Socialist Revolutionaries, Octobrists, and the far-rightist Union of Russian People.[57]

text: Among all the groups that benefited most from the Days of Freedoms were the labor unions. In fact, the Days of Freedom witnessed unionization in the history of the Russian Empire at its apex. At least 67 unions were established in Moscow, as well as 58 in St. Petersburg; the majority of both combined were formed in November 1905 alone. For the Soviets, it was a watershed period of time: nearly 50 of the unions in St. Petersburg came under Soviet control, while in Moscow, the Soviets had around 80000 members. This large sector of power allowed the Soviets enough clout to form their own militias. In St. Petersburg alone, the Soviets claimed around 6,000 armed members with the purpose of protecting the meetings.[58]

text: Perhaps greatly washed up in their newfound window of opportunity, the St. Petersburg soviets, along with other socialist parties, called for armed struggles against the Tsarist government, a war call that no doubt alarmed the government. Not only were the workers charged up, but the Days of Freedom also had an earthquake-like effect on the peasant collective as well. Seeing an opening in the autocracy's waning authority thanks to the Manifesto, the peasants, with a political organization, took to the streets in revolt. In response, the government exerted its forces in campaigns to subdue and repress both the peasants and the workers. Consequences were now in full force: with a pretext in their hands, the government spent the month of December 1905 regaining the level of authority once lost to Bloody Sunday.[59]

text: Ironically, the writers of the October Manifesto were caught off guard by the surge in revolts. One of the main reasons for writing the October Manifesto bordered on the government's "fear of the revolutionary movement".[60] In fact, many officials believed this fear was practically the sole reason for the Manifesto’s creation in the first place. Among those more scared was Dmitri Feodorovich Trepov, governor general of St. Petersburg and deputy minister of the interior. Trepov urged Nicholas II to stick to the principles in the Manifesto, for "every retreat ... would be hazardous to the dynasty".[60]

text: Russian Constitution of 1906[edit]

text: The Russian Constitution of 1906 was published on the eve of the convocation of the First Duma. The new Fundamental Law was enacted to institute promises of the October Manifesto as well as add new reforms. The Tsar was confirmed as absolute leader, with complete control of the executive, foreign policy, church, and the armed forces. The structure of the Duma was changed, becoming a lower chamber below the Council of Ministers, and was half-elected, half-appointed by the Tsar. Legislation had to be approved by the Duma, the Council, and the Tsar to become law. The Fundamental State Laws were the "culmination of the whole sequence of events set in motion in October 1905 and which consolidated the new status quo". The introduction of The Russian Constitution of 1906 was not simply an institution of the October Manifesto. The introduction of the constitution states (and thus emphasizes) the following:

text:
The Russian State is one and indivisible.
The Grand Duchy of Finland, while comprising as inseparable part of the Russian State, is governed in its internal affairs by special decrees based on special legislation.
The Russian language is the common language of the state, and its use is compulsory in the army, the navy and all state and public institutions. The use of local (regional) languages and dialects in state and public institutions are determined by special legislation.

text: The Constitution did not mention any of the provisions of the October Manifesto. While it did enact the provisions laid out previously, its sole purpose seems again to be the propaganda for the monarchy and to simply not fall back on prior promises. The provisions and the new constitutional monarchy did not satisfy Russians and Lenin. The Constitution lasted until the fall of the empire in 1917.

text: Rise of terrorism[edit]

text: The years 1904 and 1907 saw a decline of mass movements, strikes and protests, and a rise of political terrorism. Combat groups such as the SR Combat Organization carried out many assassinations targeting civil servants and police, and robberies. Between 1906 and 1909, revolutionaries killed 7,293 people, of whom 2,640 were officials, and wounded 8,061.[61] Notable victims included:

text:
Dmitry Sipyagin – Minister of Interior. Killed 15 April [O.S. 2 April] 1902 in Saint Petersburg.
Nikolai Bobrikov – Governor-General of Finland. Killed 30 June [O.S. 17 June] 1904 in Helsinki.
Vyacheslav von Plehve – Minister of Interior. Killed 10 August [O.S. 28 July] 1904 in Saint Petersburg.
Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich of Russia – Killed 17 February [O.S. 4 February] 1905 in Moscow.
Eliel Soisalon-Soininen – Procurator of Justice of Finland. Killed 19 February [O.S. 6 February] 1905 in Helsinki.
Victor Sakharov – former war minister. Killed 5 December [O.S. 22 November] 1905.
Admiral Chukhnin – the commander of the Black Sea Fleet. Killed 24 July [O.S. 11 July] 1906.
Aleksey Ignatyev – Killed 22 December [O.S. 9 December] 1906.

text: Repression[edit]

text: The years of revolution were marked by a dramatic rise in the numbers of death sentences and executions. Different figures on the number of executions were compared by Senator Nikolai Tagantsev,[62] and are listed in the table.

text:
Year
Number of executions by different accounts

Report by Ministry of Internal Affairs Police Department to the State Duma on 19 February [O.S. 6 February] 1909
Report by Ministry of War Military Justice department
By Oscar Gruzenberg
Report by Mikhail Borovitinov, assistant head of Ministry of Justice Chief Prison Administration, at the International Prison Congress in Washington, 1910.

1905
10
19
26
20

1906
144
236
225
144

1907
456
627
624
1,139

1908
825
1,330
1,349
825

Total
1,435 + 683[63] = 2,118
2,212
2,235
2,628

text:
Year
Number of executions

1909
537

1910
129

1911
352

1912
123

1913
25

text: These numbers reflect only executions of civilians,[64] and do not include a large number of summary executions by punitive army detachments and executions of military mutinees.[65]

text: Anarchist thinker Peter Kropotkin also noted that official statistics excluded executions during punitive expeditions, especially in Siberia, the Caucasus, and the Baltic provinces.[64]

text: By 1906 there were 4,509 political prisoners in Russian Poland, 20% of the empire's total.[66]

text: Ivanovo Soviet[edit]

text: Ivanovo Voznesensk was known as the 'Russian Manchester' for its textile mills. In 1905, its local revolutionaries were overwhelmingly Bolshevik. It was the first Bolshevik branch in which workers outnumbered intellectuals.

text:
11 May 1905: The 'Group', the revolutionary leadership, called for all the textile mills to strike.
12 May: The strike begins. Strike leaders meet in the local woods.
13 May: 40,000 workers assemble before the Administration Building to give Svirskii, the regional factory inspector, a list of demands.
14 May: Workers' delegates are elected. This was done at the suggestion[67] of Svirskii who wanted people to negotiate with. A mass meeting is held in Administration Square. Svirskii tells them the mill owners will not meet their demands but will negotiate with elected mill delegates who will be immune to prosecution according to the governor.
15 May: Svirskii tells the strikers they can only negotiate over each factory in turn but they can hold elections wherever. The strikers elect delegates by mill right there in the surrounding boulevards. Later the delegates elect a chairman.
17 May: The meetings are moved to the bank of the Talka river, on suggestion by the police chief.
27 May: The delegates' meeting house is closed.
3 June: Cossacks break up a workers meeting, arresting over 20. Workers start sabotaging telephone wires and burn down a mill.
9 June: The police chief resigns.
12 June: All prisoners are released. Mill owners mostly flee to Moscow. Neither side gives in.
27 June: Workers agree to stop striking 1 July.

text: Poland[edit]

text: Finland[edit]

text: In the Grand Duchy of Finland, the Social Democrats organised the general strike of 1905 (12–19 November [O.S. 30 October – 6 November]). The Red Guards were formed, led by captain Johan Kock. During the general strike, the Red Declaration, written by Finnish politician and journalist Yrjö Mäkelin, was published in Tampere, demanding dissolution of the Senate of Finland, universal suffrage, political freedoms, and abolition of censorship. Leader of the constitutionalists, Leo Mechelin crafted the November Manifesto that led to the abolition of the Diet of Finland and of the four Estates, and to the creation of the modern Parliament of Finland. It also resulted in a temporary halt to the Russification policy started in 1899.

text: On 12 August [O.S. 30 July] 1906, Russian artillerymen and military engineers rose to rebellion in the fortress of Sveaborg (later called Suomenlinna), Helsinki. The Finnish Red Guards supported the Sveaborg Rebellion with a general strike, but the mutiny was quelled by loyal troops and ships of the Baltic Fleet within 60 hours.

text: Estonia[edit]

text: In the Governorate of Estonia, Estonians called for freedom of the press and assembly, for universal suffrage, and for national autonomy. On 29 October [O.S. 16 October], the Russian army opened fire in a meeting on a street market in Tallinn in which about 8 000-10 000 people participated, killing 94 and injuring over 200. The October Manifesto was supported in Estonia and the Estonian flag was displayed publicly for the first time. Jaan Tõnisson used the new political freedoms to widen the rights of Estonians by establishing the first Estonian political party - National Progress Party.

text: Another, more radical political organisation, the Estonian Social Democratic Workers' Union was founded as well. The moderate supporters of Tõnisson and the more radical supporters of Jaan Teemant could not agree about how to continue with the revolution, and only agreed that both wanted to limit the rights of Baltic Germans and to end Russification. The radical views were publicly welcomed and in December 1905, martial law was declared in Tallinn. A total of 160 manors were looted, resulting in ca. 400 workers and peasants being killed by the army. Estonian gains from the revolution were minimal, but the tense stability that prevailed between 1905 and 1917 allowed Estonians to advance the aspiration of national statehood.

text: Latvia[edit]

text: Following the shooting of demonstrators in St. Petersburg, a wide-scale general strike began in Riga. On 26 January [O.S. 13 January], Russian army troops opened fire on demonstrators killing 73 and injuring 200 people. During the middle of 1905, the focus of revolutionary events moved to the countryside with mass meetings and demonstrations. 470 new parish administrative bodies were elected in 94% of the parishes in Latvia. The Congress of Parish Representatives was held in Riga in November. In autumn 1905, armed conflict between the Baltic German nobility and the Latvian peasants began in the rural areas of Livland and Courland. In Courland, the peasants seized or surrounded several towns. In Livland, the fighters controlled the Rūjiena-Pärnu railway line.[68] Martial law was declared in Courland in August 1905, and in Livland in late November. Special punitive expeditions were dispatched in mid-December to suppress the movement. They executed 1170 people without trial or investigation and burned 300 peasant homes. Thousands were exiled to Siberia. Many Latvian intellectuals only escaped by fleeing to Western Europe or USA. In 1906, the revolutionary movement gradually subsided.


document_title: Hey Arnold!: The Jungle Movie

question_text: when will hey arnold the jungle movie be on dvd

root

text: Hey Arnold!: The Jungle Movie

text: Plot[edit]

text: Arnold (Mason Vale Cotton) and his best friend Gerald (Benjamin Flores Jr.) plan to make a humanitarian video during the summer, after their fifth grade year, to win a trip to San Lorenzo, where Arnold's parents were last seen. They try to record themselves making a home out of junk for one of their friends, eccentric Monkeyman (Craig Bartlett), but that backfires; Arnold leaves, heartbroken.

tag: p

text: Helga (Francesca Marie Smith), who secretly has a longtime crush on Arnold, uses various footage she's compiled over the years showing Arnold's good deeds and everyone in town surprises Arnold with the video. Arnold's teacher, Mr. Simmons (Dan Butler), reveals to everyone that Arnold's video won the competition and he, his classmates of P.S. 118, and Helga's older sister, Olga (Nika Futterman), fly to San Lorenzo.

text: While on the plane, Arnold's pet pig Abner (also Bartlett) stows away in his backpack. When everyone arrives in San Lorenzo, they are greeted by Arnold's parents' old friend, Eduardo. On board of a ship, Eduardo privately warns Arnold of the dangers the jungle has to offer and gives him an amulet said to lead them to the residents of the lost city of San Lorenzo, the "Green-Eyed People". Later that night, Helga tries to tell Arnold how she felt about him, but the group is attacked by "pirates". After learning the secret that Arnold kept from them, Gerald and the group shun him.

text: When the whole group enters a base camp, Eduardo reveals himself to be a mercenary named Lasombra (Alfred Molina) who disguised himself as Eduardo to trick Arnold and the others. He tells everyone that the contest to win the school field trip to San Lorenzo was a trick to lure Arnold there so he could try to find his parents and help the Green Eyes. He and his men imprison everyone, and plans on using Arnold to find the lost city and its treasures. Helga and Gerald manage to escape and free Arnold and use Arnold's father's old journal to find the city; unknown to them Lasombra anticipated this and placed a tracking device on Arnold's green eyed necklace.

text: Arnold and the gang manage to evade the lost city's traps, including Lasombra, sacrificing most of his men to the traps in the process. They manage to find the city populated by children.

text: Meanwhile, Abner managed to make it back to Arnold's grandparents, Grandpa Phil (Dan Castellaneta) and Grandma Gertie (Tress MacNeille), who see this as a sign that Arnold is in trouble. The two meet with Helga's parents Big Bob (Maurice LaMarche), and Miriam (Kath Soucie) at the airport. The Patakis had received an SOS message from Helga's intelligent best friend, Phoebe (Anndi McAfee). The group flies a rental plane to San Lorenzo, where they soon help the other kids defeat Lasombra's gang.

text: In the city, Arnold and the others realize that the residents of the city worship Arnold. The group finds a statue said to contain a treasure that may lead to a cure for the city's "sleeping sickness" that has contaminated most of the city's population for 9 years. They are eventually cornered by Lasombra, who takes Arnold hostage and steals the statue. While Gerald and Helga catch up, Lasombra forces Arnold to open the statue and he uses the amulet to open it. He succeeds, and when Lasombra tries to take the treasure from within, the statue shoots him in the forehead with a poisoned dart causing Lasombra to fall off the cliff.

text: Afterwards, a mysterious man arrives and reveals himself to be the real Eduardo (Carlos Alazraqui) who reveals that the pirate "attacking" them earlier was him trying to rescue the group from Lasombra. Lasombra climbs back up from the cliff and gets into a brief scuffle with Eduardo (resulting with the treasure falling off the cliff) before he succumbs to the poison dart and plummets to his death. The group makes it back to the city, and Arnold finally sees his parents Miles (also Bartlett), and Stella (Antoinette Stella), who are alive but have been contaminated with the sleep sickness. Without the treasure to release the cure to the infected population, Helga uses her locket containing a photo of Arnold as a replacement. The temple releases the cure and the infected are revived. Arnold and the city's children reunite with their parents. Arnold thanks Helga for her loyalty and finally realizes the depths of her feelings for him. The two share a kiss before being interrupted by Gerald, Miles, and Stella.

text: A few months later, Arnold wakes up in his bedroom and rushes downstairs to find things seemingly back to the way it was before the trip, only this time his parents are cooking breakfast. Arnold says goodbye to his parents as he heads off for his first day of sixth grade with Gerald, Phoebe, and Helga. Gerald and Phoebe are seen holding hands walking to school together implying that they're a couple. It is also implied that Arnold and Helga are a couple despite Helga continuing to remain hostile in public towards Arnold. Arnold's parents walk with him and his friends to school and Arnold tells his mom and dad that they'll see him at 3:30 as the school doors close behind him.

text: Cast[edit]

text: The voice cast for the film is made up of 20 actors from the original series, and 11 new cast members to replace former actors who retired, grew up, or died.[2]

text:
Mason Vale Cotton – Arnold Shortman
Benjamin Flores Jr. – Gerald Johanssen
Francesca Marie Smith – Helga Pataki
Dan Castellaneta – Grandpa Phil
Tress MacNeille – Grandma Gertie
Anndi McAfee – Phoebe
Justin Shenkarow – Harold
Olivia Hack – Rhonda
Gavin Lewis – Eugene
Aiden Lewandowski – Sid
Jet Jurgensmeyer – Stinky
Laya Hayes – Nadine
Nicolas Cantu – Curly
Dan Butler – Mr. Simmons
Maurice LaMarche – Big Bob
Kath Soucie – Miriam
Nika Futterman – Olga
Craig Bartlett – Miles, Brainy, Abner, Monkeyman
Antoinette Stella – Stella
Carlos Alazraqui – Eduardo
Dom Irrera – Ernie
Wally Wingert – Oskar, Mr. Hyunh[3]
Rick Corso – Dino Spumoni
Danny Cooksey – Stoop Kid
Danielle Judovits – Big Patty
Jim Belushi – Coach Wittenberg
Stephen Stanton – Pigeon Man[4]
Lane Toran – Che[5]
Jamil Walker Smith – Paulo[6]
Hope Levy – Girl Queen
Alfred Molina – Lasombra

tag: ul

text: Production[edit]

text: Development[edit]

text: In 1998, when Nickelodeon renewed Hey Arnold! for a fourth season, they offered series creator Craig Bartlett a chance to develop two feature-length films based on the series. One as a TV movie or direct-to-video, called Arnold Saves the Neighborhood, and another slated for a theatrical release. Nickelodeon asked Bartlett to do "the biggest idea he could think of" for the theatrical film. After looking at the series, Bartlett decided to make the theatrical feature as a spiritual sequel/follow-up to the episode "Parents Day", and have Arnold try to solve the question of what happened to Miles and Stella, his parents. This became known as Hey Arnold!: The Jungle Movie. In 2001, executives at Nickelodeon and Paramount decided to give the made-for-TV movie Arnold Saves the Neighborhood a theatrical release instead in 2002, under the title of Hey Arnold!: The Movie to attract the attention of the public, after successful test screenings. Around this time, Nickelodeon also asked Bartlett to produce a special one-hour "prequel" episode called "The Journal" that would serve as a lead-in to the second movie. The episode aired on Nickelodeon later on November 11, 2002.[7]

text: However, Hey Arnold!: The Movie received a poor reception, and grossed $15.2 million worldwide, resulting in the cancellation of The Jungle Movie and leaving Hey Arnold! with an unresolved cliffhanger ending.

text: During subsequent years, Bartlett shared many details, characters and plot points of the movie; however, he did not reveal any significant spoilers in the event that the movie might someday get made. Around 2009, many fans started online petitions to convince Nickelodeon to greenlight The Jungle Movie. In 2011, reruns of Hey Arnold! in the TeenNick block increased public attention in the series and its cancelled movie. In October 2012 Craig Bartlett revealed that he was back at Nickelodeon having meetings with them.[8] In December 2014, it was revealed that Craig Bartlett and Nickelodeon's executives were interested in making a Hey Arnold! reboot.[9]

text: In September 2015, Nickelodeon announced officially during an interview with Entertainment Weekly that they were considering rebooting many of their old properties, and that a Hey Arnold! revival was one of them.[10] On November 23, 2015, Nickelodeon reported that they were working on a Hey Arnold! TV movie that would answer all the fans' questions, including the whereabouts of Arnold's parents, with Bartlett set to write and produce.[11][12] On March 1, 2016, it was announced that the film would be released in 2017.[13] The next day, Bartlett confirmed officially that the TV movie would be The Jungle Movie and that it would be released as a two-hour TV movie.[14]

text: Writing[edit]

text: According to Bartlett, the story of The Jungle Movie was originally written and produced between 1998 and 2001 by Steve Viksten, Jonathan Greenberg and himself. Storyboards were drafted by Raymie Muzquiz and test footage was produced.[15]

text: In the years following the film's cancellation, Bartlett confirmed many plot points of the film, like the revelation of Arnold's name during the opening sequence and that Arnold still had the map of the jungle of San Lorenzo that he found in "The Journal". He also revealed that Lasombra was searching for La Corazón, a fabulous jewel and sacred relic of the Green-Eyed people, the tribe that Miles and Stella helped in the past. Helga's and Arnold's relationship would also take a next step, after Helga kissed Arnold in the climax of the Hey Arnold!: The Movie. Craig Bartlett mentioned in an interview that The Jungle Movie was the first thing he pitched when he came back to Nickelodeon.[16]

text: In June 2016, Bartlett confirmed that the TV movie was written to take place with the kids going into the fifth grade, one year after the ending of the original series.[17] In July 2016, Variety showed various artworks of the main characters.[18]

text: As revealed in a promo during the NickSplat premiere, the script for the film was originally twice as long. One particular gag that was cut was the parade sequence in San Lorenzo in which Olga appears on a parade float, and Helga appears on another dressed as a monkey. In the final version, there is only a very brief shot of the parade.

text: Casting[edit]

text: On June 13, 2016, it was reported that Francesca Marie Smith, Anndi McAfee, Justin Shenkarow, Olivia Hack, Nika Futterman, Dan Butler, Dan Castellaneta, Tress MacNeille, Antoinette Stella, Carlos Alazraqui, Dom Irrera, Maurice LaMarche, Kath Soucie, Danielle Judovits, Danny Cooksey, Jim Belushi and Hey Arnold! creator Craig Bartlett were attached to reprise their respective roles as Helga, Phoebe, Harold, Rhonda, Olga, Mr. Simmons, Grandpa, Grandma, Stella, Eduardo, Ernie, Bob Pataki, Miriam, Big Patty, Stoop Kid, Coach Wittenberg and Miles; while Lane Toran and Jamil Walker Smith, the original voices of Arnold and Gerald were attached to return, but as the voices of San Lorenzo tour guides, while being replaced by Mason Vale Cotton and Benjamin Flores, Jr. respectively;[19][20] and Alfred Molina was cast as Lasombra, the film's main antagonist.[21] The next day, it was reported that Gavin Lewis, Jet Jurgensmeyer, Aiden Lewandowski, and Laya Hayes were cast as Eugene, Stinky, Sid and Nadine.[22]

text: Marketing[edit]

text: On July 10, 2017, Nickelodeon released an "exclusive first look" at the new character designs narrated by Bartlett.[23] Eleven days later, on July 21, to coincide with the Hey Arnold! panel at San Diego Comic-Con, a short scene from the film was released, in which Arnold is presented with a special film about all the good he has done for his neighborhood.[24][25] The film's official trailer was released on October 6, 2017.[26] An additional trailer was released on the NickSplat YouTube channel on November 7, 2017.[27]

text: During the month of November, NickSplat (a programming block on TeenNick that regularly features the series) aired Hey Arnold! episodes every night from 12:00 to 1:00 AM (ET/PT). From November 17 to 24, NickSplat aired a marathon of every episode of the series, nightly from 12:00 to 6:00 AM (ET/PT).[28]

text: Reception[edit]

text: Ratings[edit]

text: The original broadcast of the movie was watched by 1.63 million total viewers when it premiered on Nickelodeon with simulcasts on TeenNick and Nicktoons. On Nickelodeon, the movie leaked into Nick at Nite, causing the ratings to be reported separately for each hour of the film, since Nielsen considers Nick at Nite a separate network despite being on the same channel. The combined average was 1.27 million total viewers, with 1.39 million total viewers for the Nickelodeon hour and 1.15 million total viewers for the Nick at Nite hour. On TeenNick and Nicktoons, the movie was watched by 0.13 million total viewers and 0.23 million total viewers, respectively.[29]

text: Critical reception[edit]

text: The A.V. Club graded it with an "A" complimenting the film for preserving the original series' "warm tone and careful pacing, its willingness to let its young characters absorb dramatic moments and contemplate within silences."[30] IGN.com gave the film a score of 7.5 out of 10, noting "the little, unexpected homages to what made Hey, Arnold! such a joy originally that mark the high points of The Jungle Movie."[31] Den of Geek gave it a score of 3 out of 5, giving a more decidedly mixed opinion of the film, praising the opening moments of the film but criticizing the scenes in San Lorenzo.[32]

text: Release[edit]

text: International[edit]

text: The film premiered on YTV in Canada on January 5, 2018,[33] and had a limited theatrical premiere in Australia on February 10 and 11[34] before airing on Nickelodeon Australia on March 2, 2018.

text: Home media[edit]

text: The television film was released on DVD on February 13, 2018 by Paramount Home Entertainment.[35]


document_title: What Ever Happened to Baby Jane? (1962 film)

question_text: who got the oscar for what happened to baby jane

text: Plot[edit]

text: In 1917, "Baby Jane" Hudson is an adored yet ill-tempered vaudevillian child star while her older sister Blanche lives in her shadow. By 1935, their fortunes have reversed: Blanche is a successful film actress and Jane lives in obscurity, her films having failed. One night, Jane mocks Blanche at a party, prompting Blanche to run away in tears. That same night, Blanche is paralyzed from the waist down in a mysterious car accident that is unofficially blamed on Jane, who is found three days later in a drunken stupor.

text: In 1962 a wheelchair-bound Blanche (Joan Crawford) and Jane (Bette Davis) are living together in Blanche's mansion, purchased with Blanche's movie earnings. By now, Jane has descended into alcoholism and mental illness and treats Blanche with cruelty to punish her for stealing her spotlight. Later, when Blanche informs Jane she may be selling the house, Jane's mental health begins to deteriorate further. During an argument, she removes the telephone from Blanche's bedroom, cutting Blanche off from the outside world. Later, Jane begins denying Blanche food, until she serves Blanche her dead parakeet on a platter—and, at a later meal, a rat that she killed in the cellar.

text: Jane becomes obsessed with recapturing her childhood stardom and puts an advertisement in the paper for a pianist to accompany her singing, When Jane leaves the house, Blanche tries to get the attention of her neighbor, Mrs. Bates (Anna Lee), by writing a note pleading for help and throwing it out her bedroom window. Jane returns in time to notice the note and prevents Mrs. Bates from seeing it. When Jane reads the note, the two sisters quarrel again.

text: When Blanche's caretaker Elvira Stitt (Maidie Norman) comes to clean the house, Jane pays her and gives her the day off, but when Elvira returns later on, Jane abruptly fires her and sends her away. After Jane goes to the bank to get some cash, Elvira comes back and finds that Jane has locked Blanche in her room. When Jane returns, a neighbor tells her she saw Elvira go into the house. Jane confronts Elvira. Meanwhile, eccentric and cash-strapped Edwin Flagg (Victor Buono) sees Jane's newspaper advertisement and arrives at the mansion, where Jane hires him as her accompanist. Desperate for cash, Edwin insincerely flatters Jane and encourages her to revive her act. While Jane drives Edwin home, Blanche searches the house for food and discovers Jane has been forging her signature on checks. Desperate for help, Blanche crawls down the stairs and calls their doctor, telling him of Jane's erratic behavior and begging him to come to the house. Jane returns in time to find Blanche on the phone and beats her unconscious before imitating her voice over the phone and telling the doctor not to come. She then binds and gags Blanche and locks her back in her upstairs bedroom. Elvira, still suspicious of Jane, returns the next day and discovers Blanche in a weakened and starved state. Before she can rescue her, however, Jane beats Elvira to death with a hammer and disposes of her body.

text: Days later, the police call upon the Hudson house and tell Jane that her maid's cousin has reported her missing. The panicked Jane prepares to leave, taking Blanche with her. Before they can leave, Edwin shows up uninvited and drunk, and discovers Blanche in her bed, bound and emaciated. Edwin flees to a drugstore where he notifies the authorities.

text: Jane drives Blanche to the beach and reverts to her childhood self. Near death, Blanche confesses that her paralysis is her own fault: on the night of the accident, she had tried to run Jane over because she was angry at her sister for mocking her, and ever since she has let Jane believe she was to blame for her spine being severed when the car struck the iron gate of their house. Pathetically, Jane asks, "You mean all this time we could have been friends?" With childlike joy, Jane goes to a beachside snack bar to get ice-cream cones for herself and Blanche, then succumbs completely to her insanity and dances before a crowd of puzzled onlookers, believing she is once again "Baby Jane", performing for her adoring fans. Two police officers, who have come to arrest Jane for Elvira's murder, see Blanche lying motionless in the sand and rush to her. The film ends here, without revealing whether Blanche has survived her ordeal.

text: Cast[edit]

text:
Bette Davis as Jane Hudson

Julie Allred as nine-year-old Jane
Debbie Burton as young Jane's singing voice

Joan Crawford as Blanche Hudson

Gina Gillespie as thirteen-year-old Blanche

Victor Buono as Edwin Flagg
Marjorie Bennett as Dehlia Flagg
Maidie Norman as Elvira Stitt
Anna Lee as Mrs. Bates
B. D. Merrill as Liza Bates
Dave Willock as Ray Hudson
Anne Barton as Cora Hudson
Wesley Addy as Marty McDonald
Bert Freed as Ben Golden
Robert Cornthwaite as Doctor Shelby

text: Production[edit]

text: Bette Davis came up with her own makeup for her role. She said that Jane was someone who never washed her face, but just added more makeup.

text: The house exterior of the Hudson mansion is located at 172 South McCadden Place in the neighborhood of Hancock Park, Los Angeles. Other residential exteriors show cottages on DeLongpre Avenue near Harvard Avenue in Hollywood without their current gated courtyards. The scene on the beach was shot in Malibu, reportedly the same site where Aldrich filmed the final scene of Kiss Me Deadly (1955).

text: Footage from the Bette Davis films Parachute Jumper and Ex-Lady (both 1933) and the Joan Crawford film Sadie McKee (1934) was used to represent the film acting of Baby Jane and Blanche respectively.

text: The neighbour's daughter was played by Davis' daughter B. D. Merrill who, following in the footsteps of Crawford's daughter Christina, later wrote a memoir that depicted her mother in an unfavorable light.

text: Crawford was scheduled to appear alongside Davis on a publicity tour of Baby Jane but cancelled at the last minute. Davis claimed that Crawford backed out because she didn't want to share the stage with her.[12] In a 1972 telephone conversation, Crawford related to future author Shaun Considine that after seeing a screening of the film she urged Davis to go and have a look. When she didn't hear back from her co-star, Crawford called Davis and asked her what she thought of the film to which Davis replied, "You were so right, Joan. The picture is good. And I was terrific." Crawford replied, "That was it. She never said anything about my performance. Not a word." Considine alleges that this denial from Davis (with regard to Joan's talent as an actress) prompted Crawford to cancel the publicity tour and upstage Davis at the Oscars.[13]

text: Prior to the Oscars ceremony, Crawford contacted the Best Actress nominees who were unable to attend the ceremonies and offered to accept the award on their behalf should they win. Davis claimed that Crawford lobbied against her among Academy voters. When Anne Bancroft was declared the winner for The Miracle Worker, she was in New York performing in a play, and had agreed to have Crawford accept her award if she won. Crawford triumphantly swept on-stage to pick up the trophy. Davis later commented, "It would have meant a million more dollars to our film if I had won. Joan was thrilled I hadn't."[14] As both Davis and Crawford had accepted lower salaries in exchange for a share of the film's profits,[15] Davis considered it especially foolish of Crawford to have worked against their common interests, especially at a time when roles for actresses of their generation were hard to find.

text: During the filming of Hush… Hush, Sweet Charlotte (1964), Crawford acknowledged to visiting reporter/author Lawrence J. Quirk the difficulty she was having with Davis because of the Oscar incident but added, "She acted like Baby Jane was a one-woman show after they nominated her. What was I supposed to do, let her hog all the glory, act like I hadn't even been in the movie? She got the nomination. I didn't begrudge her that, but it would have been nice if she'd been a little gracious in interviews and given me a little credit. I would have done it for her."[16]

text: Critical reception[edit]

text: The film received very positive reviews and elicited mixed responses over the Davis/Crawford combination. In his review in The New York Times, Bosley Crowther observed, "[Davis and Crawford] do get off some amusing and eventually blood-chilling displays of screaming sororal hatred and general monstrousness ... The feeble attempts that Mr. Aldrich has made to suggest the irony of two once idolized and wealthy females living in such depravity, and the pathos of their deep-seated envy having brought them to this, wash out very quickly under the flood of sheer grotesquerie."[17]

text: Variety stated, "Although the results heavily favor Davis (and she earns the credit), it should be recognized that the plot, of necessity, allows her to run unfettered through all the stages of oncoming insanity ... Crawford gives a quiet, remarkably fine interpretation of the crippled Blanche, held in emotionally by the nature and temperament of the role."[18]

text: In a retrospective review, TV Guide awarded the film four stars, calling it "Star wars, trenchantly served" and adding, "If it sometimes looks like a poisonous senior citizen show with over-the-top spoiled ham, just try to look away ... As in the best Hitchcock movies, suspense, rather than actual mayhem, drives the film."[19]

text: On review aggregator website Rotten Tomatoes the film holds an approval rating of 92% based on 48 reviews.[20]

text: Accolades[edit]

text: The film was nominated for five Academy Awards, winning one for Best Costume Design.[21]

text:
Academy Award for Best Actress (Bette Davis, nominee)
Academy Award for Best Actor in a Supporting Role (Victor Buono, nominee)
Academy Award for Best Costume Design, Black and White (Norma Koch, winner)
Academy Award for Best Cinematography, Black and White (Ernest Haller, nominee)
Academy Award for Best Sound (Joseph D. Kelly, nominee)
BAFTA Award for Best Foreign Actress (Crawford, nominee)
BAFTA Award for Best Foreign Actress (Davis, nominee)
Golden Globe Award for Best Actress - Motion Picture Drama (Davis, nominee)
Golden Globe Award for Best Supporting Actor - Motion Picture (Buono, nominee)
Laurel Award for Golden Laurel for Sleeper of the Year (Winner)
Golden Palm – 1963 Cannes Film Festival (nominee)[22]

text: Box office[edit]

text: The film was a surprise box office hit, grossing $9 million at the worldwide box office and $4,050,000 in theatrical rentals in North America.[3][23] Its estimated budget was only $980,000.[1]

text: In the United Kingdom, the film was given an X certificate by the BBFC in 1962, with a few minor cuts. These cuts were waived for a video submission, which was given an 18 certificate in 1988, meaning no-one under 18 years of age could purchase a copy of the film.[1] However, in 2004, the film was re-submitted for a theatrical re-release, and it was given a 12A certificate, now meaning persons under 12 years of age could view it if accompanied by an adult. It remains at this category.[24]

text: Legacy[edit]

text: This section may need to be rewritten entirely to comply with Wikipedia's quality standards. You can help. The discussion page may contain suggestions. (July 2017)

tag: table

text: The film's success spawned a succession of horror/thriller films featuring psychotic older women, later dubbed the psycho-biddy subgenre, among them Aldrich's Hush… Hush, Sweet Charlotte, What Ever Happened to Aunt Alice?, and director Curtis Harrington's Whoever Slew Auntie Roo? and What's the Matter with Helen?. It was parodied by the Italian comedy film What Ever Happened to Baby Toto?[25]

text: Shaun Considine's 1989 book Bette and Joan: The Divine Feud chronicles the actresses' rivalry, including their experience shooting this film.[26]

text: Comedy duo French and Saunders (Jennifer Saunders and Dawn French) did a BBC episode called "Whatever Happened to Baby Dawn" on 22 March 1990.[27]

text: The film was remade in 1991 as a television film starring real-life sisters Vanessa and Lynn Redgrave.[28]

text: In 2006, Christina Aguilera adopted a new alter ego called Baby Jane after Bette Davis' character in the film.[29]

text: In episode 4 of RuPaul's Drag Race: All Stars (season 2), the queens' acting chops are tested in parody movie sequels of RuPaul's favourite movies. A parody of ''What Ever Happened to Baby Jane?'' called ''Wha' Ha' Happened To Baby JJ?'' was made by Alaska and Alyssa Edwards.[30]

text: The backstage battle between Crawford and Davis during the production of the film is the basis for Feud: Bette and Joan, the 2017 first season of the Ryan Murphy television series Feud. It stars Jessica Lange as Crawford and Susan Sarandon as Davis.[31][32] It premiered on March 5, 2017.


document_title: Inigo Montoya

question_text: the princess bride i am inigo montoya quote

text: Inigo Montoya

text: Character background[edit]

text: In The Princess Bride, Inigo Montoya is portrayed as a Spanish fencer and henchman to the Sicilian criminal Vizzini. Inigo's father Domingo was a great swordcrafter, but he remained obscure because he disliked dealing with the stupid rich and privileged. When Count Rugen, a nobleman with a six-fingered right hand, asked him to forge a sword to accommodate his unusual grip, Domingo labored over the sword for a year. When Rugen returned, he reneged on his promised price. Thus, Domingo refused to sell him the sword, not as a matter of money, but because Count Rugen could not appreciate the great work of the sword. He proclaimed that the sword would now belong to Inigo. Rugen then promptly killed Domingo. Eleven-year-old Inigo witnessed the crime and challenged Rugen to a fight, wherein Rugen disarmed Inigo in under a minute, but was genuinely disconcerted by the boy's skill at fencing; recognizing Inigo's talent, Rugen spared his life and allowed him to keep the sword, but gave him two scars, one on each cheek.

text: Inigo then went to live with his father's friend and fellow swordmaker Yeste for two years; devastated by the loss, he devoted himself to becoming a great swordsman to be able to avenge his father. His training included tutelage under the most skilled fencing masters of his time. In the 30th anniversary version of "The Princess Bride", it is revealed that, while training for his revenge against Count Rugen, Inigo falls in love with a servant girl, Giulietta. He woos her, and she reveals that she is a Countess and is in love with him as well. The two dance, and it is implied that Inigo leaves the next day. After ten years of training, Inigo becomes the greatest swordsman of his generation and the only living man to hold the rank of "wizard" (a fictional fencing rank above "master").

text: In The Princess Bride[edit]

text: Unable to find his father's killer and fearing that he would never fulfill his quest, Inigo sinks into depression and alcoholism before the criminal Vizzini finds him. Vizzini, Inigo, and a Turk named Fezzik are hired by an unknown man to kidnap and kill the "princess bride", Buttercup. Subsequent events lead to Inigo's duel with the "Man in Black" (Westley), an extended sequence in both the book and the movie, in which both contestants begin fencing left-handed and eventually convert to their dominant right hands as the contest intensifies.

text: Westley eventually bests Inigo in the battle, but spares his life (knocking Inigo unconscious instead) out of respect for his abilities. When Inigo regains consciousness, he enters the Thieves' Quarter of Florin City, falls into depression, and becomes a useless drunkard once more. Eventually, Fezzik finds him and helps him regain his health. They eventually rescue Westley from Rugen's torture chamber but find, to their chagrin, that he appears to be dead. In desperation, they take him to Miracle Max, the king's former "miracle man", who tells them that Westley is only "mostly dead". Inigo persuades Max to help by appealing to Max's hatred of Prince Humperdinck, who had fired him, and they bring Westley back to life.

text: That night, Inigo joins Westley to fight Humperdinck, and finally confronts his father's killer with the words he had waited half his life to say: "Hello. My name is Inigo Montoya. You killed my father. Prepare to die." Rugen runs away. Inigo chases him throughout the castle until Rugen suddenly throws a knife at him and seriously wounds him, mocking his quest as he prepares to deliver the fatal blow. At the last second, Inigo recovers his strength and duels his father's murderer, repeating his fateful words as he corners Rugen, inflicting on him the same dueling scars. Rugen begs for his life and offers to give Inigo anything he wants before trying to attack him again; Inigo replies, "I want my father back, you son of a bitch", and kills him.[2] This scene from the film was ranked #86 by IGN in their list of "Top 100 Movie Moments".[3] Mandy Patinkin has said that his inspiration for the scene was the real-life loss of his father to cancer and the feeling that his character killing Rugen would bring him back.[4][5] At the end of the film, having avenged his father and thus no longer in "the revenge business", Inigo ponders what he will do with the rest of his life. In response, Westley offers Inigo a position as successor to "The Dread Pirate Roberts". The novel ends with Inigo's wounds reopening while he is on the run from the Brute Squad, leaving his future in doubt.


document_title: Me Before You (film)

question_text: where is the film me before you filmed

question_tokens: where is the film me before you filmed

text: Me Before You (film)

text: Plot[edit]

text: 26-year-old Louisa Clark (Emilia Clarke) is a happy, outgoing woman who lives with and supports her working-class family. After losing her job at a local cafe, she is hired as the caregiver of Will Traynor (Sam Claflin), a former successful banker and once active young man who became paralyzed after being involved in a motorcycle accident two years prior. Louisa has no experience but Will's mother believes her cheery personality will help lift his spirits. Will only spends time with Nathan, his nurse, who assists with his care, exercise and movement and knows that he will never regain use of his body due to the damage to his spinal cord.

text: Cynical and depressed because he can no longer live an active life, he initially reacts coldly to Louisa's upbeat demeanor and treats her with contempt. After two weeks, Will has a visit from his former best friend Rupert and ex-girlfriend Alicia who reveal that they are engaged. Will manages to smash all the photographs on his dresser in anger and indignation, which Louisa tries to repair the next day, leading to a verbal altercation during which Louisa chastises him for being an arse. The next day, Will asks Louisa to watch a film with subtitles with him, and she accepts. The two begin to bond and eventually become close friends. Louisa and Will continue to talk daily; she learns that he is cultured and worldly, having traveled extensively. In contrast, her life so far has been simple, without many interests or hobbies or travel away from home. Her long-term boyfriend, Patrick (Matthew Lewis), is training to take part in a Viking triathlon in Norway, a hobby that he often chooses over spending time with her. Will urges Louisa to broaden her horizons and tells her that it's her responsibility to live life as fully as possible.

text: While taking care of him during one of his occasional illnesses, Louisa notices Will's scarred wrists from a previous suicide attempt. While at work one day, Louisa overhears an argument of Will's parents and she learns that Will has given his parents six months before checking in to Dignitas in Switzerland for assisted suicide. Will refuses to accept life with a disability that entails dependency, pain and suffering without any hope for recovery of his old self. Louisa then takes it upon herself to change his mind. She organizes various trips and adventures to show Will that life is worth living, despite his disability. Will gradually becomes more communicative and open to her plans. The pair attends the horse-racing, with disastrous consequences and a few days afterwards, goes to a Mozart concert. Will then decides to attend Alicia's wedding and asks Louisa to accompany him. At the wedding, Louisa and Will enjoy offending the straight-laced guests. Louisa learns from the bride's godmother that she considers Will to be Alicia's 'one that got away'.

text: Will joins Louisa's family for dinner on her birthday, where they learn that Louisa's father had lost his job in a leveraged buyout that happened to have been organized by a younger associate of Will. Shortly thereafter Louisa's father is offered the head of maintenance job at Stortfold Castle which belongs to Will's family and Louisa realizes that Will is trying to help her secure her freedom from her family. Gradually they develop strong feelings for one another, which makes Patrick jealous and causes problems in Louisa's long-standing relationship, leading to their break-up.

text: During a luxurious trip to the island of Mauritius together, undertaken after another bout with pneumonia and with help from Will's male nurse, Will informs Louisa that he still intends to follow through with the euthanasia. He wants her to live a full life instead of "half a life" with him. He says their time together has been special, but he cannot bear to live in a wheelchair. He asks her to accompany him to Switzerland to be with him through his last moments. Heartbroken, she informs Will's parents upon arrival in London that she is quitting immediately and travels back to her home by bus. She does not speak to Will for the days that follow. However, at home, Louisa's father convinces her to go to Will in Switzerland. She finds out that he has already left for Switzerland, and decides to go to Switzerland herself to be with Will in his final moments.

text: A few weeks after Will's death, sitting in his favorite cafe in Paris, she rereads the letter Will left for her. In it he encourages her to seek out a specific perfume shop and ends off the letter with 'just live', which she can afford to do because he has left her enough money to follow her dreams.

text: Cast[edit]

text:
Emilia Clarke as Louisa "Lou" Clark[6]
Sam Claflin as William "Will" Traynor[6]
Jenna Coleman as Katrina Clark[7]
Charles Dance as Steven Traynor[7]
Janet McTeer as Camilla Traynor[8]
Matthew Lewis as Patrick[9]
Brendan Coyle as Bernard Clark[9]
Vanessa Kirby as Alicia Dewares[9]
Ben Lloyd-Hughes[9] as Rupert Collins
Steve Peacocke as Nathan
Samantha Spiro[9] as Josie Clark
Joanna Lumley[10] as Mary Rawlinson
Christopher Wilson as Major Timothy Dewares (Alicia's father)

text: Production[edit]

text: On April 2, 2014, it was announced Thea Sharrock would direct the film.[11] On September 2, 2014, Emilia Clarke and Sam Claflin were cast in the film.[6] Stephen Peacocke was cast on March 24, 2015,[12] with Jenna Coleman and Charles Dance cast on April 2, 2015.[7] On April 9, 2015, Janet McTeer joined the cast;[8] and Brendan Coyle, Matthew Lewis, Samantha Spiro, Vanessa Kirby, and Ben Lloyd-Hughes joined the cast the next day.[9]

text: Filming[edit]

text: Principal photography began in April 2015, and ended on June 26, 2015.[13][14] The film was shot in various locations in the UK, including Pembroke, Wales, and Chenies Manor House, Chenies, Buckinghamshire, England for the wedding scenes, while Majorca, Spain, stands in for Mauritius.[15]

text: Release[edit]

text: In July 2014, it was announced that the film would be released on August 21, 2015.[16] In May 2015, the film's release date was moved to June 3, 2016.[17] In November 2015, the film's release date was moved back, to March 4, 2016,[18] before being delayed again in January 2016, to its previous June 3, 2016 release date.[19]

text: Reception[edit]

text: Box office[edit]

text: Me Before You grossed $56.2 million in North America and over $151.2 million in other territories for a total of $207.4 million, against a budget of $20 million.[4]

text: In North America, Me Before You opened on June 3, 2016 alongside Popstar: Never Stop Never Stopping and Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles: Out of the Shadows and was expected to gross around $15 million from 2,704 theaters in its opening weekend.[20] The film grossed $1.4 million from its Thursday night previews and $7.8 million on its first day.[21] In its opening weekend the film grossed $18.3 million, finishing third at the box office behind Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles: Out of the Shadows ($35.3 million) and X-Men: Apocalypse ($22.3 million).[22]

text: Critical response[edit]

text: On Rotten Tomatoes, the film has a rating of 58% based on 151 reviews; the average rating is 5.5/10. The site's critical consensus reads, "Me Before You benefits from Emilia Clarke and Sam Claflin's alluring chemistry, although it isn't enough to compensate for its clumsy treatment of a sensitive subject."[23] On Metacritic the film has a score of 51 out of 100 based on 36 critics, indicating "mixed or average reviews".[5] Audiences polled by CinemaScore gave the film an average grade of "A" on an A+ to F scale.[24]

text: Accolades[edit]

text:
Award
Category
Recipient(s)
Result
Ref(s)

People's Choice Awards
Favorite Dramatic Movie
Me Before You
Won
[25]

Teen Choice Awards
Choice Movie: Liplock
Emilia Clarke and Sam Claflin
Nominated
[26]

MTV Movie & TV Awards
Tearjerker
Emilia Clarke and Sam Claflin
Nominated
[27]

text: Controversy[edit]

text: The film has suffered a backlash from many people in the disability rights movement due to what they perceive as an underlying message that people with disabilities are a burden on their families and careers, and claim the film promotes the view that people are better off dead than disabled.[28] They view the film as advocating suicide so that their loved ones can "live boldly".[29][30] The #MeBeforeEuthanasia backlash has been led by celebrities with disabilities such as Liz Carr, Penny Pepper,[31] Mik Scarlet[29] and Cherylee Houston and Not Dead Yet UK in the UK,[32][33] and Dominick Evans, Emily Ladau and activists from Not Dead Yet in the US.[34] Protests in the US occurred in Los Angeles, New York City, Boston, various locations in Colorado and Texas, Atlanta, Baltimore, Connecticut, Rochester, San Francisco, and multiple locations around the country. The film was also protested in Australia.[35]