document_title: Languages of the Philippines

question_text: what are the major languages of the philippines

question_tokens: what are the major languages of the philippines

text: Languages of the Philippines

text: National and official languages[edit]

text: The 1987 Constitution declares Filipino as the national language of the country. Filipino and English are the official languages, with the recognition of the regional languages as auxiliary official in their respective regions (though not specifying any particular languages). Spanish and Arabic are to be promoted on an optional and voluntary basis.[9]

text: Spanish was the official language of the country for more than three centuries under Spanish colonial rule, and became the lingua franca of the Philippines in the 19th and early 20th centuries. In 1863, a Spanish decree introduced universal education, creating free public schooling in Spanish.[10] It was also the language of the Philippine Revolution, and the 1899 Malolos Constitution effectively proclaimed it as the official language of the First Philippine Republic.[11] National hero José Rizal wrote most of his works in Spanish. Luciano de la Rosa established that Spanish was spoken by a total of 60% of the population in the early 20th century as a first, second or third language. Following the American occupation of the Philippines and the imposition of English, the use of Spanish declined gradually, especially after the 1940s.

text: Under the U.S. occupation and civil regime, English began to be taught in schools. By 1901, public education used English as the medium of instruction. Around 600 educators (called "Thomasites") who arrived in that year aboard the USAT Thomas replaced the soldiers who also functioned as teachers. The 1935 Constitution added English as an official language alongside Spanish. A provision in this constitution also called for Congress to "take steps toward the development and adoption of a common national language based on one of the existing native languages." On November 12, 1937, the First National Assembly created the National Language Institute. President Manuel L. Quezón appointed native Waray speaker Jaime C. De Veyra to chair a committee of speakers of other regional languages. Their aim was to select a national language among the other regional languages. Ultimately, Tagalog was chosen as the base language December 30, 1937, on the basis that it was the most widely spoken and developed local language.[12]

text:
In 1939, President Manuel L. Quezón renamed the Tagalog language as Wikang Pambansa ("national language" in English translation).[13] The language was further renamed in 1959 as Pilipino by Secretary of
Education Jose Romero. The 1973 constitution declared the Pilipino language to be co-official, along with English, and mandated the development of a national language, to be known as Filipino.  In addition, Spanish regained its official status when President Marcos signed Presidential Decree No. 155, s. 1973.[14]

text: The present constitution, ratified in 1987, designates Filipino and English as joint official languages. Filipino also had the distinction of being a national language that was to be "developed and enriched on the basis of existing Philippine and other languages." Although not explicitly stated in the constitution, Filipino is in practice almost completely composed of the Tagalog language as spoken in the capital, Manila; however, organizations such as the University of the Philippines began publishing dictionaries such as the UP Diksyonaryong Filipino in which words from various Philippine languages were also included. The present constitution is also the first to give recognition to other regional languages. The constitution also made mention of Spanish and Arabic, both of which are to be promoted on a voluntary and optional basis.

text: Filipino is an official language of education and also the major language of the broadcast media and cinema, but less important than English as a language of publication (except in some domains, like comic books) and less important for academic-scientific-technological discourse. Filipino is used as a lingua franca in all regions of the Philippines as well as within overseas Filipino communities, and is the dominant language of the armed forces (except perhaps for the small part of the commissioned officer corps from wealthy or upper-middle-class families) and of a large part of the civil service, most of whom are non-Tagalogs.

text: There are different forms of diglossia that exist in the case of regional languages. Locals may use their mother tongue or the regional lingua franca to communicate amongst themselves, but sometimes switch to foreign languages when addressing outsiders. Another is the prevalence of code-switching to English when speaking in both their first language and Tagalog.

text: The Constitution of the Philippines provides for the use of the vernacular languages as official auxiliary languages in provinces where Filipino is not the lingua franca. Filipinos at large are polyglots; In the case where the vernacular language is a regional language, Filipinos would speak in Filipino when speaking in formal situations while the regional languages are spoken in non-formal settings. This is evident in major urban areas outside Metro Manila like Camarines Norte in the Bikol-speaking area, and Davao in the Cebuano-speaking area. As of  2017[update], the case of Ilocano and Cebuano are becoming more of bilingualism than diglossia due to the publication of materials written in these languages.[citation needed]

text: The diglossia is more evident in the case of other languages such as Pangasinan, Kapampangan, Bikol, Waray, Hiligaynon, Sambal, and Maranao, where the written variant of the language is becoming less and less popular to give way to the use of Filipino. Although Philippine laws consider some of these languages as "major languages" there is little, if any, support coming from the government to preserve these languages. This may be bound to change, however, given current policy trends.[15]

text: There still exists another type of diglossia, which is between the regional languages and the minority languages. Here, we label the regional languages as acrolects while the minority languages as the basilect. In this case, the minority language is spoken only in very intimate circles, like the family or the tribe one belongs to. Outside this circle, one would speak in the prevalent regional language, while maintaining an adequate command of Filipino for formal situations. Unlike the case of the regional languages, these minority languages are always in danger of becoming extinct because of speakers favoring the more prevalent regional language. Moreover, most of the users of these languages are illiterate[specify] and as expected, there is a chance that these languages will no longer be revived due to lack of written records.[citation needed]

text: Aside from the two official nationwide languages used in the Philippines, namely, Filipino and English, other languages have been proposed as additional nationwide languages. Among the most prominent proposals are Japanese[16][17], and Spanish.[18]

text: Indigenous languages[edit]

text: According to Ethnologue, a total of 182 native languages are spoken in the nation and four languages have been classified as extinct: Dicamay Agta, Katabaga, Tayabas Ayta and Villaviciosa Agta.[19] Except for English, Spanish, Chavacano and varieties of Chinese (Hokkien, Cantonese and Mandarin), all of the languages belong to the Malayo-Polynesian branch of the Austronesian language family.

text: There are 12 indigenous languages with at least one million native speakers:

text:
Tagalog
Cebuano
Ilocano
Hiligaynon
Waray-Waray
Bikol
Kapampangan
Pangasinan
Maranao
Tausug
Maguindanao
Kinaray-a

text: One or more of these is spoken natively by more than 90% of the population.

text: A Philippine language sub-family identified by Robert Blust includes languages of north Sulawesi and the Yami language of Taiwan, but excludes the Sama–Bajaw languages of the Tawi-Tawi islands, as well as a couple of North Bornean languages spoken in southern Palawan.

text: Eskayan is an artificial auxiliary language created as the embodiment of a Bohol nation in the aftermath of the Philippine–American War. It is used by about 500 people.

text: Mutual intelligibility[edit]

text: Philippine languages are often referred to by Filipinos as dialects, partly as a relic of the inaccurate vocabulary used in literature during the American period (1898–1946).[13] While there are indeed many hundreds of dialects in the Philippines, they represent variations of no fewer than 120 distinct languages, and many of these languages maintain greater differences than those between established European languages like French and Spanish.

text: The vast differences between the languages can be seen in the following translations of the Philippine national proverb:

text:
Language

Translation

English

He who does not (know how to) look back at his past (where he came from) will not reach his destination. (Those who forget their roots will not grasp their future)

Aklanon

Ro uwa' gatan-aw sa anang ginhalinan hay indi makaabut sa anang ginapaeangpan.

Asi (Bantoanon)

Kag tawong waya giruromroma it ida ginghalinan, indi makaabot sa ida apagtuan.

Boholano (Binol-anon)

Sija nga dī kahibawng mulingi sa ijang gi-gikanan, dī gajud maka-abot sa ijang padul-ngan.

Bolinao

Si'ya a kai tanda' nin lumingap sa pangibwatan na, kai ya mirate' sa keen na.

Bontoc (Ifuntok)

Nan Adi mang ustsong sinan narpuwan na, adi untsan isnan umayan na.

Botolan

Hay ahe nin nanlek ha pinag-ibatan, ay ahe makarateng ha lalakwen.

Butuanon

Kadtong dili kahibalo molingi sa iyang atubangan, sigurado jud ma dam-ag.

West Miraya Bikol (Ligao)

Kan idi tatao magkiling sa inalian, idi makaabot sa papaidtuhan

Buhinon Bikol (Buhi)

Yu di nikiling sa pinagalinan, di makaantos sa pupuntahan.

Central Bikol (Canaman)

An dai tataong magsalingoy sa saiyang ginikanan, dai makakaabot sa padudumanan.

Gubatnon Bikol (Gubat)

An diri maaram mag-imud sa pinaghalian, diri makaabot sa pakakadtu-an.

East Miraya Bikol (Daraga)

Su indi tataw makarumdom nung ginitan, indi makaabot sa adunan.

West Miraya Bikol (Oas)

Kan na taw na idi tataw mag linguy sa sanyang inalian, idi man maka abot sa sanyang paidtunan.

Rinconada Bikol (Iriga)

A dirî tattaoŋ maglīlî sa pinaŋgalinan, dirî makaaābot sa pig-iyānan.

Capiznon

Ang indi kabalo magbalikid sa iya ginhalinan, indi makalab-ot sa iya palakadtuan.

Cebuano

Kadtong dili kahibalo molingi sa iyang giagi-an, dili makaabot sa iyang padulngan.

Caviteño Chavacano

Quien no ta bira cara na su origen no de incarsa na su destinacion.

Ternateño Chavacano

Ay nung sabi mira i donde ya bini no di yega na destinasyon.

Zamboangueño Chavacano

El Quien no sabe vira el cara na su origen, nunca llega na su destinación.

Cuyonon

Ang ara agabalikid sa anang ing-alinan, indi enged maka-abot sa anang papakonan.

Ibanag

I tolay nga ari mallipay ta naggafuananna, ari makadde ta angayanna.

Ilokano

Ti tao nga saan na ammo tumaliaw iti naggapuanna ket saan nga makadanon iti papananna.

Itawis

Ya tolay nga mari mallipay tsa naggafuananna, mari makakandet tsa angayanna.

Hiligaynon (Ilonggo)

Ang indi makahibalo magbalikid sang iya ginhalinan, indi makaabot sa iya padulungan.

Jama Mapun

Soysoy niya' pandoy ngantele' patulakan ne, niya' ta'abut katakkahan ne.

Kapampangan

Ing e byasang malikid king kayang penibatan, e ya miras king kayang pupuntalan.

Kinaray-a

Ang indi kamaan magbalikid sa ana ginhalinan, indi makaabot sa ana paaragtunan.

Malaysian & Indonesian

Orang yang melupakan asal-usulnya tak mungkin mencapai tujuannya.

Manobo (Obo)

Iddos minuvu no konnod kotuig nod loingoy to id pomonan din, konna mandad od poko-uma riyon tod undiyonnan din.

Maranao

So tao a di matao domingil ko poonan iyan na di niyan kakowa so singanin iyan.

Masbateño

An dili maaram maglingi sa ginhalian, kay dili makaabot sa kakadtuhan.

Pangasinan

Say toon agga onlingao ed pinanlapuan to, agga makasabi'd laen to.

Northern Catanduanes Bikol

Ang mai batid magkiling sa hinarian, mai makaabot sa pupuntahan.

Romblomanon (Ini)

Ang tawo nga bukon tigo mag lingig sa iya guinghalinan hay indi makasampot sa iya ning pagakadtoan.

Sambali

Hay kay tanda mamanomtom ha pinangibatan, kay immabot sa kakaon.

Sangil

Tao mata taya mabiling su pubuakengnge taya dumanta su kadam tangi.

Sinama

Ya Aa ga-i tau pa beleng ni awwal na, ga-i du sab makasong ni maksud na.

Español

El que no sabe mirar atrás, de donde viene, nunca llegará a su destino.

Surigaonon

Adton dili mahibayo molingi sa ija ing-gikanan, dili gajod makaabot sa ija pasingdan.

Sorsoganon

An diri mag-imud sa pinaghalian diri makaabot sa kakadtuan.

Tagalog (Tayabas)

Ang hindi maalam lumingon sa pinaroonan ay hindi makakarating sa paroroonan.

Tagalog (Manila)

Ang hindi marunong lumingon sa pinanggalingan ay hindi makararating sa paroroonan.

Tausug

In di' maingat lumingi' pa bakas liyabayan niya, di' makasampay pa kadtuun niya.

Waray (Leyte)

An diri maaram lumingi ha tinikangan, diri maulpot ha kakadtoan.

Waray (Northern Samar)

An diri maaram lumingi sa tinikangan, diri maulpot sa kakadtoan.

Yakan

Mang gey matau mamayam si bakas palaihan nen, gey tekka si papilihan nen.

text: Dialectal variation[edit]

text: The amount of dialectal variation varies from language to language. Languages like Tagalog, Kapampangan and Pangasinan are known to have very moderate dialectal variation.

text: The languages of the Bicol Region, however, there is great dialectal variation. There are cities and towns which have their own dialects and varieties. Below is the sentence "Were you there at the market for a long time?" translated into certain varieties of Bikol. The translation is followed by dialect and corresponding language, and a city/town in Bicol where they are spoken. The final translation is in Tagalog.

text:
Haloy ka duman sa saodan? (Standard Coastal Bikol, a dialect of Central Bikol; Canaman, Camarines Sur)
Aloy ka duman sa saodan? (Magarao, a variety of Coastal Bikol; Magarao, Camarines Sur)
Huray ka doon sa saodan? (Northern Catanduanes Bicolano or Pandan Bikol; Pandan, Catanduanes)
Naawat ka duman sa saod? (Southern Catanduanes Bikol or Virac Bikol, a dialect of Coastal Bikol; Virac, Catanduanes)
Naәban ikā sadtō sāran? (Rinconada Bikol; Iriga City)
Nauban ikā sadtō sāran? (Rinconada Bikol; Nabua, Camarines Sur)
Uban ika adto sa saod? (Libon, Albay Bikol; Libon, Albay)
Naәgәy ika adto sa saran? (Buhinon, Albay Bikol; Buhi, Camarines Sur)
Eley ka idto sa sed? (West Miraya Bikol, Albay Bikol; Oas, Albay)
Na-alõy ika idto sa sâran/mercado?(West Miraya Bikol, Albay Bikol; Polangui, Albay)
Naulay ka didto sa saran? (East Miraya Bikol, Albay Bikol; Daraga, Albay)
Dugay ka didto sa mercado? (Ticao, Masbateño; Monreal, Masbate)
Awat ka didto sa plasa? (Gubat, Southern Sorsogon; Gubat, Sorsogon)
Matagal ka ba roon sa pamilihan? (Tagalog)

text: Comparison chart[edit]

text: Below is a chart of Philippine languages. While there have been misunderstandings on which ones should be classified as language and which ones should be classified as dialect, the chart confirms that most have similarities, yet are not mutually comprehensible. These languages are arranged according to the regions they are natively spoken (from north to south, then east to west).

text:
English

one

two

three

four

person

house

dog

coconut

day

new

we (inclusive)

what

and

Ivatan

asa

dadowa

tatdo

apat

tao

vahay

chito

niyoy

araw

va-yo

yaten

ango

kan

Ilokano

maysa

dua

tallo

uppat

tao

balay

aso

niog

aldaw

baro

datayo

ania

ken

Ifuntok

əsang

tswa

Tulo

əpat

tacu

Afong

aso

inyog

acəw

falu

tsattaku

ngag

ya

Ibanag

tadday

dua

tallu

appa'

tolay

balay

kitu

inniuk

aggaw

bagu

sittam

anni

Gaddang

tata

addwa

tallo

appat

tolay

balay

atu

ayog

aw

bawu

ikkanetem

sanenay

Pangasinan

sakey

duara

talora

apatira

too

abong

aso

niyog

agew

balo

sikatayo

anto

tan/et

Kapampangan

metung

adwa

atlu

apat

tau

bale

asu

ngungut

aldo

bayu

ikatamu

nanu

ampong/at

Tagalog

isa

dalawa

tatlo

apat

tao

bahay

aso

niyog

araw

bago

tayo

ano

at

Coastal Bikol

saro

duwa

tulo

apat

tawo

harong

ayam

niyog

aldaw

ba-go

kita

ano

buda

Rinconada Bikol

əsad

darwā

tolō

əpat

tawō

baləy

ayam

noyog

aldəw

bāgo

kitā

onō

ag, sagkəd, sakâ

West Miraya Bikol

sad

duwa

tulo

upat

taw

balõy

ayam

nuyog

aldõw

bâgo

kita, sato

uno

dangan, mî, saka

East Miraya Bikol

usad

duwa

tulo

upat

taw

balay

ayam

nuyog

aldaw

bâgo

kita, satun, kami

uno

dangan, mî, saka, kina

North Catanduanes Bikol

sadu

dawha

tatlo

apat

taho

baray

ayam

lubi / butong

ardaw

ba-go

kita, kami, amo

ano

kag / buda

Masbateño

usad

duha

tulo

upat

tawo

balay

ido

buko, lubi

aldaw

bag-o

kita, kami, amon

nano

kag

Romblomanon

isa

duha

tuyo

upat

tawo

bayay

ayam

niyog

adlaw

bag-o

kita, aton

ano

kag

Bantoanon

usa

ruha

tuyo

upat

tawo

bayay

iro

nidog

adlaw

bag-o

kita, ato

ni-o

ag

Onhan

isya

darwa

tatlo

apat

tawo

balay

ayam

niyog

adlaw

bag-o

kita, taton

ano

ag

Kinaray-a

sara

darwa

tatlo

apat

taho

balay

ayam

niyog

adlaw

bag-o

kita, taten

ano, iwan

kag

Hiligaynon

isa

duha

tatlo

apat

tawo

balay

ido

lubi

adlaw

bag-o

kita

ano

kag

Cebuano

usa

duha

tulo

upat

tawo

balay

iro

lubi

adlaw

bag-o

kita

unsa

ug

Surigaonon

isa

duha

tuyo

upat

tao

bayay

idu

Niyog

adlaw

bag-o

kami

unu

sanan

Waray

usa

duha

tulo

upat

tawo

balay

ayam

lubi

adlaw

bag-o

kita

ano

ngan, ug

T'boli

sotu

lewu

tlu

fat

tau

gunu

ohu

lefo

kdaw

lomi

tekuy

tedu

Tausug

hambuuk

duwa

tu

upat

tau

bay

iru'

niyug

adlaw

ba-gu

kitaniyu

unu

iban

Español

uno

dos

tres

cuatro

persona

casa

perro

coco

día

nuevo

nosostros

que

y/e

Chavacano

uno

dos

tres

cuatro

gente

casa

perro

coco

dia

nuevo

Zamboangueño: nosotros/kame; Bahra: mijotros/motros; Caviteño: nisos

cosá/ qué

y/e

text: There is a language spoken by the Tao people (also known as Yami) of Orchid Island of Taiwan which is not included in the language of the Philippines. Their language, Tao (or Yami) is part of the Batanic languages which includes Ivatan, Babuyan, and Itbayat of the Batanes.

text:
English

one

two

three

four

person

house

dog

coconut

day

new

we

what

and

Tao

ása

dóa (raroa)

tílo (tatlo)

ápat

tao

vahay

gara

ngata

araw

vayo

tata

vela

Ivatan

asa

dadowa

tatdo

apat

tao

vahay

chito

niyoy

araw

va-yo

yaten

ango

text: Native speakers[edit]

text: Below are population estimates from the 2000 Philippine census by the Philippine Statistics Authority on the number of Filipinos who speak the following 18 languages as a native language.

text:
Language

ISO 639-3

Native speakers[20]

Tagalog

tgl

26,387,855

Cebuano

ceb

21,340,000

Ilocano

ilo

7,779,000

Hiligaynon

hil

7,000,979

Waray-Waray

war

3,100,000

Central Bikol[21]

bcl

2,500,000

Kapampangan

pam

2,480,000

Pangasinan

pag

2,434,086

Maranao

mrw

2,150,000

Tausug

tsg

1,822,000

Maguindanao

mdh

1,800,000

Zamboangueño

cbk

1,200,000

Kinaray-a

krj

1,051,000

Surigaonon

sgd, tgn

1,000,000

Masbateño

msb

530,000

Aklanon

akl, mlz

520,000

Ibanag

ibg

320,000

Yakan

yka

110,000

Eskayan

esy

500

text: Language vitality[edit]

text: 2010 UNESCO designation[edit]

text: Endangered and extinct languages in the Philippines are based on the 3rd world volume released by UNESCO in 2010.

text: Degree of endangerment (UNESCO standard)

text:
Safe: language is spoken by all generations; intergenerational transmission is uninterrupted
Vulnerable: most children speak the language, but it may be restricted to certain domains (e.g., home)
Definitely endangered: children no longer learn the language as mother tongue in the home
Severely endangered: language is spoken by grandparents and older generations; while the parent generation may understand it, they do not speak it to children or among themselves
Critically endangered: the youngest speakers are grandparents and older, and they speak the language partially and infrequently
Extinct: there are no speakers left >> included in the Atlas if presumably extinct since the 1950s

text:
Language

Speakers(in 2000)

Province

Coordinates

ISO 639-3 Code(s)

Source

Central Cagayan Agta

779

Cagayan

17°59′21″N 121°51′37″E / 17.9891°N 121.8603°E / 17.9891; 121.8603

agt

UNESCO 2000

Dupaninan Agta

1400

Cagayan

17°58′06″N 122°02′10″E / 17.9682°N 122.0361°E / 17.9682; 122.0361

duo

David Bradley (UNESCO 2000)

text:
Language

Speakers(in 2000)

Province

Coordinates

ISO 639-3 Code(s)

Source

Bataan Agta

500

Bataan

14°25′57″N 120°28′44″E / 14.4324°N 120.4788°E / 14.4324; 120.4788

ayt

David Bradley (UNESCO 2000)

Mt. Iraya Agta

150

Camarines Sur

13°27′32″N 123°32′48″E / 13.459°N 123.5467°E / 13.459; 123.5467

atl

David Bradley (UNESCO 2000)

Batak

200

Palawan

10°06′29″N 119°00′00″E / 10.1081°N 119°E / 10.1081; 119

bya

David Bradley (UNESCO 2000)

text:
Language

Speakers(in 2000)

Province

Coordinates

ISO 639-3 Code(s)

Source

Faire Atta

300

Ilocos Norte

18°01′37″N 120°29′34″E / 18.027°N 120.4929°E / 18.027; 120.4929

azt

David Bradley (UNESCO 2000)

Northern Alta

200

Aurora

15°42′58″N 121°24′31″E / 15.7162°N 121.4085°E / 15.7162; 121.4085

agn

David Bradley (UNESCO 2000)

Camarines Norte Agta

150

Camarines Norte

14°00′49″N 122°53′14″E / 14.0135°N 122.8873°E / 14.0135; 122.8873

abd

David Bradley (UNESCO 2000)

text:
Language

Speakers(in 2000)

Province

Coordinates

ISO 639-3 Code(s)

Source

Alabat Island Agta

30

Quezon

14°07′15″N 122°01′42″E / 14.1209°N 122.0282°E / 14.1209; 122.0282

dul

David Bradley (UNESCO 2000)

Isarog Agta

5

Camarines Sur

13°40′50″N 123°22′50″E / 13.6805°N 123.3805°E / 13.6805; 123.3805

agk

David Bradley (UNESCO 2000)

Southern Ayta (Sorsogon Ayta)

150

Sorsogon

13°01′37″N 124°09′18″E / 13.027°N 124.1549°E / 13.027; 124.1549

ays

David Bradley (UNESCO 2000)

text:
Language

Speakers(in 2000)

Province

Coordinates

ISO 639-3 Code(s)

Source

Dicamay Agta(Dumagat, Dicamay Dumagat)

0

Isabela

16°41′59″N 122°01′00″E / 16.6998°N 122.0167°E / 16.6998; 122.0167

duy

David Bradley (UNESCO 2000)

Arta

0

near Isabela-Quirino Border

16°25′21″N 121°42′15″E / 16.4225°N 121.7042°E / 16.4225; 121.7042

atz

David Bradley (UNESCO 2000)

Katabaga

0

Quezon

13°26′12″N 122°33′25″E / 13.4366°N 122.5569°E / 13.4366; 122.5569

ktq

David Bradley (UNESCO 2000)

Ata

0

Negros Oriental

9°36′29″N 122°54′56″E / 9.6081°N 122.9155°E / 9.6081; 122.9155

atm

David Bradley (UNESCO 2000)

text: 2014 North Dakota study[edit]

text: In a separate study by Thomas N. Headland, the Summer Institute of Linguistics in Dallas, and the University of North Dakota called Thirty Endangered Languages in the Philippines, the Philippines has 32 endangered languages, but 2 of the listed languages in the study are written with 0 speakers, noting that they are extinct or probably extinct. All of the listed languages are Negrito languages, the oldest languages in the Philippines.[22]

text:
Language

General locationof speakers[22]

Population of speakersin the 1990s[22]

Bibliographic source[22]

Batak

Palawan Island

386

Elder 1987

Mamanwa

Mindoro Island

1000

Grimes 2000

Ati

Northern Panay Island

30

Pennoyer 1987:4

Ati

Southern Panay Island

900

Pennoyer 1987:4

Ata

Negros Island

450

Cadelina 1980:96

Ata

Mabinay, Negros Oriental

25

Grimes 2000

Atta

Pamplona, western Cagayan

1000

Grimes 2000

Atta

Faire-Rizal, western Cagayan

400

Grimes 2000

Atta

Pudtol, Kalinga-Apayao

100

Grimes 2000

Ayta

Sorsogon

40

Grimes 2000

Agta (extinct, unverified)

Villaviciosa, Abra

0

Grimes 2000; Reid, per. com. 2001

Abenlen

Tarlac

6000

K. Storck SIL files

Mag-anchi

Zambales Tarlac, Pampanga

4166

K. Storck SIL files

Mag-indi

Zambales, Pampanga

3450

K. Storck SIL files

Ambala

Zambales, Pampanga, Bataan

1654

K. Storck SIL files

Magbeken

Bataan

381

K. Storck SIL files

Agta

Isarog, Camarines Sur (noted as nearly extinct)

1000

Grimes 2000

Agta

Mt. Iraya & Lake Buhi east, Camarines Sur (has 4 close dialects)

200

Grimes 2000

Agta

Mt. Iriga & Lake Buhi west, Camarines Sur

1500

Grimes 2000

Agta

Camarines Norte

200

Grimes 2000

Agta

Alabat Island, southern Quezon

50

Grimes 2000

Agta

Umirey, Quezon (with 3 close dialects)

3000

T. MacLeod SIL files

Agta

Casiguran, northern Aurora

609

Headland 1989

Agta

Maddela, Quirino

300

Headland field notes

Agta

Palanan & Divilacan, Isabela

856

Rai 1990: 176

Agta

San Mariano-Sisabungan, Isabela

377

Rai 1990: 176

Agta (noted as recently extinct)

Dicamay, Jones, Isabela

0

Headland field notes, and Grimes 2000

Arta

Aglipay, Quirino

11 (30 in 1977)

Headland field notes, and Reid 1994:40

Alta

Northern Aurora

250

Reid, per. comm.

Alta

Northern Quezon

400

Reid, per. comm.

Agta

eastern Cagayan, Supaninam (several close dialects)

1200

T. Nickell 1985:119

Agta

central Cagayan

800

Mayfield 1987:vii-viii; Grimes 2000

text: Proposals to Conserve Philippine Languages[edit]

text: There have been numerous proposals to conserve the many languages of the Philippines. According to the Komisyon ng Wikang Filipino, there are 135 ethno-linguistic groups in the country, each having their own distinct Philippine language.

text: Among the proposals include (1) "establishing a dictionary & sentence construction manual" for each of the 135 living languages in the country, (2) "video documentation" of all Philippine languages, (3) "revival of the ancient scripts of the Philippines" where each ethnic group's own script shall be revived and used in schools along with the currently-used Roman script in communities where those script/s used to be known, (4) "teaching of ethnic mother languages first" in homes and schools before the teaching of Filipino and foreign languages (English or Arabic), and (5) "using the ethnic mother language and script first in public signs" followed by Filipino and foreign languages (English and/or Arabic) and scripts, for example, using Sebwano first followed by Filipino and English underneath the sign.

text: Currently, only the fourth proposal has been made by the national government of the Philippines.[23] A National Script bill has been filed in Congress in support of the third and fifth proposal, however, the bill only mandates the usage of the ancient script compatible with the national language, which is Filipino.[24]

text: Major immigrant languages[edit]

text: Arabic[edit]

text: Arabic is used by some Filipino Muslims in both a liturgical and instructional capacity since the arrival of Islam and establishment of several Sultanates in the 14th century. Along with Malay, Arabic was the lingua franca of the Malay Archipelago among Muslim traders and the Malay aristocracy.

text: The 1987 Constitution mandates that Arabic (along with Spanish) is to be promoted on an optional and voluntary basis. As of  2015[update] Arabic is taught for free and is promoted in some Islamic centres predominantly in the southernmost parts of Philippines. It is used primarily in religious activities and education (such as in a madrasa or Islamic school) and rarely for official events or daily conversation. In this respect, its function and use is somewhat like the traditional roles of Latin and Spanish in Filipino Catholicism vis-à-vis other currently spoken languages.

text: English[edit]

text: The first significant exposure of Filipinos to the English language occurred in 1762 when the British invaded Manila, but this was a brief episode that had no lasting influence. English later became more important and widespread during American rule between 1898 and 1946, and remains an official language of the Philippines.

text: English is used in official documents of business, government, the legal system, medicine, the sciences and as a medium of instruction. Filipinos prefer textbooks for subjects like calculus, physics, chemistry, biology, etc., written in English rather than Filipino.[dubious  – discuss] However, the topics are usually taught, even in colleges, in Tagalog or the local language. By way of contrast, native languages are often heard in colloquial and domestic settings, spoken mostly with family and friends. The use of English attempts to give an air of formality, given its use in school, government and various ceremonies.[citation needed] A percentage of the media such as cable television and newspapers are also in English; major television networks such as ABS-CBN and GMA and all AM radio stations broadcast primarily in Filipino. However, a 2009 article by a UNICEF worker reported that the level of spoken English language in the Philippines was poor. The article reported that aspiring Filipino teachers score the lowest in English out of all of the subjects on their licensing exams.[25]

text: A large influx of English (American English) words has been assimilated into Tagalog and the other native languages called Taglish or Bislish. There is a debate, however, on whether there is diglossia or bilingualism, between Filipino and English. Filipino is also used both in formal and informal situations. Though the masses would prefer to speak in Filipino, government officials tend to speak in English when performing government functions.[according to whom?] There is still resistance to the use of Filipino in courts and the drafting of national statutes.

text: On August 22, 2007, three Malolos City regional trial courts in Bulacan decided to use Filipino, instead of English, in order to promote the national language. Twelve stenographers from Branches 6, 80 and 81, as model courts, had undergone training at Marcelo H. del Pilar College of Law of Bulacan State University College of Law following a directive from the Supreme Court of the Philippines. De la Rama said it was the dream of former Chief Justice Reynato Puno to implement the program in other areas such as Laguna, Cavite, Quezón, Nueva Écija, Batangas, Rizal, and Metro Manila.[26]

text: Hokkien[edit]

text: Diplomatic ties with the Ming dynasty among some established states or kingdoms in Luzon and direct interactions and trade overall within the archipelago as a whole may go as far back as the early 10th century. Mandarin Chinese is the medium of instruction in Chinese schools and the lingua franca of mainland and overseas Chinese. However, the Lan-nang variant of Hokkien Chinese is the majority language the Chinese in the Philippines, who immigrated from the Fujian (pronounced locally as Fukkien or Hokkien) province in China. Other varieties of Chinese such as Hakka and Yue Chinese (especially Cantonese) are spoken among a few Chinese in the Philippines whose ancestral roots trace all the way back from the Guangdong and Guangxi provinces in Southern China.

text: As with Spanish, many native languages have co-opted numerous loanwords from Chinese, in particular words that refer to cuisine, household objects, and Philippine kinship terminology.

text: Japanese[edit]

text: The Japanese first came to the Philippines around the 11th century CE, the first country they emigrated to, as well as in waves from the 15th century, 17th century, late 19th century, 1900s, 1930s, and the 1940s.[27][28][29][30] There is a small Japanese community and a school for Japanese in Metro Manila due to the number of Japanese companies. Also there is a large community of Japanese and Japanese descendants in Laguna province, Baguio City, and in the Davao Region. Davao City is a home to a large population of Japanese descendants. Japanese laborers were hired by American companies like the National Fiber Company (NAFCO) in the first decades of the 20th century to work in abaca plantations. Japanese were known for their hard work and industry. During World War II, Japanese schools were present in Davao City.

text: Malay[edit]

text: Malay is spoken as a lingua franca in the southernmost parts of the Philippines, from Zamboanga down to Tawi-Tawi among a minority of the Tausug, Sama-Bajau, and Yakan peoples. It is also spoken as a daily language by the Malaysians and Indonesians who have settled, or do business in the Philippines. It is also spoken in southern Palawan to some extent. It is not spoken among the Maranao and Maguindanao peoples. Brunei, Malaysia, Indonesia and the southern Philippines are largely Islamic and the liturgical language of Islam is Arabic, but the vast majority of Muslims in the Philippines have little practical knowledge of Arabic beyond limited religious terminology.

text: Ancient Malaysian and Indonesian cultures and civilizations in ancient Malaya, Sumatra and Java influenced the history, lifestyles, and culture of the Filipino peoples. The Malay language, along with Philippine languages belonging to the Malayo-Polynesian language family, has also had an immense influence on many languages spoken in the Philippines. This is because Old Malay used to be the lingua franca throughout the archipelago, a good example of this is Magellan's translator Enrique using Malay to converse with the native Sugbuanon (Cebuano) during this time period.

text: An example of Old Malay and Javanese languages spoken in Philippine history can be seen in the language of the 10th century Laguna Copperplate Inscription.

text: When the Spanish had first arrived in the Philippines in the 16th century, Old Malay was spoken among the aristocracy.

text: It is believed that Ferdinand Magellan’s Moluccan slave Enrique could converse with the local leaders in Cebu Island, confirming to Magellan his arrival in Southeast Asia.

text: Today, Indonesian is taught as a foreign language in the Department of Linguistics and Asian Languages in the University of the Philippines. Also, the Indonesian School in Davao City teaches the language to preserve the culture of Indonesian immigrants there. The Indonesian Embassy in Manila also offers occasional classes for Filipinos and foreigners.

text: Since 2013, the Indonesian Embassy in the Philippines has given basic Indonesian language training to members of the Armed Forces of the Philippines.[31]

text: In an interview, Department of Education Secretary Armin Luistro[32] said that the country's government should promote Indonesian and Malaysian, which are both related to Filipino and other Philippine languages. Thus, the possibility of offering it as an optional subject in public schools is being studied.

text: South Asian languages[edit]

text: Since pre-Spanish times, there have been small Indian communities in the Philippines. Indians tend to be able to speak Tagalog and the other native languages, and are often fluent in English. Among themselves, Sindhi and Punjabi are used. Urdu is spoken among the Pakistani community. Only few South Asians, such as Pakistani, as well as the recent newcomers like speakers of Tamil, Nepali and Marathi retain their own respective languages.[27][33][34][35][36][37]

text: Spanish[edit]

text: Spanish was introduced in the islands after 1565, when the Spanish conquistador Miguel López de Legazpi set sail from Mexico and founded the first Spanish settlement on Cebú. Though its usage is not as widespread as before, Spanish has had a significant influence in the various local Philippine languages such as providing numerous loan words.[25] Several Spanish-based creole language varieties collectively known as Chabacano have also emerged. The current 1987 constitution makes mention of Spanish in which it provides that Spanish (along with Arabic) is to be promoted on an optional and voluntary basis.

text: In 1593, the first printing press in the Philippine islands was founded and it released the first (albeit polyglot) book, the Doctrina Christiana that same year. In the 17th century, Spanish religious orders founded the first universities in the Philippines, some of which are considered the oldest in Asia. During colonial rule through Mexico, Spanish was the language of education, trade, politics, and religion, and by the 19th century, became the colony's lingua franca although it was mainly used by the educated Filipinos.[38] In 1863, a Spanish decree introduced a system of public education, creating free public schooling in Spanish. In the 1890s, the Philippines had a prominent group of Spanish-speaking scholars called the Ilustrados, such as José Rizal. Some of these scholars participated in the Philippine Revolution and later in the struggle against American occupation. Both the Malolos Constitution and the Lupang Hinirang (national anthem) were written in Spanish.

text: Under U.S. rule, the English language began to be promoted instead of Spanish. The use of Spanish began to decline as a result of the introduction of English into the public schools as a language of instruction.[10] The 1935 constitution establishing the Philippine Commonwelath designated both English and Spanish as official languages. The 1950 census stated that Filipinos who spoke Spanish as a first or second language made up only 6% of the population. In 1990, the census reported that the number had dwindled to just 2,500. A 2012 survey estimates that while around 3 million people can speak Spanish with varying degrees of competency, only around 439,000 people can speak the language at a native level.[39]

text: Spanish briefly lost its status as an official language upon promulgation of the 1973 constitution but regained official status two months later when President Marcos signed Presidential Decree No. 155.[14] In the 1987 constitution, Spanish is designated as an "optional and voluntary language" but does not mention it as an "official language". Spanish was dropped as a college requirement during Corazón Aquino's administration. Former president Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, a third-language Spanish speaker, introduced legislation to re-establish the instruction of Spanish in 2009 in the state education system. Today, the language is still spoken by Filipino-Spanish mestizos and Spanish families who are mainly concentrated in Metro Manila, Iloilo and Cebu. It remains a required subject in some academic institutions, such as the University of Santo Tomás in Manila and the University of San Carlos in Cebu.

text: Many historical documents, land titles, and works of literature are written in Spanish and are still not translated into Filipino languages, despite the fact that some such as land titles have legal value. Spanish, through colonization has contributed the largest number of loanwords and expressions in Tagalog, Cebuano, and other Philippine languages.[40] The Academia Filipina de la Lengua Espanola (Philippine Academy of the Spanish Language), established in 1924, is a founding member of the Association of Academies of the Spanish Language; an association of the various Spanish academies of the world which cooperate in the standardizing and promotion of the Spanish language. Among its past and present academics are former President Arroyo, former Foreign Affairs Secretary Alberto Romulo, and Archbishop of Cebú Cardinal Ricardo Vidal.

text: Spanish creoles[edit]

text: There are several Spanish-based creole languages in the Philippines, collectively called Chavacano. These may be split into two major geographical groups:

text:
In Luzon:
Caviteño (Chabacano de Cavite), spoken in Cavite City, Cavite.
Ternateño (Chabacano de Barra), spoken in Ternate, Cavite.
Ermitaño (Chabacano de Ermita), formerly spoken in Ermita, Manila but is now extinct. The last reported speakers were a woman and her grandson during the 1980s and 1990s.
In Mindanao:
Zamboangueño Chavacano (Chabacano de Zamboanga / Zamboangueño Chavacano), spoken in Zamboanga City, Zamboanga Sibugay, Zamboanga del Sur, Zamboanga del Norte, Basilan, Sulu, Tawi-Tawi and Semporna, Sabah, Malaysia (360,000 native speakers-Zamboanga City alone as per 2000 census, making it the most spoken form and known form of Chavacano)
Cotabateño (Chabacano de Cotabato), spoken in Cotabato
Davaoeño Abakay (Chabacano de Davao), spoken in Davao City


document_title: Mind your Ps and Qs

question_text: what does mind your p's and q's mean idioms

question_tokens: what does mind your p 's and q 's mean idioms

root

text: Mind your Ps and Qs

text: Look up mind one's ps and qs in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.

tag: table

text: Mind your Ps and Qs is an English expression meaning "mind your manners", "mind your language", "be on your best behaviour" or similar.

tag: p

text: Attempts at explaining the origin of the phrase go back to the mid-19th century. One explanation favoured in a letter to the editors of Notes and Queries dated 1851, as well as by the Oxford English Dictionary upon their revision of the relevant entry in 2007, is literal interpretation of the saying, concerning the distinction of the lowercase letters p and q in the context of the school-room or the printing-office.[1] As noted by W. D. Henkle in Educational Notes and Queries in 1876, in this case the proper spelling of the phrase should be "note your p's and q's", because the distinction of majuscule P and Q does not pose a problem.[2]

text: Nevertheless, a number of alternative explanations have been considered as more or less plausible. Another explanation suggests that "Ps and Qs" is short for "pleases" and "thank-yous", the latter of which contains a sound similar to the pronunciation of the name of the letter "Q". Another proposed origin is from the English pubs and taverns of the 17th century. Bartenders would keep a watch on the alcohol consumption of the patrons; keeping an eye on the pints and quarts that were consumed. As a reminder to the patrons, the bartender would recommend they "mind their Ps and Qs".[3] This may also have been a reminder to bartenders not to confuse the two units, written as "p" and "q" on the tally slate.[4]

text: Other origin stories, some considered "fanciful",[4] could come from French instructions to mind one's pieds (feet) and queues (wigs) while dancing. However, there is no French translation for this expression.[5] Another origin could be from sailors in the 18th century who were reminded to pay attention to their peas (pea coat) and queues (pony tail).[5]

text: Another proposal concerns the use of Norman French in medieval England; as the English dialect of the 11th century had no qs,[dubious – discuss] one must watch their usage in court or discourse with the French Norman conquerors. [6][dubious – discuss]

text: Quinion cites an apparently related expression of pee and kew for "highest quality" used in 17th-century English.[7]


document_title: Small intestine

question_text: where does most digestion in the small intestine take place

text: Small intestine

text: Structure[edit]

text: Size[edit]

text: The length of the small intestine can vary greatly, from as short as 2.75 m (9.0 ft) to as long as 10.49 m (34.4 ft).[3] The average length in a living person is 3m-5m.[4][5] The length depends both on how tall the person is and how the length is measured.[3] Taller people generally have a longer small intestine and measurements are generally longer after death and when the bowel is empty.[3]

text: It is approximately 1.5 cm in diameter in newborns after 35 weeks of gestational age,[6] and 2.5–3 cm (1 inch) in diameter in adults. On abdominal X-rays, the small intestine is considered to be abnormally dilated when the diameter exceeds 3 cm.[7][8] On CT scans, a diameter of over 2.5 cm is considered abnormally dilated.[7][9] The surface area of the human small intestinal mucosa, due to enlargement caused by folds, villi and microvilli, averages 30 square meters.[10]

text: Parts[edit]

text: The small intestine is divided into three structural parts.

text:
The duodenum is a short structure ranging from 20 cm (7.9 inches) to 25 cm (9.8 inches) in length, and shaped like a "C".[11] It surrounds the head of the pancreas. It receives gastric chyme from the stomach, together with digestive juices from the pancreas (digestive enzymes) and the liver (bile). The digestive enzymes break down proteins and bile emulsifies fats into micelles. The duodenum contains Brunner's glands, which produce a mucus-rich alkaline secretion containing bicarbonate. These secretions, in combination with bicarbonate from the pancreas, neutralize the stomach acids contained in gastric chyme.
The jejunum is the midsection of the small intestine, connecting the duodenum to the ileum. It is about 2.5 m long, and contains the plicae circulares, and villi that increase its surface area. Products of digestion (sugars, amino acids, and fatty acids) are absorbed into the bloodstream here. The suspensory muscle of duodenum marks the division between the duodenum and the jejunum.
The ileum: The final section of the small intestine. It is about 3 m long, and contains villi similar to the jejunum. It absorbs mainly vitamin B12 and bile acids, as well as any other remaining nutrients. The ileum joins to the cecum of the large intestine at the ileocecal junction.

tag: ul

text: The jejunum and ileum are suspended in the abdominal cavity by mesentery. The mesentery is part of the peritoneum. Arteries, veins, lymph vessels and nerves travel within the mesentery.[12]

text: Blood supply[edit]

text: The small intestine receives a blood supply from the coeliac trunk and the superior mesenteric artery. These are both branches of the aorta. The duodenum receives blood from the coeliac trunk via the superior pancreaticoduodenal artery and from the superior mesenteric artery via the inferior pancreaticoduodenal artery. These two arteries both have anterior and posterior branches that meet in the midline and anastomose. The jejunum and ileum receive blood from the superior mesenteric artery.[13] Branches of the superior mesenteric artery form a series of arches within the mesentery known as arterial arcades, which may be several layers deep. Straight blood vessels known as vasa recta travel from the arcades closest to the ileum and jejunum to the organs themselves.[13]

text: Histology[edit]

text: The three sections of the small intestine look similar to each other at a microscopic level, but there are some important differences. The parts of the intestine are as follows:

text:
Layer
Duodenum
Jejunum
Ileum

Serosa
1st part serosa, 2nd–4th adventitia
Normal
Normal

Muscularis externa
Longitudinal and circular layers, with Auerbach's (myenteric) plexus in between
Same as duodenum
Same as duodenum

Submucosa
Brunner's glands and Meissner's (submucosal) plexus
No BG
No BG

Mucosa: muscularis mucosae
Normal
Normal
Normal

Mucosa: lamina propria
No PP
No PP
Peyer's patches

Mucosa: intestinal epithelium
Simple columnar. Contains goblet cells, Paneth cells
Similar to duodenum
?

text: Development[edit]

text: The small intestine develops from the midgut of the primitive gut tube.[14] By the fifth week of embryological life, the ileum begins to grow longer at a very fast rate, forming a U-shaped fold called the primary intestinal loop. The loop grows so fast in length that it outgrows the abdomen and protrudes through the umbilicus. By week 10, the loop retracts back into the abdomen. Between weeks six and ten the small intestine rotates anticlockwise, as viewed from the front of the embryo. It rotates a further 180 degrees after it has moved back into the abdomen. This process creates the twisted shape of the large intestine.[14]

text: Function[edit]

text: Food from the stomach is allowed into the duodenum through the pylorus by a muscle called the pyloric sphincter.

text: Digestion[edit]

text: The small intestine is where most chemical digestion takes place. Many of the digestive enzymes that act in the small intestine are secreted by the pancreas and liver and enter the small intestine via the pancreatic duct. Pancreatic enzymes and bile from the gallbladder enter the small intestine in response to the hormone cholecystokinin, which is produced in the small intestine in response to the presence of nutrients. Secretin, another hormone produced in the small intestine, causes additional effects on the pancreas, where it promotes the release of bicarbonate into the duodenum in order to neutralize the potentially harmful acid coming from the stomach.

text: The three major classes of nutrients that undergo digestion are proteins, lipids (fats) and carbohydrates:

text:
Proteins are degraded into small peptides and amino acids before absorption.[15] Chemical breakdown begins in the stomach and continues in the small intestine. Proteolytic enzymes, including trypsin and chymotrypsin, are secreted by the pancreas and cleave proteins into smaller peptides. Carboxypeptidase, which is a pancreatic brush border enzyme, splits one amino acid at a time. Aminopeptidase and dipeptidase free the end amino acid products.
Lipids (fats) are degraded into fatty acids and glycerol. Pancreatic lipase breaks down triglycerides into free fatty acids and monoglycerides. Pancreatic lipase works with the help of the salts from the bile secreted by the liver and stored in the gall bladder. Bile salts attach to triglycerides to help emulsify them, which aids access by pancreatic lipase. This occurs because the lipase is water-soluble but the fatty triglycerides are hydrophobic and tend to orient towards each other and away from the watery intestinal surroundings. The bile salts emulsify the triglycerides in the watery surroundings until the lipase can break them into the smaller components that are able to enter the villi for absorption.
Some carbohydrates are degraded into simple sugars, or monosaccharides (e.g., glucose). Pancreatic amylase breaks down some carbohydrates (notably starch) into oligosaccharides. Other carbohydrates pass undigested into the large intestine and further handling by intestinal bacteria. Brush border enzymes take over from there. The most important brush border enzymes are dextrinase and glucoamylase, which further break down oligosaccharides. Other brush border enzymes are maltase, sucrase and lactase. Lactase is absent in some adult humans and, for them, lactose, like most poly-saccharides, is not digested in the small intestine. Some carbohydrates, such as cellulose, are not digested at all, despite being made of multiple glucose units. This is because the cellulose is made out of beta-glucose, making the inter-monosaccharidal bindings different from the ones present in starch, which consists of alpha-glucose. Humans lack the enzyme for splitting the beta-glucose-bonds, something reserved for herbivores and bacteria from the large intestine.

text: Absorption[edit]

text: Digested food is now able to pass into the blood vessels in the wall of the intestine through either diffusion or active transport. The small intestine is the site where most of the nutrients from ingested food are absorbed. The inner wall, or mucosa, of the small intestine is lined with simple columnar epithelial tissue. Structurally, the mucosa is covered in wrinkles or folds called plicae circulares, which are considered permanent features in the wall of the organ. They are distinct from rugae which are considered non-permanent or temporary allowing for distention and contraction. From the plicae circulares project microscopic finger-like pieces of tissue called villi (Latin for "shaggy hair"). The individual epithelial cells also have finger-like projections known as microvilli. The functions of the plicae circulares, the villi, and the microvilli are to increase the amount of surface area available for the absorption of nutrients, and to limit the loss of said nutrients to intestinal fauna.

text: Each villus has a network of capillaries and fine lymphatic vessels called lacteals close to its surface. The epithelial cells of the villi transport nutrients from the lumen of the intestine into these capillaries (amino acids and carbohydrates) and lacteals (lipids). The absorbed substances are transported via the blood vessels to different organs of the body where they are used to build complex substances such as the proteins required by our body. The material that remains undigested and unabsorbed passes into the large intestine.

text: Absorption of the majority of nutrients takes place in the jejunum, with the following notable exceptions:

text:
Iron is absorbed in the duodenum.
Vitamin B12 and bile salts are absorbed in the terminal ileum.
Water and lipids are absorbed by passive diffusion throughout the small intestine.
Sodium bicarbonate is absorbed by active transport and glucose and amino acid co-transport.
Fructose is absorbed by facilitated diffusion.

text: Immunological[edit]

text: The small intestine supports the body's immune system.[16] The presence of gut flora appears to contribute positively to the host's immune system. Peyer's patches, located within the ileum of the small intestine, are an important part of the digestive tract's local immune system. They are part of the lymphatic system, and provide a site for antigens from potentially harmful bacteria or other microorganisms in the digestive tract to be sampled, and subsequently presented to the immune system.[17]

text: Gene and protein expression[edit]

text: About 20,000 protein coding genes are expressed in human cells and 70% of these genes are expressed in the normal duodenum.[18][19] Some 300 of these genes are more specifically expressed in the duodenum with very few genes expressed only in the small intestine. The corresponding specific proteins are expressed in glandular cells of the mucosa, such as fatty acid binding protein FABP6. Most of the more specifically expressed genes in the small intestine are also expressed in the duodenum, for example FABP2 and the DEFA6 protein expressed in secretory granules of Paneth cells.[20]

text: Clinical significance[edit]

text: The small intestine is a complex organ, and as such, there are a very large number of possible conditions that may affect the function of the small bowel. A few of them are listed below, some of which are common, with up to 10% of people being affected at some time in their lives, while others are vanishingly rare.

text:
Small intestine obstruction or obstructive disorders

Paralytic ileus
Volvulus
Hernia
Intussusception
Adhesions
Obstruction from external pressure
Obstruction by masses in the lumen (foreign bodies, bezoar, gallstones)

Infectious diseases

Giardiasis
Ascariasis
Tropical sprue
Tape worm (Diphyllobothrium latum, Taenia solium, Hymenolepsis nana)
Hookworm (e.g. Necator americanus, Ancylostoma duodenale)
Nematodes (e.g. Ascaris lumbricoides)
Other Protozoa (e.g. Cryptosporidium parvum, Cyclospora, Microsporidia, Entamoeba histolytica)
Bacterial infections

Enterotoxigenic Escherichia coli
Salmonella enterica
Campylobacter
Shigella
Yersinia
Clostridium difficile (antibiotic-associated colitis, Pseudomembranous colitis)
Mycobacterium (Mycobacterium avium paratuberculosis, disseminated Mycobacterium tuberculosis)
Whipple's disease
Vibrio (cholera)
Enteric (typhoid) fever (Salmonella enterica var. typhii) and paratyphoid fever
Bacillus cereus
Clostridium perfringens (gas gangrene)

Viral infections

Rotavirus
Norovirus
Astrovirus
Adenovirus
Calicivirus

Neoplasms (cancers)

Adenocarcinoma
Carcinoid
Gastrointestinal stromal tumor (GIST)
Lymphoma
Sarcoma
Leiomyoma
Metastatic tumors, especially SCLC or melanoma

Developmental, congenital or genetic conditions

Duodenal (intestinal) atresia
Hirschsprung's disease
Meckel's diverticulum
Pyloric stenosis
Pancreas divisum
Ectopic pancreas
Enteric duplication cyst
Situs inversus
Cystic fibrosis
Malrotation
Persistent urachus
Omphalocele
Gastroschisis
Disaccharidase (lactase) deficiencies
Primary bile acid malabsorption
Gardner syndrome
Familial adenomatous polyposis syndrome (FAP)

Other conditions

Crohn's disease, and the more general inflammatory bowel disease
Typhlitis (neutropenic colitis in the immunosuppressed
Coeliac disease (sprue or non-tropical sprue)
Mesenteric ischemia
Embolus or thrombus of the superior mesenteric artery or the superior mesenteric vein
Arteriovenous malformation
Gastric dumping syndrome
Irritable bowel syndrome
Duodenal (peptic) ulcers
Gastrointestinal perforation
Hyperthyroidism
Diverticulitis
Radiation enterocolitis
Mesenteric cysts
Peritoneal Infection
Sclerosing retroperitonitis
Small intestinal bacterial overgrowth

text: Other animals[edit]

text: The small intestine is found in all tetrapods and also in teleosts, although its form and length vary enormously between species. In teleosts, it is relatively short, typically around one and a half times the length of the fish's body. It commonly has a number of pyloric caeca, small pouch-like structures along its length that help to increase the overall surface area of the organ for digesting food. There is no ileocaecal valve in teleosts, with the boundary between the small intestine and the rectum being marked only by the end of the digestive epitheliu [21]

text: In tetrapods, the ileocaecal valve is always present, opening into the colon. The length of the small intestine is typically longer in tetrapods than in teleosts, but is especially so in herbivores, as well as in mammals and birds, which have a higher metabolic rate than amphibians or reptiles. The lining of the small intestine includes microscopic folds to increase its surface area in all vertebrates, but only in mammals do these develop into true villi.[21]

text: The boundaries between the duodenum, jejunum, and ileum are somewhat vague even in humans, and such distinctions are either ignored when discussing the anatomy of other animals, or are essentially arbitrary.[21]

text: There is no small intestine as such in non-teleost fish, such as sharks, sturgeons, and lungfish. Instead, the digestive part of the gut forms a spiral intestine, connecting the stomach to the rectum. In this type of gut, the intestine itself is relatively straight, but has a long fold running along the inner surface in a spiral fashion, sometimes for dozens of turns. This valve greatly increases both the surface area and the effective length of the intestine. The lining of the spiral intestine is similar to that of the small intestine in teleosts and non-mammalian tetrapods.[21]

text: In lampreys, the spiral valve is extremely small, possibly because their diet requires little digestion. Hagfish have no spiral valve at all, with digestion occurring for almost the entire length of the intestine, which is not subdivided into different regions.[21]

text: Society and culture[edit]

text: In traditional Chinese medicine, the small intestine is a yang organ.[22]

text: Additional images[edit]

text:
Small intestine in situ, greater omentum folded upwards.

Third state of the development of the intestinal canal and peritoneum, seen from in front (diagrammatic). The mode of preparation is the same as in Fig 400

Second stage of development of the intestinal canal and peritoneum, seen from in front (diagrammatic). The liver has been removed and the two layers of the ventral mesogastrium (lesser omentum) have been cut. The vessels are represented in black and the peritoneum in the reddish tint.

First stage of the development of the intestinal canal and the peritoneum, seen from the side (diagrammatic). From colon 1 the ascending and transverse colon will be formed and from colon 2 the descending and sigmoid colons and the rectum.


document_title: Kansas–Nebraska Act

question_text: what new political party was created as a result of the kansas-nebraska act

text: Kansas–Nebraska Act

text: Background[edit]

text:
Events leading to
the American Civil War

Slavery
Northwest Ordinance
Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions
Battle of Negro Fort
Missouri Compromise
Tariff of 1828
Nat Turner's slave rebellion
Nullification Crisis
The Amistad
Prigg v. Pennsylvania
Texas annexation
Mexican–American War
Wilmot Proviso
Manifest destiny
Underground Railroad
Nashville Convention
Compromise of 1850
Fugitive Slave Act of 1850
Uncle Tom's Cabin
Kansas–Nebraska Act
Ostend Manifesto
Bleeding Kansas
Caning of Charles Sumner
Dred Scott v. Sandford
The Impending Crisis of the South
Brown's raid on Harpers Ferry
1860 presidential election
Crittenden Compromise
Secession of Southern States
Star of the West
Corwin Amendment
Battle of Fort Sumter

v
t
e

text: The availability of tens of millions of acres of excellent farmland in the area made it necessary to create a territorial infrastructure to allow settlement. Railroad interests were especially eager to start operations since they needed farmers as customers. Four previous attempts to pass legislation had failed. The solution was a bill proposed in January 1854 by Douglas: the Democratic Party leader in the US Senate, the chairman of the Committee on Territories, an avid promoter of railroads, an aspirant to the presidency, and a fervent believer in popular sovereignty: the policy of letting the voters, almost exclusively white males, of a territory decide whether or not slavery should exist in it.[2]

text: Since the 1840s, the topic of a transcontinental railroad had been discussed. While there were debates over the specifics, especially the route to be taken, there was a public consensus that such a railroad should be built by private interests, financed by public land grants. In 1845, Douglas, serving in his first term in the US House of Representatives, had submitted an unsuccessful plan to organize the Nebraska Territory formally, as the first step in building a railroad with its eastern terminus in Chicago. Railroad proposals were debated in all subsequent sessions of Congress with cities such as Chicago, St. Louis, Quincy, Memphis, and New Orleans competing to be the jumping-off point for the construction.[3]

text: Several proposals in late 1852 and early 1853 had strong support, but they failed because of disputes over whether the railroad would follow a northern or a southern route. In early 1853, the House of Representatives passed a bill 107 to 49 to organize the Nebraska Territory in the land west of Iowa and Missouri. In March, the bill moved to the Senate Committee on Territories, which was headed by Douglas. Missouri Senator David Atchison announced that he would support the Nebraska proposal only if slavery was allowed. While the bill was silent on this issue, slavery would have been prohibited, under the Missouri Compromise. Other Southern senators were as inflexible as Atchison. By a vote of 23 to 17, the Senate voted to table the motion, with every senator from the states south of Missouri voting to table.[4]

text: During the Senate adjournment, the issues of the railroad and the repeal of the Missouri Compromise became entangled in Missouri politics, as Atchison campaigned for re-election against the forces of Thomas Hart Benton. Atchison was maneuvered into choosing between antagonizing the state's railroad interests or its slaveholders. Finally, Atchison took the position that he would rather see Nebraska "sink in hell" before he would allow it to be overrun by free soilers.[5]

text: Representatives then generally found lodging in boarding houses when they were in the nation's capital to perform their legislative duties. Atchison shared lodgings in an F Street house, shared by the leading Southerners in Congress. Atchison himself was the Senate's president pro tempore. His housemates included Robert T. Hunter (from Virginia, chairman of the Finance Committee), James Mason (from Virginia, chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee) and Andrew P. Butler (from South Carolina, chairman of the Judiciary Committee). When Congress reconvened on December 5, 1853, the group, termed the F Street Mess[6], along with Virginian William O. Goode, formed the nucleus that would insist on slaveholder equality in Nebraska. Douglas was aware of the group's opinions and power and knew that he needed to address its concerns.[7]

text: Iowa Senator Augustus C. Dodge immediately reintroduced the same legislation to organize Nebraska that had stalled in the previous session; it was referred to Douglas's committee on December 14. Douglas, hoping to achieve the support of the Southerners, publicly announced that the same principle that had been established in the Compromise of 1850 should apply in Nebraska.

text: In the Compromise of 1850, Utah and New Mexico Territories had been organized without any restrictions on slavery, and many supporters of Douglas argued that the compromise had already superseded the Missouri Compromise.[8] The two territories, however, unlike Nebraska, had not been part of the Louisiana Purchase and had never been subject to the Missouri Compromise.

text: Congressional action[edit]

text: Introduction of Nebraska bill[edit]

text: The bill was reported to the main body of the Senate on January 4, 1854. It had been modified by Douglas, who had also authored the New Mexico Territory and Utah Territory Acts, to mirror the language from the Compromise of 1850. In the bill, a vast new Nebraska Territory was created to extend from Kansas north all the way to the 49th parallel, the US–Canada border. A large portion of Nebraska Territory would soon be split off into Dakota Territory (1861), and smaller portions transferred to Colorado Territory (1861) and Idaho Territory (1863) before the balance of the land became the State of Nebraska in 1867.

text: Furthermore, any decisions on slavery in the new lands were to be made "when admitted as a state or states, the said territory, or any portion of the same, shall be received into the Union, with or without slavery, as their constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission."[10] In a report accompanying the bill, Douglas's committee wrote that the Utah and New Mexico Acts

text: ...were intended to have a far more comprehensive and enduring effect than the mere adjustment of the difficulties arising out of the recent acquisition of Mexican territory. They were designed to establish certain great principles, which would not only furnish adequate remedies for existing evils, but, in all time to come, avoid the perils of a similar agitation, by withdrawing the question of slavery from the halls of Congress and the political arena, and committing it to the arbitrament of those who were immediately interested in, and alone responsible for its consequences.[11]

text: The report compared the situation in New Mexico and Utah with the situation in Nebraska. In the first instance, many had argued that slavery had previously been prohibited under Mexican law, just as it was prohibited in Nebraska under the Missouri Compromise. Just as the creation of New Mexico and Utah territories had not ruled on the validity of Mexican law on the acquired territory, the Nebraska bill was neither "affirming or repealing... the Missouri act." In other words, popular sovereignty was being established by ignoring, rather than addressing, the problem presented by the Missouri Compromise.[11]

text: Douglas's attempt to finesse his way around the Missouri Compromise did not work. Kentucky Whig Archibald Dixon believed that unless the Missouri Compromise was explicitly repealed, slaveholders would be reluctant to move to the new territory until slavery was actually approved by the settlers, who would most likely oppose slavery. On January 16 Dixon surprised Douglas by introducing an amendment that would repeal the section of the Missouri Compromise that prohibited slavery north of the 36°30' parallel. Douglas met privately with Dixon and in the end, despite his misgivings on Northern reaction, agreed to accept Dixon's arguments.[12]

text: From a political standpoint, the Whig Party had been in decline in the South because of the effectiveness with which it had been hammered by the Democratic Party over slavery. The Southern Whigs hoped that by seizing the initiative on this issue, they would be identified as strong defenders of slavery. Many Northern Whigs broke with them in the Act. The party eventually died by the division over the issue.[13]

text: A similar amendment was offered in the House by Philip Phillips of Alabama. With the encouragement of the "F Street Mess", Douglas met with them and Phillips to ensure that the momentum for passing the bill remained with the Democratic Party. They arranged to meet with President Franklin Pierce to ensure that the issue would be declared a test of party loyalty within the Democratic Party.[15]

text: Meeting with Pierce[edit]

text: Pierce had barely mentioned Nebraska in his State of the Union message the previous month and was not enthusiastic about the implications of repealing the Missouri Compromise. Close advisors Senator Lewis Cass, a proponent of popular sovereignty as far back as 1848 as an alternative to the Wilmot Proviso, and Secretary of State William L. Marcy both told Pierce that repeal would create serious political problems. The full cabinet met and only Secretary of War Jefferson Davis and Secretary of Navy James C. Dobbin supported repeal. Instead the president and cabinet submitted to Douglas an alternative plan that would have sought out a judicial ruling on the constitutionality of the Missouri Compromise. Both Pierce and Attorney General Caleb Cushing believed that the Supreme Court would find it unconstitutional.[16]

text: Douglas's committee met later that night. Douglas was agreeable to the proposal, but the Atchison group was not. Determined to offer the repeal to Congress on January 23 but reluctant to act without Pierce's commitment, Douglas arranged through Davis to meet with Pierce on January 22 even though it was a Sunday, when Pierce generally refrained from conducting any business. Douglas was accompanied at the meeting by Atchison, Hunter, Phillips, and John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky.[17]

text: Douglas and Atchison first met alone with Pierce before the whole group convened. Pierce was persuaded to support repeal, and at Douglas' insistence, Pierce provided a written draft, asserting that the Missouri Compromise had been made inoperative by the principles of the Compromise of 1850. Pierce later informed his cabinet, which concurred in the change of direction.[18] The Washington Union, the communications organ for the administration, wrote on January 24 that support for the bill would be "a test of Democratic orthodoxy."[19]

text: Debate in Senate[edit]

text: On January 23, a revised bill was introduced in the Senate that repealed the Missouri Compromise and divided the territory into two territories: Kansas and Nebraska. The division was the result of concerns expressed by settlers already in Nebraska as well as the senators from Iowa, who were concerned with the location of the territory's seat of government if such a large territory were created. Existing language to affirm the application of all other laws of the United States in the new territory was supplemented by the language agreed on with Pierce: "except the eighth section of the act preparatory to the admission of Missouri into the Union, approved March 6, 1820, which was superseded by the legislation of 1850, commonly called the compromise measures, and is declared inoperative." Identical legislation was soon introduced in the House.[20]

text: Historian Allan Nevins wrote that "two interconnected battles began to rage, one in Congress and one in the country at large: each fought with a pertinacity, bitterness, and rancor unknown even in Wilmot Proviso days." In Congress, the freesoilers were at a distinct disadvantage. The Democrats held large majorities in each house, and Douglas, "a ferocious fighter, the fiercest, most ruthless, and most unscrupulous that Congress had perhaps ever known" led a tightly disciplined party. It was in the nation at large that the opponents of Nebraska hoped to achieve a moral victory. The New York Times, which had earlier supported Pierce, predicted that this would be the final straw for Northern supporters of the slavery forces and would "create a deep-seated, intense, and ineradicable hatred of the institution which will crush its political power, at all hazards, and at any cost."[21]

text: The day after the bill was reintroduced, two Ohioans, Representative Joshua Giddings and Senator Salmon P. Chase, published a free-soil response, "Appeal of the Independent Democrats in Congress to the People of the United States:"

text: We arraign this bill as a gross violation of a sacred pledge; as a criminal betrayal of precious rights; as part and parcel of an atrocious plot to exclude from a vast unoccupied region immigrants from the Old World and free laborers from our own States, and convert it into a dreary region of despotism, inhabited by masters and slaves.[22]

text: Douglas took the appeal personally and responded in Congress, when the debate was opened on January 30 before a full House and packed gallery. Douglas biographer Robert W. Johanssen described part of the speech:

text: Douglas charged the authors of the "Appeal", whom he referred to throughout as the "Abolitionist confederates", with having perpetrated a "base falsehood" in their protest. He expressed his own sense of betrayal, recalling that Chase, "with a smiling face and the appearance of friendship", had appealed for a postponement of debate on the ground that he had not yet familiarized himself with the bill. "Little did I suppose at the time that I granted that act of courtesy," Douglas remarked, that Chase and his compatriots had published a document "in which they arraigned me as having been guilty of a criminal betrayal of my trust," of bad faith, and of plotting against the cause of free government. While other Senators were attending divine worship, they had been "assembled in a secret conclave", devoting the Sabbath to their own conspiratorial and deceitful purposes.[23]

text: The debate would continue for four months, as many Anti-Nebraska political rallies were held across the north. Douglas remained the main advocate for the bill while Chase, William Seward, of New York, and Charles Sumner, of Massachusetts, led the opposition. The New-York Tribune wrote on March 2:

text: The debate in the Senate concluded on March 4, 1854, when Douglas, beginning near midnight on March 3, made a five-and-a-half-hour speech. The final vote in favor of passage was 37 to 14.[27] Free-state senators voted 14 to 12 in favor, and slave-state senators supported the bill 23 to 2.[28]

text: Debate in House of Representatives[edit]

text: On March 21, 1854, as a delaying tactic in the House of Representatives, the legislation was referred by a vote of 110 to 95 to the Committee of the Whole, where it was the last item on the calendar. Realizing from the vote to stall that the act faced an uphill struggle, the Pierce administration made it clear to all Democrats that passage of the bill was essential to the party and would dictate how federal patronage would be handled. Davis and Cushing, from Massachusetts, along with Douglas, spearheaded the partisan efforts.[29] By the end of April, Douglas believed that there were enough votes to pass the bill. The House leadership then began a series of roll call votes in which legislation ahead of the Kansas–Nebraska Act was called to the floor and tabled without debate.[30]

text: Thomas Hart Benton was among those speaking forcefully against the measure. On April 25, in a House speech that biographer William Nisbet Chambers called "long, passionate, historical, [and] polemical," Benton attacked the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, which he "had stood upon ... above thirty years, and intended to stand upon it to the end—solitary and alone, if need be; but preferring company." The speech was distributed afterwards as a pamphlet when opposition to the act moved outside the walls of Congress.[31]

text: It was not until May 8 that the debate began in the House. The debate was even more intense than in the Senate. While it seemed to be a foregone conclusion that the bill would pass, the opponents went all out to fight it.[32] Historian Michael Morrison wrote:

text: A filibuster led by Lewis D. Campbell, an Ohio free-soiler, nearly provoked the House into a war of more than words. Campbell, joined by other antislavery northerners, exchanged insults and invectives with southerners, neither side giving quarter. Weapons were brandished on the floor of the House. Finally, bumptiousness gave way to violence. Henry A. Edmundson, a Virginia Democrat, well oiled and well armed, had to be restrained from making a violent attack on Campbell. Only after the sergeant at arms arrested him, debate was cut off, and the House adjourned did the melee subside.[33]

text: The floor debate was handled by Alexander Stephens, of Georgia, who insisted that the Missouri Compromise had never been a true compromise but had been imposed on the South. He argued that the issue was whether republican principles, "that the citizens of every distinct community or State should have the right to govern themselves in their domestic matters as they please," would be honored.[34]

text: The final vote in favor of the bill was 113 to 100.[35] Northern Democrats supported the bill 44 to 42, but all 45 northern Whigs opposed it. Southern Democrats voted in favor by 57 to 2, and southern Whigs supported it by 12 to 7.[36] Pierce signed the bill into law on May 30.

text: Reaction[edit]

text: The immediate responses to the passing of the Kansas–Nebraska Act fell into two classes. The less common response was held by Douglas's supporters, who believed that the bill would withdraw "the question of slavery from the halls of Congress and the political arena, committing it to the arbitration of those who were immediately interested in, and alone responsible for, its consequences."[37] In other words, they believed that the Act would leave decisions about slavery in the hands of the people, rather than under the carefully-balanced jurisdiction of the Federal government. The far more common response was one of outrage, interpreting Douglas's actions as part of "an atrocious plot."[38] Especially in the eyes of northerners, the Kansas–Nebraska Act was aggression and an attack on the power and beliefs of free states.[39] The response led to calls for public action against the South, as seen in broadsides that advertised gatherings in northern states to discuss publicly what to do about the presumption of the Act.[40]

text: Bleeding Kansas[edit]

text: Bleeding Kansas, Bloody Kansas or the Border War was a series of violent political confrontations in the United States between 1854 and 1861 involving anti-slavery "Free-Staters" and pro-slavery "Border Ruffian", or "southern" elements in Kansas. At the heart of the conflict was the question of whether Kansas would allow or outlaw slavery, and thus enter the Union as a slave state or a free state.

text: Pro-slavery settlers came to Kansas mainly from neighboring Missouri. Their influence in territorial elections was often bolstered by resident Missourians who crossed into Kansas solely for the purpose of voting in such ballots. They formed groups such as the Blue Lodges and were dubbed border ruffians, a term coined by opponent and abolitionist Horace Greeley. Abolitionist settlers, known as "Jayhawkers," moved from the East expressly to make Kansas a free state. A clash between the opposing sides was inevitable.[41]

text: Successive territorial governors, usually sympathetic to slavery, attempted to maintain the peace. The territorial capital of Lecompton, the target of much agitation, became such a hostile environment for Free-Staters that they set up their own, unofficial legislature, at Topeka.[42]

text: John Brown and his sons gained notoriety in the fight against slavery by murdering five pro-slavery farmers with a broadsword in the Pottawatomie massacre. Brown also helped defend a few dozen Free-State supporters from several hundred angry pro-slavery supporters at Osawatomie.[43]

text: Hostilities between the factions reached a state of low-intensity civil war, which was damaging to Pierce. The new Republican Party sought to capitalize on the scandal of Bleeding Kansas. Routine ballot-rigging and intimidation, practiced by both pro-slavery and anti-slavery settlers, failed to deter the immigration of anti-slavery settlers, who eventually became the majority of the population.[44]

text: Effect on Native American tribes[edit]

text: Prior to the organization of the Kansas–Nebraska territory in 1854, the Kansas and Nebraska Territories were consolidated as part of the Indian Territory. Throughout the 1830s, large-scale relocations of Native American tribes to the Indian Territory took place, with many Southeastern nations removed to present-day Oklahoma, a process ordered by the Indian Removal Act of 1830 and known as the Trail of Tears, and many Midwestern nations removed by way of treaty to present-day Kansas. Among the latter were the Shawnee,[45] Delaware,[46] Kickapoo,[47] Kaskaskia and Peoria,[48] Ioway,[49] and Miami.[50] The passing of the Kansas–Nebraska Act came into direct conflict with the relocations. White American settlers from both the free-soil North and pro-slavery South flooded the Northern Indian Territory, hoping to influence the vote on slavery that would come following the admittance of Kansas and, to a lesser extent, Nebraska to the United States.

text: In order to avoid and/or alleviate the reservation-settlement problem, further treaty negotiations were attempted with the tribes of Kansas and Nebraska. In 1854 alone, the U.S. agreed to acquire lands in Kansas or Nebraska from several tribes including the Kickapoo,[51] Delaware,[52] Omaha,[53] Shawnee,[54] Otoe and Missouri,[55] Miami,[56] and Kaskaskia and Peoria.[57] In exchange for their land cessions, the tribes largely received small reservations in the Indian Territory of Oklahoma or Kansas in some cases.

text: For the nations that remained in Kansas beyond 1854, the Kansas–Nebraska Act introduced a host of other problems. In 1855, white "squatters" built the city of Leavenworth on the Delaware reservation without the consent of either the Delaware or the US government. When Commissioner of Indian Affairs George Manypenny ordered for military support in removing the squatters, both the military and the squatters refused to comply, undermining both Federal authority and the treaties in place with the Delaware.[58] In addition to the violations of treaty agreements, other promises made were not being kept. Construction and infrastructure improvement projects dedicated in nearly every treaty, for example, took a great deal longer than expected. Beyond that, however, the most damaging violation by White American settlers was the mistreatment of Native Americans and their properties. Personal maltreatment, stolen property, and deforestation have all been cited.[59] Furthermore, the squatters' premature and illegal settlement of the Kansas Territory jeopardized the value of the land and, with it, the future of the Indian tribes living on them. Because treaties were land cessions and purchases, the value of the land handed over to the Federal government was critical to the payment received by a given Native nation. Deforestation, destruction of property, and other general injuries to the land lowered the value of the territories that were ceded by the Kansas Territory tribes.[60]

text: Manypenny's 1856 "Report on Indian Affairs" explained the devastating effect of diseases White settlers brought to Kansas on Indian populations. Without providing statistics, Indian Affairs Superintendent to the area Colonel Alfred Cumming reported at least more deaths than births in most tribes in the area. While noting intemperance, or alcoholism, as a leading cause of death, Cumming specifically cited cholera, smallpox, and measles, none of which the Native Americans were able to treat.[61] The disastrous epidemics exemplified the Osage people, who lost an estimated 1300 lives to scurvy, measles, smallpox, and scrofula between 1852 and 1856,[62] contributing, in part, to the massive decline in population, from 8000 in 1850 to just 3500 in 1860.[63] The Osage had already encountered epidemics associated with relocation and white settlement. The initial removal acts in the 1830s brought both White American settlers and foreign Native American tribes to the Great Plains and into contact with the Osage people. Between 1829 and 1843, influenza, cholera, and smallpox killed an estimated 1242 Osage Indians,[62] resulting in a population recession of roughly 20 percent between 1830 and 1850.[63]

text: Though their role has been largely minimized or excluded in many historical accounts, Native Americans were also subjected to a great deal of violence during Bleeding Kansas. It has been argued that the widespread absence of Indian involvement in Bleeding Kansas and the settlement of Kansas as a whole from historical texts are caused by racism, an insistence that Native Americans are "half-civilized" and have "done nothing for the world," Furthermore, it has also been argued that the dismissal of Native Americans, as civilized societies, removed White settlers from responsibility for their transgressions against Indian tribes in Kansas throughout Bleeding Kansas.[64]

text: Aftermath[edit]

text: The Kansas–Nebraska Act divided the nation and pointed it toward civil war.[65] The Act itself virtually nullified the Missouri Compromise of 1820. The turmoil over the act split both the Democratic and Whig parties and gave rise to the Republican Party, which split the United States into two major political camps, the Republican North and the Democratic South.

text: Senator Stephen A. Douglas and former Illinois Representative Abraham Lincoln aired their disagreement over the Kansas–Nebraska Act in seven public speeches during September and October 1854.[66] Lincoln gave his most comprehensive argument against slavery and the provisions of the act in Peoria, Illinois, on October 16, the Peoria Speech.[67] He and Douglas both spoke to the large audience, Douglas first and Lincoln in response, two hours later. Lincoln's three-hour speech presented thorough moral, legal, and economic arguments against slavery and raised Lincoln's political profile for the first time. The speeches set the stage for the Lincoln-Douglas debates four years later, when Lincoln was running for Douglas's Senate seat.[68]

text: A new anti-slavery state constitution, known as the Wyandotte Constitution, was eventually drawn up. On January 29, 1861, five weeks before Lincoln's inauguration, Kansas was admitted to the Union as a free state. On March 1, 1867, Nebraska was admitted to the Union. By then, the 1861–1865 Civil War had been fought, and slavery itself had been outlawed throughout the United States by the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution.


document_title: High Court judge (England and Wales)

question_text: how do you address a judge in high court

text: High Court judge (England and Wales)

text: Title and form of address[edit]

text: Upon appointment, all male High Court judges are appointed Knight Bachelor and female judges made Dames Commander of the Order of the British Empire.

text: In court, a High Court judge is referred to as My Lord or Your Lordship if male, or as My Lady or Your Ladyship if female. High Court judges use the title in office of Mr Justice for men or, normally, Mrs Justice for women, even if unmarried. When Alison Russell was appointed in 2014, she took the title "Ms Justice Russell". The style of The Honourable (or The Hon) is also used during office. For example, Sir Joseph Bloggs would be referred to as The Hon Mr Justice Bloggs Kt. and Dame Jane Bloggs DBE as The Hon Mrs Justice Bloggs DBE. When there is already or has until recently been a judge with the same (or a confusingly similar) surname as a new appointee, the new judge will often use a first name as part of his or her official title. Many judges have done this, such as Mr Justice Christopher Clarke (Sir Christopher Simon Courtenay Stephenson Clarke) and Mr Justice Roderick Evans (Sir David Roderick Evans).

text: When referring to a High Court judge in a legal context, the judge is identified by use of the surname (or first name and surname if appropriate), followed by the letter 'J'. For example, Mr Justice Bloggs or Mrs Justice Bloggs would be referred to as "Bloggs J". When two or more judges are listed the letters 'JJ' are used; for example, "Bloggs, Smith and Jones JJ".

text: Appointment[edit]

text: High Court judges are appointed by The Queen on the advice of the Lord Chancellor. Under the Constitutional Reform Act 2005 the Judicial Appointments Commission has removed the appointment of judges from the overtly political arena. High Court judges, as with other judges, are appointed on open competition.

text: High Court judges, as with all judges in England and Wales, hold office during good behaviour; this is laid down in the Bill of Rights 1689. A High Court judge can only be removed by the Queen upon an Address of both Houses of Parliament.

text: Formerly, High Court judges could only be appointed from among barristers of at least 10 years' standing.[2] Before the qualifications changed, a typical appointee had in the region of twenty to thirty years' experience as a lawyer. Only four solicitors had been appointed as puisne judges – Michael Sachs in 1993, Lawrence Collins in 2000, Henry Hodge in 2004, and Gary Hickinbottom in 2008.[3] Collins was elevated further to the Court of Appeal in 2007 and became a law lord in 2009. Occasionally more junior members of the judiciary are elevated to this rank, such as Mr Justice Crane who was formerly a Circuit Judge and Mrs Justice Butler-Sloss (now Baroness Butler-Sloss) who was previously a Registrar in the Principal Registry of the Family Division of the High Court. A few distinguished academics have also made it on to the High Court bench, including Mrs Justice Hale (now Baroness Hale of Richmond) and, more recently, Mr Justice Beatson.[4] In 2004, calls for increased diversity among the judiciary were recognised and the qualification period was changed[5][6] so that, as of 21 July 2008, a potential High Court Judge must satisfy the judicial-appointment eligibility condition on a seven-year basis.[7]

text: While High Court judges all have the same jurisdiction, an appointee is in practice allocated to one of the High Court's three divisions: The Chancery Division, the Queen's Bench Division and the Family Division.