document_title: Eukaryotic transcription

question_text: what phase of transcription occurs when double stranded dna is separated

text: Eukaryotic transcription

text: Overview[edit]

text: Transcription is the process of copying genetic information stored in a DNA strand into a transportable complementary strand of RNA.[1] Eukaryotic transcription takes place in the nucleus of the cell and proceeds in three sequential stages: initiation, elongation, and termination.[1] The transcriptional machinery that catalyzes this complex reaction has at its core three multi-subunit RNA polymerases. RNA polymerase I is responsible for transcribing RNA that codes for genes that become structural components of the ribosome. [1]

text: Protein coding genes are transcribed into messenger RNAs (mRNAs) that carry the information from DNA to the site of protein synthesis.[1] Although mRNAs possess great diversity, they are not the most abundant RNA species made in the cell. The so-called non-coding RNAs account for the large majority of the transcriptional output of a cell.[2] These non-coding RNAs perform a variety of important cellular functions.[2]

text: RNA polymerase[edit]

text: Eukaryotes have three nuclear RNA polymerases, each with distinct roles and properties[3][4]

text:
Name
Location
Product

RNA Polymerase I (Pol I, Pol A)
nucleolus
larger ribosomal RNA (rRNA) (28S, 18S, 5.8S)

RNA Polymerase II (Pol II, Pol B)
nucleus
messenger RNA (mRNA), most small nuclear RNAs (snRNAs), small interfering RNA (siRNAs) and microRNA (miRNA).

RNA Polymerase III (Pol III, Pol C)
nucleus (and possibly the nucleolus-nucleoplasm interface)
transfer RNA (tRNA), other small RNAs (including the small 5S ribosomal RNA (5s rRNA), snRNA U6, signal recognition particle RNA (SRP RNA) and other stable short RNAs

text: RNA polymerase I (Pol I) catalyses the transcription of all rRNA genes except 5S.[3][4] These rRNA genes are organised into a single transcriptional unit and are transcribed into a continuous transcript. This precursor is then processed into three rRNAs: 18S, 5.8S, and 28S. The transcription of rRNA genes takes place in a specialised structure of the nucleus called the nucleolus,[5] where the transcribed rRNAs are combined with proteins to form ribosomes.[6]

text: RNA polymerase II (Pol II) is responsible for the transcription of all mRNAs, some snRNAs, siRNAs, and all miRNAs.[3][4] Many Pol II transcripts exist transiently as single strand precursor RNAs (pre-RNAs) that are further processed to generate mature RNAs.[1] For example, precursor mRNAs (pre-mRNAs)are extensively processed before exiting into the cytoplasm through the nuclear pore for protein translation.

text: RNA polymerase III (Pol III) transcribes small non-coding RNAs, including tRNAs, 5S rRNA, U6 snRNA, SRP RNA, and other stable short RNAs such as ribonuclease P RNA.[7]

text: RNA Polymerases I, II, and III contain 14, 12, and 17 subunits, respectively.[8] All three eukaryotic polymerases have five core subunits that exhibit homology with the β, β’, αI, αII, and ω subunits of E. coli RNA polymerase. An identical ω-like subunit (RBP6) is used by all three eukaryotic polymerases, while the same α-like subunits are used by Pol I and III. The three eukaryotic polymerases share four other common subunits among themselves. The remaining subunits are unique to each RNA polymerase. The additional subunits found in Pol I and Pol III relative to Pol II, are homologous to Pol II transcription factors.[8]

text: Crystal structures of RNA polymerases I[9] and II [10] provide an opportunity to understand the interactions among the subunits and the molecular mechanism of eukaryotic transcription in atomic detail.

text: The carboxyl terminal domain (CTD) of RPB1, the largest subunit of RNA polymerase II, plays an important role in bringing together the machinery necessary for the synthesis and processing of Pol II transcripts.[11] Long and structurally disordered, the CTD contains multiple repeats of heptapeptide sequence YSPTSPS that are subject to phosphorylation and other posttranslational modifications during the transcription cycle. These modifications and their regulation constitute the operational code for the CTD to control transcription initiation, elongation and termination and to couple transcription and RNA processing.[11]

text: Initiation[edit]

text: The initiation of gene transcription in eukaryotes occurs in specific steps.[1] First, an RNA polymerase along with general transcription factors binds to the promoter region of the gene to form a closed complex called the preinitiation complex. The subsequent transition of the complex from the closed state to the open state results in the melting or separation of the two DNA strands and the positioning of the template strand to the active site of the RNA polymerase. Without the need of a primer, RNA polymerase can initiate the synthesis of a new RNA chain using the template DNA strand to guide ribonucleotide selection and polymerization chemistry.[1] However, many of the initiated syntheses are aborted before the transcripts reach a significant length (~10 nucleotides). During these abortive cycles, the polymerase keeps making and releasing short transcripts until it is able to produce a transcript that surpasses ten nucleotides in length. Once this threshold is attained, RNA polymerase passes the promoter and transcription proceeds to the elongation phase.[1]

text: Eukaryotic promoters and general transcription factors[edit]

text: Pol II-transcribed genes contain a region in the immediate vicinity of the transcription start site (TSS) that binds and positions the preinitiation complex. This region is called the core promoter because of its essential role in transcription initiation.[12][13] Different classes of sequence elements are found in the promoters. For example, the TATA box is the highly conserved DNA recognition sequence for the TATA box binding protein, TBP, whose binding initiates transcription complex assembly at many genes.

text: Eukaryotic genes also contain regulatory sequences beyond the core promoter. These cis-acting control elements bind transcriptional activators or repressors to increase or decrease transcription from the core promoter. Well-characterized regulatory elements include enhancers, silencers, and insulators. These regulatory sequences can be spread over a large genomic distance, sometimes located hundreds of kilobases from the core promoters.[1]

text: General transcription factors are a group of proteins involved in transcription initiation and regulation.[1] These factors typically have DNA-binding domains that bind specific sequence elements of the core promoter and help recruit RNA polymerase to the transcriptional start site. General transcription factors for RNA polymerase II include TFIID, TFIIA, TFIIB, TFIIF, TFIIE, and TFIIH.[1][14][15]

text: Assembly of preinitiation complex[edit]

text: To prepare for transcription, a complete set of general transcription factors and RNA polymerase need to be assembled at the core promoter to form the ~2 million dalton preinitiation complex.[16] For example, for promoters that contain a TATA box near the TSS, the recognition of TATA box by the TBP subunit of TFIID initiates the assembly of a transcription complex. The next proteins to enter are TFIIA and TFIIB, which stabilize the DNA-TFIID complex and recruit Pol II in association with TFIIF and additional transcription factors. TFIIF serves as the bridge between the TATA-bound TBP and polymerase. One of the last transcription factors to be recruited to the preinitiation complex is TFIIH, which plays an important role in promoter melting and escape.[17]

text: Promoter melting and open complex formation[edit]

text: For pol II-transcribed genes, and unlike bacterial RNA polymerase, promoter melting requires hydrolysis of ATP and is mediated by TFIIH.[17] TFIIH is a ten-subunit protein, including both ATPase and protein kinase activities.[18] While the upstream promoter DNA is held in a fixed position by TFIID, TFIIH pulls downstream double-stranded DNA into the cleft of the polymerase, driving the separation of DNA strands and the transition of the preinitiation complex from the closed to open state. TFIIB aids in open complex formation by binding the melted DNA and stabilizing the transcription bubble.

text: Abortive initiation[edit]

text: Once the initiation complex is open, the first ribonucleotide is brought into the active site to initiate the polymerization reaction in the absence of a primer.[1] This generates a nascent RNA chain that forms a hetero-duplex with the template DNA strand. However, before entering the elongation phase, polymerase may terminate prematurely and release a short, truncated transcript. This process is called abortive initiation.[19] Many cycles of abortive initiation may occur before the transcript grows to sufficient length to promote polymerase escape from the promoter. Throughout abortive initiation cycles, RNA polymerase remains bound to the promoter and pulls downstream DNA into its catalytic cleft in a scrunching-kind of motion.[19]

text: Promoter escape[edit]

text: When a transcript attains the threshold length of ten nucleotides, it enters the RNA exit channel.[1] The polymerase breaks its interactions with the promoter elements and any regulatory proteins associated with the initiation complex that it no longer needs.[20] Promoter escape in eukaryotes requires ATP hydrolysis and, in the case of Pol II-phosphorylation of the CTD. Meanwhile, the transcription bubble collapses down to 12-14 nucleotides, providing kinetic energy required for the escape.[1]

text: Elongation[edit]

text: After escaping the promoter and shedding most of the transcription factors for initiation, the polymerase acquires new factors for the next phase of transcription: elongation.[21][22] Transcription elongation is a processive process. Double stranded DNA that enters from the front of the enzyme is unzipped to avail the template strand for RNA synthesis. For every DNA base pair separated by the advancing polymerase, one hybrid RNA:DNA base pair is immediately formed. DNA strands and nascent RNA chain exit from separate channels; the two DNA strands reunite at the trailing end of the transcription bubble while the single strand RNA emerges alone.

text: Elongation factors[edit]

text: Among the proteins recruited to polymerase are elongation factors, thus called because they stimulate transcription elongation.[23] There are different classes of elongation factors. Some factors can increase the overall rate of transcribing, some can help the polymerase through transient pausing sites, and some can assist the polymerase to transcribe through chromatin.[24] One of the elongation factors, P-TEFb, is particularly important.[25] P-TEFb phosphorylates the second residue (Ser-2) of the CTD repeats (YSPTSPS) of the bound Pol II. P-TEFb also phosphorylates and activates SPT5 and TAT-SF1. SPT5 is a universal transcription factor that helps recruit 5'-capping enzyme to Pol II with a CTD phosphorylated at Ser-5. TAF-SF1 recruits components of the RNA splicing machinery to the Ser-2 phosphorylated CTD. P-TEFb also helps suppress transient pausing of polymerase when it encounters certain sequences immediately following initiation.[25]

text: Transcription fidelity[edit]

text: Transcription fidelity is achieved through multiple mechanisms. RNA polymerases select correct nucleoside triphosphate (NTP) substrate to prevent transcription errors. Only the NTP which correctly base pairs with the coding base in the DNA is admitted to the active center.[26][27] RNA polymerase performs two known proof reading functions to detect and remove misincorporated nucleotides: pyrophosphorylytic editing and hydrolytic editing.[1] The former removes the incorrectly inserted ribonucleotide by a simple reversal of the polymerization reaction, while the latter involves backtracking of the polymerase and cleaving of a segment of error-containing RNA product. Elongation factor TFIIS stimulates an inherent ribonuclease activity in the polymerase, allowing the removal of misincorporated bases through limited local RNA degradation.[28] Note that all reactions (phosphodiester bond synthesis, pyrophosphorolysis, phosphodiester bond hydrolysis) are performed by RNA polymerase by using a single active center.[29]

text: Pausing, poising, and backtracking[edit]

text: Transcription elongation is not a smooth ride along the DNA railway. For proofreading, the polymerase is made to back-up, erase some of the RNA it has already made and have another go at transcription.[1] In general, RNA polymerase does not transcribe through a gene at a constant pace. Rather it pauses periodically at certain sequences, sometimes for long periods of time before resuming transcription.[30] In extreme cases, for example, when the polymerase encounters a damaged nucleotide, it comes to a complete halt. More often, an elongating polymerase is stalled near the promoter.[30] Promoter-proximal pausing during early elongation is a commonly used mechanism for regulating genes poised to be expressed rapidly or in a coordinated fashion. Pausing is mediated by a complex called NELF (negative elongation factor) in collaboration with DSIF (DRB-sensitivity-inducing factor containing SPT4/SPT5).[31] The blockage is released once the polymerase receives an activation signal, such as the phosphorylation of Ser-2 of CTD tail by P-TEFb. Other elongation factors such as ELL and TFIIS stimulate the rate of elongation by limiting the length of time that polymerase pauses.[1]

text: RNA processing[edit]

text: Elongating polymerase is associated with a set of protein factors required for various types of RNA processing.[1] mRNA is capped as soon as it emerges from the RNA-exit channel of the polymerase. After capping, dephosphorylation of Ser-5 within the CTD repeats may be responsible for dissociation of the capping machinery. Further phosphorylation of Ser-2 causes recruitment of the RNA splicing machinery that catalyzes the removal of non-coding introns to generate mature mRNA.[1] Alternative splicing expands the protein complements in eukaryotes. Just as with 5’-capping and splicing, the CTD tail is involved in recruiting enzymes responsible for 3’-polyadenylation, the final RNA processing event that is coupled with the termination of transcription.[1]

text: Termination[edit]

text: The last stage of transcription is termination, which leads to the dissociation of the complete transcript and the release of RNA polymerase from the template DNA.The process differs for each of the three RNA polymerases.[32] The mechanism of termination is the least understood of the three transcription stages.

text: Factor-dependent[edit]

text: The termination of transcription of pre-rRNA genes by polymerase Pol I is performed by a system that needs a specific transcription termination factor.[3] The mechanism used bears some resemblance to the rho-dependent termination in prokaryotes.[33] Eukaryotic cells contain hundreds of ribosomal DNA repeats, sometimes distributed over multiple chromosomes. Termination of transcription occurs in the ribosomal intergenic spacer region that contains several transcription termination sites upstream of a Pol I pausing site. Through a yet unknown mechanism, the 3’-end of the transcript is cleaved, generating a large primary rRNA molecule that is further processed into the mature 18S, 5.8S and 28S rRNAs.

text: As Pol II reaches the end of a gene, two protein complexes carried by the CTD, CPSF (cleavage and polyadenylation specificity factor) and CSTF (cleavage stimulation factor), recognize the poly-A signal in the transcribed RNA.[32] Poly-A-bound CPSF and CSTF recruit other proteins to carry out RNA cleavage and then polyadenylation. Poly-A polymerase adds approximately 200 adenines to the cleaved 3’ end of the RNA without a template.[32] The long poly-A tail is unique to transcripts made by Pol II.

text: In the process of terminating transcription by Pol I and Pol II, the elongation complex does not dissolve immediately after the RNA is cleaved. The polymerase continues to move along the template, generating a second RNA molecule associated with the elongation complex.[1] Two models have been proposed to explain how termination is achieved at last.[32] The allosteric model states that when transcription proceeds through the termination sequence, it causes disassembly of elongation factors and/or an assembly of termination factors that cause conformational changes of the elongation complex.[33][34] The torpedo model suggests that a 5' to 3' exonuclease degrades the second RNA as it emerges from the elongation complex. Polymerase is released as the highly processive exonuclease overtakes it. It is proposed that an emerging view will express a merge of these two models.[34]

text: Factor-independent[edit]

text: RNA polymerase III can terminate transcription efficiently without the involvement of additional factors. The Pol III termination signal consists of a stretch of thymines (on the nontemplate strand) located within 40bp downstream from the 3' end of mature RNAs.[32] The poly-T termination signal pauses Pol III and causes it to backtrack to the nearest RNA hairpin to become a “dead-end” complex.[35] Consistent with the allosteric mechanism of termination,[36] the RNA hairpin allosterically opens Pol III and causes the elongation complex to disintegrate. The extensive structure embedded in the Pol III-transcript thus is responsible for the factor-independent release of Pol III at the end of a gene. RNA-duplex-dependent termination is an ancient mechanism that dates back to the last universal common ancestor.

text: Eukaryotic transcriptional control[edit]

text: The regulation of gene expression in eukaryotes is achieved through the interaction of several levels of control that acts both locally to turn on or off individual genes in response to a specific cellular need and globally to maintain a chromatin-wide gene expression pattern that shapes cell identity.[1][37] Because eukaryotic genome is wrapped around histones to form nucleosomes and higher-order chromatin structures, the substrates for transcriptional machinery are in general partially concealed.[1] Without regulatory proteins, many genes are expressed at low level or not expressed at all. Transcription requires displacement of the positioned nucleosomes to enable the transcriptional machinery to gain access of the DNA.[38]

text: All steps in the transcription are subject to some degree of regulation.[1] Transcription initiation in particular is the primary level at which gene expression is regulated. Targeting the rate-limiting initial step is the most efficient in terms of energy costs for the cell. Transcription initiation is regulated by cis-acting elements (enhancers, silencers, isolators) within the regulatory regions of the DNA, and sequence-specific trans-acting factors that act as activators or repressors.[1] Gene transcription can also be regulated post-initiation by targeting the movement of the elongating polymerase.[39]

text: Global control and epigenetic regulation[edit]

text: The eukaryotic genome is organized into a compact chromatin structure that allows only regulated access to DNA. The chromatin structure can be globally "open" and more transcriptionally permissive, or globally "condensed" and transcriptionally inactive. The former (euchromatin) is lightly packed and rich in genes under active transcription. The latter (heterochromatin) includes gene-poor regions such as telomeres and centromeres but also regions with normal gene density but transcriptionally silenced. Transcription can be silenced by histone modification (deaceltylation and methylation), RNA interference, and/or DNA methylation.[40]

text: The gene expression patterns that define cell identity are inherited through cell division.[1] This process is called epigenetic regulation. DNA methylation is reliably inherited through the action of maintenance methylases that modify the nascent DNA strand generated by replication.[1] In mammalian cells, DNA methylation is the primary marker of transcriptionally silenced regions. Specialized proteins can recognize the marker and recruit histone deacetylases and methylases to re-establish the silencing. Nucleosome histone modifications could also be inherited during cell division, however, it is not clear whether it can work independently without the direction by DNA methylation.[1]

text: Gene-specific activation[edit]

text: The two main tasks of transcription initiation are to provide RNA polymerase with an access to the promoter and to assemble general transcription factors with polymerase into a transcription initiation complex. Diverse mechanisms of initiating transcription by overriding inhibitory signals at the gene promoter have been identified.[1] Eukaryotic genes have acquired extensive regulatory sequences that encompass a large number of regulator-binding sites and spread overall kilobases (sometimes hundreds of kilobases) from the promoter–-both upstream and downstream.[1] The regulator binding sites are often clustered together into units called enhancers. Enhancers can facilitate highly cooperative action of several transcription factors (which constitute enhanceosomes). Remote enhancers allow transcription regulation at a distance. Insulators situated between enhancers and promoters help define the genes that an enhancer can or cannot influence.

text: Eukaryotic transcriptional activators have separate DNA-binding and activating functions.[1] Upon binding to its cis-element, an activator can recruit polymerase directly or recruit other factors needed by the transcriptional machinery. An activator can also recruit nucleosome modifiers that alter chromatin in the vicinity of the promoter and thereby help initiation. Multiple activators can work together, either by recruiting a common or two mutually dependent components of the transcriptional machinery, or by helping each other bind to their DNA sites.[1] These interactions can synergize multiple signaling inputs and produce intricate transcriptional responses to address cellular needs.

text: Gene-specific repression[edit]

text: Eukaryotic transcription repressors share some of the mechanisms used by their prokaryotic counterparts. For example, by binding to a site on DNA that overlaps with the binding site of an activator, a repressor can inhibit binding of the activator. But more frequently, eukaryotic repressors inhibit the function of an activator by masking its activating domain, preventing its nuclear localization, promoting its degradation, or inactivating it through chemical modifications.[1] Repressors can directly inhibit transcription initiation by binding to a site upstream of a promoter and interacting with the transcriptional machinery. Repressors can indirectly repress transcription by recruiting histone modifiers (deacetylases and methylases) or nucleosome remodeling enzymes that affect the accessibility of the DNA.[1] Repressing histone and DNA modifications are also the basis of transcriptional silencing that can spread along the chromatin and switch off multiple genes.[41]

text: Elongation and termination control[edit]

text: The elongation phase starts once assembly of the elongation complex has been completed, and progresses until a termination sequence is encountered.[1] The post-initiation movement of RNA polymerase is the target of another class of important regulatory mechanisms. For example, the transcriptional activator Tat affects elongation rather than initiation during its regulation of HIV transcription.[42] In fact, many eukaryotic genes are regulated by releasing a block to transcription elongation called promoter-proximal pausing.[43] Pausing can influence chromatin structure at promoters to facilitate gene activity and lead to rapid or synchronous transcriptional responses when cells are exposed to an activation signal.[30] Pausing is associated with the binding of two negative elongation factors, DSIF (SPT4/SPT5) and NELF, to the elongation complex. Other factors can also influence the stability and duration of the paused polymerase.[44] Pause release is triggered by the recruitment of the P-TEFb kinase.[39]

text: Transcription termination has also emerged as an important area of transcriptional regulation. Termination is coupled with the efficient recycling of polymerase.[45] The factors associated with transcription termination can also mediate gene looping and thereby determine the efficiency of re-initiation.

text: Transcription-coupled DNA repair[edit]

text: When transcription is arrested by the presence of a lesion in the transcribed strand of a gene, DNA repair proteins are recruited to the stalled RNA polymerase to initiate a process called transcription-coupled repair.[46] Central to this process is the general transcription factor TFIIH that has ATPase activity. TFIIH causes a conformational change in the polymerase, to expose the transcription bubble trapped inside, in order for the DNA repair enzymes to gain access to the lesion.[47] Thus, RNA polymerase serves as damage-sensing protein in the cell to target repair enzymes to genes that are being actively transcribed.

text: Comparisons between prokaryotic and eukaryotic transcription[edit]

text: Eukaryotic transcription is more complex than prokaryotic transcription. For instance, in eukaryotes the genetic material (DNA), and therefore transcription, is primarily localized to the nucleus, where it is separated from the cytoplasm (in which translation occurs) by the nuclear membrane. This allows for the temporal regulation of gene expression through the sequestration of the RNA in the nucleus, and allows for selective transport of mature RNAs to the cytoplasm. Bacteria do not have a distinct nucleus that separates DNA from ribosome and mRNA is translated into protein as soon as it is transcribed. The coupling between the two processes provides an important mechanism for prokaryotic gene regulation.[1]

text: At the level of initiation, RNA polymerase in prokaryotes (bacteria in particular) binds strongly to the promoter region and initiates a high basal rate of transcription. No ATP hydrolysis is needed for the close-to-open transition, promoter melting is driven by binding reactions that favor the melted conformation. Chromatin greatly impedes transcription in eukaryotes. Assembly of large multi-protein preinitiation complex is required for promoter-specific initiation. Promoter melting in eukaryotes requires hydrolysis of ATP. As a result, eukaryotic RNA polymerases exhibit a low basal rate of transcription initiation.[41]

text: Regulation of transcription in cancer[edit]

text: In vertebrates, the majority of gene promoters contain a CpG island with numerous CpG sites.[48] When many of a gene's promoter CpG sites are methylated the gene becomes silenced.[49] Colorectal cancers typically have 3 to 6 driver mutations and 33 to 66 hitchhiker or passenger mutations.[50] However, transcriptional silencing may be of more importance than mutation in causing progression to cancer. For example, in colorectal cancers about 600 to 800 genes are transcriptionally silenced by CpG island methylation (see regulation of transcription in cancer). Transcriptional repression in cancer can also occur by other epigenetic mechanisms, such as altered expression of microRNAs.[51] In breast cancer, transcriptional repression of BRCA1 may occur more frequently by over-expressed microRNA-182 than by hypermethylation of the BRCA1 promoter (see Low expression of BRCA1 in breast and ovarian cancers).


document_title: History of Chinese Australians

question_text: when did the chinese gold miners come to australia

root

text: History of Chinese Australians

text: Earliest Chinese contact with Australia: pre-1848[edit]

text: Some historians have theorised that Northern Indigenous Australians may even have had dealings with Chinese traders or come across Chinese goods particularly through trepanging. Sir Joseph Banks was of the opinion that any British colony in Australia could be populated by 'useful inhabitants from China'.[1] The first official undisputed link between China and Australia comes from the very beginning of the colony of New South Wales. The First Fleet ships, Scarborough, Charlotte and Lady Penrhyn, after dropping off their convict load, sailed for Canton to buy tea and other goods to sell on their return to England.[2] The Bigge Report attributed the high level of tea drinking to 'the existence of an intercourse with China from the foundation of the Colony …' Many British East India Company ships used Australia as a port of call on their trips to and from buying tea from China. That the ships carrying such cargo had Chinese crew members is likely and that some of the crew and possibly passengers embarked at the port of Sydney is probable. Certainly by 1818, Mak Sai Ying (also known as John Shying) had arrived and after a period of farming became, in 1829, the publican of The Lion in Parramatta. John Macarthur, a prominent pastoralist, employed three Chinese people on his properties in the 1820s and records may well have neglected others.[3] Another way ethnic Chinese made it to Australia was from the new British possessions of Malaysia and Singapore.

tag: p

text: Indentured labour: 1848 to 1853[edit]

text: Individuals such as Macarthur’s employees were part of the varied mix that was early Sydney Town. It was the increasing demand for labour after convict transportation ceased in the 1840s that led to much larger numbers of Chinese men arriving as indentured labourers, to work as shepherds and irrigation experts for private landowners and the Australian Agricultural Company. These workers seemingly all came from Fujian Province via the port then known as Amoy (now Xiamen) and some may have been brought involuntarily, as kidnapping or the 'sale of pigs', as it was called, was common. Indentured labourers had been successful in other areas as an alternative to the slave trade and many ships and crews who had previous experience in the Atlantic slave trade came to transport indentured Chinese labourers and then later Chinese miners.

text: The Anglo-Chinese unequal treaties signed after the First (1839–1842) and Second Opium Wars (1856–1860) also had their effect on Chinese in Australia and facilitated the practice of indentured labour. The British were conscious of not jeopardising the stipulation that British subjects be allowed to reside in the newly opened treaty ports in China. They made this stipulation reciprocal. So to avoid antagonizing the ruling Qing dynasty the British government didn't allow the Australian colonies to completely exclude Chinese peoples.

text: Between 1848 and 1853, over 3,000 Chinese workers on contracts arrived via the Port of Sydney for employment in the NSW countryside. Resistance to this cheap labour occurred as soon as it arrived, and, like such protests later in the century, was heavily mixed with racism. Little is known of the habits of such men or their relations with other NSW residents except for those that appear in the records of the courts and mental asylums. Some stayed for the term of their contracts and then left for home, but there is evidence that others spent the rest of their lives in NSW. A Gulgong resident who died at age 105 in 1911 had been in NSW since 1841 while in 1871 the Keeper of Lunacy still required the Amoy dialect from his interpreters.

text: Gold Rush: 1851 to 1854[edit]

text: In the 1850s and 1860s they saw the largest pre-federation migration of Chinese to Australia, with numbers peaking around the 40,000 mark. These numbers were only reached again after the abolition of the White Australia policy in 1973. Gold was found at several places in Australia in 1851 but significant Chinese migration to join the diggers only began late in 1853.

text: Most of the people who were lured to Australia by the gold rush were from the Guangdong province. The Californian Gold Rush had been called 'gold mountain' by the Chinese of Guangdong. The Australian rush was called 'new gold mountain' and it was seen as a closer and possibly richer alternative to America. The conditions these men were leaving included overpopulation, the declining power of the Qing Dynasty, the devastation of the Taiping Rebellion, the local Canton Hakka-Punti clan wars and the detrimental effects the opium trade was having on society.

text: The average voyage from Canton to Melbourne took about 3 months. It became a profitable exercise for the ship masters. The more Chinese passengers they could fit on board the more money they could make from the fare of passage. These fares were often paid through a system of debt to clan leaders and/or to the ship masters themselves. However, some Chinese were able to pay their own way. These were often the wealthier city born men who were coming to Australia to be merchants or work in an industry other than gold mining. The majority of travelers seems to have been the indentured peasant men. From 1853 to 1855 thousands of Chinese disembarked in Melbourne.

text: It is important to note that very, very few Chinese women came to Australia in this period. In 1861 Australia had at least 38,000 Chinese in the country with the vast majority of those being men, estimations of Australia's population of that time mean that one out of every nine men were Chinese.[4] On the goldfields in Bendigo in 1861 there were 5367 Chinese men and only one woman.

text: Immigration Restriction Act & The Walk from Robe[edit]

text: The large influx of Chinese to the colony caused great alarm among the politicians and the miners in Victoria. There was a lot of agitation amongst the miners at this time to begin with. The Red Ribbon Rebellion and the Eureka Stockade were in 1853 and 1854 respectively and the arrival of so many Chinese added to the tension. Chinese men were seen as yet another problem by both miners and government. Some in parliament argued that it was a security risk to have so many Chinese in the colony who were '...fanatically loyal to a despotic foreign emperor who could order them to rise up at any moment..' This was a great example of the ignorance of the times as the origins of these men in Southern China were hotbeds of anti-Qing revolt and sentiment and judging by the work translating tombstones in Australian cemeteries by Dr Kok Hu Jin, some of the Chinese who came to Australia were followers of Hong Xiuquan and the Heavenly Kingdom.[5] The belief the Chinese men were a security risk may not have been very accurate yet it fuelled Victorian policy nonetheless.

text: The Royal Commission after the Eureka stockade also looked into the Chinese situation as another one of the miner's grievances. In 1855 the Victorian parliament passed the Immigration Restriction Act in an effort to restrict Chinese immigration.[6] This forced Chinese arrivals in Victorian ports to pay a £10 head tax. It also mandated that there could only be a certain number of Chinese travelers per tonnage of shipping. This put a dent in the ship masters coffers. Cost of passage was already high. This Act did appear to limit the numbers of Chinese arriving in Victorian ports. Official Victorian records show over 10,000 Chinese arriving in Victoria between 1853 and 1855 but only a few hundred in the next two years. However, numbers of Chinese on the Victorian goldfields continued to swell through overland routes. To avoid this Act, many ships travelled to South Australia. Between 1855 and 1857 thousands of Chinese landed in the Port of Adelaide and the port town of Robe, South Australia. In fact thanks to these migrants the town of Robe's population doubled overnight and it developed into the main port of call for Chinese arriving in Australia. It was then a long overland route to the Victorian goldfields.

text: It is unknown exactly how many Chinese made it to the goldfields in this way but estimates are usually in the thousands. Parties of Chinese men would often pay for local guides to take them to the goldfields. Sometimes, these guides would abandon the Chinese in the bush in order to return to Robe and get the money from another group and do the same thing. However, as more and more Chinese undertook this journey it became an easier more organized exercise and chances for these sort of hustles diminished. Along the way Chinese sojourners established wells and paths through the bush. Many Chinese marks and developments can still be found along this route today.

text: Experience on the Goldfields[edit]

text: After finally arriving on the goldfields the hardships the Chinese faced continued. There was a lot of anti-Chinese sentiment amongst the European miners. In July 1854 in the Bendigo Advertiser it was reported that William Denovan called for an uprising for the purpose of 'the driving of the Chinese population off the Bendigo goldfield'.[7] A riot was averted by the local police commissioner. However, This sort of sentiment was widespread throughout the Australian gold rushes. In 1857 this sentiment caused the Buckland Riot and in 1860-1861 the Lambing Flat riots, which are both sad chapters of Australian history. There was also unrest around Ararat when a party of Chinese men were the first to discover gold there and kept the find quiet.

text: In answer to these problems the parliament of Victoria installed Chinese protectors in 1855. It was the task of these officers to organize the Chinese and liaise between them and local authorities. It was a system of segregation but one in which the subject of the segregation, the Chinese, were often appreciative of.[8] The first three protectorates were in Ballarat, Bendigo and Beechworth. Places without these protectors and an organized hierarchy were the places where anti-Chinese sentiment boiled over into riots and violence in Bucklands and Lambing Flats. So in this sense the policy could be regarded as a success. However, the Chinese resented the extra ₤1 per annum residency tax this system required. It seemed to the Chinese just like a continuation of the mining licenses policy.

text: Around most of the goldfields of Victoria the Chinese were organized into these camps. The camps were the forerunners to later Chinatowns in many places. In the Bendigo protectorate there were seven different camps for the Chinese in the area and six in Ballarat.[9] The organization of these camps was often done around clan, or dialect differences where this was applicable. While most of the men were from the Guangdong province, several different dialects of the Chinese language were present on the goldfields.

text: These camps were their own little communities. The parties of men who left China did so as organized groups, with specific roles spelled out, including barber, scribe, herbalist, etc. Once they arrived on the goldfields, they were able to take up these roles. There is evidence that the Chinese even used their own currency in these places. To the Europeans these were notorious and exotic places. At the same time in China, opium addiction was rampant, some of the men brought this addiction with them to the goldfields. Two of the most common finds by modern fossickers in the area of Chinese camps are Chinese coins and Opium pipes. However, the records of local health groups and hospitals show only low numbers of Chinese were ever treated for their opium addictions.

text: Amongst the defining moments on the goldfields, the Red Ribbon Rebellion, the Eureka Stockade, the Chinese in Bendigo had what could be described as a defining moment for the Chinese in Australia. In 1857 over 3,000 Chinese men met on the site of what is now Bendigo's Rosalind Park. This meeting was to contest and denounce the many discriminatory laws the Victorian government had enacted. A petition was sent to Melbourne with around 5,000 names on it. It has later been found that some of those names are actually fake names or joke names.

text: After the Gold rushes in Victoria, some Chinese moved into the other colonies to follow gold rushes there. New South Wales and Queensland hadn't followed Victoria in establishing Chinese related legislation. This could be seen as a cause for the Lambing Flats Riots and then later the same problems were found on the Palmer River goldfields in the late 1870s where Chinese miners vastly outnumbered Europeans.[10]

text: Chinese Burials on the goldfields[edit]

text: As soon as the Chinese started arriving in Australia, they started dying here. Many wanted their remains to be sent back to China for spiritual and traditional reasons. Many families went to great lengths to see this achieved. Others however, were buried in Australia. Cemeteries around the country contain Chinese graves. To accommodate the Chinese funeral rituals that involve burning cemeteries around Australia allowed the construction of chimneys. These chimneys can still be found in cemeteries around the country today. Often the people in charge of the cemeteries were devout Christians, people who had an aversion to what they saw as pagan rituals. This meant that no such chimneys were built until the 1860s after several grass fires had burnt through Australian cemeteries.

text: The Chinese section of the White Hills cemetery in Bendigo is possibly the most important example remaining in Australia of Chinese graves in their original state. Many other cemeteries have been redeveloped and the heritage and cultural diversity of their Chinese sections has been lost.

text: From miners to artisans: 1877 to 1901[edit]

text: After the Victorian and NSW gold rushes of the 1850s and 1860s the numbers of Chinese in those colonies declined significantly. Colonies of Australia occurred in 1873 in the far north of Queensland at the Palmer River, after the discovery of gold there was another rush and by 1877 there were 20,000 Chinese there. The conditions and problems there were both similar to those in Victoria but also conditions were more extreme. The Chinese and European miners also had to deal with attacks from hostile Australian Aboriginal tribes.[11] After the ending of this Queensland rush, people either returned to China or dispersed. Many Chinese stayed in Queensland and worked hard to establish much of the northern banana trade.

text: In the 1880s there was also a rise in anti-Chinese sentiment in the cities of Melbourne and Sydney. Earlier discontent had been curtailed by the segregationist policies in the rural protectorates and poorly reported in the urban publications. However, as more and more Chinese began moving from the country towns into the cities there was an equal rise in anti-Chinese sentiment. This resulted in another round of restrictive Acts in NSW in 1881 and 1888. It also contributed to a rising drive for Federation of Australia. One of the most compelling arguments for federation amongst the public and politicians of the time was that a united immigration policy would secure the borders of all the Australian colonies. The Chinese 'pest' or 'menace' was the root of these immigration fears.

text: Mining remained one of the biggest industries for Chinese in Australia but it was becoming more of a risky endeavor as the alluvial fields petered out. Chinese in the country towns either established themselves in other industries there or moved to the cities. Many of those opened stores and became merchants and hawkers. In 1890 in NSW alone there were nearly 800 shops owned and run by the Chinese. Fishing and fish curing industries were operating in Melbourne and north and south of Sydney in the 1850s, 1860s and 1870s. This provided Chinese people throughout New South Wales and Victoria with valuable seafood. By the 1890s Chinese people in Australia were represented in a wide variety of occupations including scrub cutters, interpreters, cooks, tobacco farmers, launderers, market gardeners, cabinet-makers, storekeepers and drapers, though by this time the Chinese operated fishing industry seems to have disappeared. In this period Sydney and Melbourne's proportion of the Chinese residents of Australia had steadily increased. One prominent Chinese Australian at this time was Mei Quong Tart, who ran a popular tea house in the Queen Victoria Building in Sydney. In Melbourne Lowe Kong Meng and Louis Ah Mouy were two prominent merchants.

text: During this period, furniture making became one of the largest industries for Chinese in Melbourne. At the height of this industry in Melbourne there were 175 firms, producing and selling Chinese made furniture.[12] However, the Chinese success in this industry didn't last. Furniture makers of European descent petitioned the government, saying Chinese furniture makers were hurting their livelihoods. The governments of Victoria and New South Wales passed the Factories and Shops Act that targeted Chinese working in that industry. At the same time Victoria had a massive economic downturn in the 1890s. Because of the combination of these issues, soon after the turn of the century, there were no more Chinese employed in this industry.

text: Implementation of the White Australia Policy: 1901 to 1911[edit]

text: By the time of Australian Federation, there were around 29,000 ethnic Chinese in Australia:[13] Chinese people in the capital cities of Sydney and Melbourne, were a significant group, running numerous stores, an import trade, societies and several Chinese language newspapers. There were also many Chinese still working in the north of Queensland in the banana trade. Tin mining in Tasmania was also a venture that lured Chinese workers to the state. They were also part of an international community involved in political events in China such as sending delegates to a Peking Parliament or making donations at times of natural disaster. There were many Chinese Australians who supported the Xinhai Revolution and Sun Yat-sen. The passing of the Immigration Restriction Act of 1901, however, froze the Chinese communities of the late 19th century into a slow decline. Thanks to Australian Chinese newspapers like the Tung Wah Times and the Chinese Times which were distributed to Chinese communities all over Australia and thanks to the many clan societies, the Chinese Australians were a rather united group. In spite of the geographical distances. This can be seen by the colourful debates that went on within the community over the future of China. Some in Australia and notably the Tung Wah Times believed China should keep a monarchy and they supported reform. Others believed China needed a republic and they supported Sun Yat-sen. Chinese regalia travelled around the country to be used by communities for Chinese new year and local events. In May 1901, to celebrate the sitting of the first federal parliament, Chinese people paraded two dragons through the streets.

text: Continued discrimination, both legal and social, reduced the occupational range of Chinese people until market gardening, always a major occupation, became far and away the representative role of 'John Chinaman'. It was as gardeners that most pre-1901 now granted status as 'domiciles' under the 1901Act, visited their villages and established families throughout the first 30 years or so of the 20th century, relying on the minority of merchants to assist them to negotiate with the Immigration Restriction Act bureaucracy. Only the rise of a new generation of Australian-born Chinese people, combined with new migrants that the merchants and others sponsored, both legally and illegally, prevented the Chinese populations in Australia from disappearing entirely.

text: War, refugees and the Republic era: 1912 to 1949[edit]

text: The fall of the Qing dynasty was met with mixed emotions by Chinese Australians. Some of the older Chinese born men were supporters of the reform movement and in Sydney Chinese conservatives got together for a dragon flag parade in support of the old regime.[12] Others, however, supported Sun Yat-sen. Some Chinese Australians even returned to China to fight for the KMT both before the Xinhai Revolution and afterwards during the Northern Expedition. The KMT had quite a following in Australia. There were many KMT branches around Australia. During the Second Sino-Japanese War the Darwin branch of the KMT was a valuable source of information for Chinese Australians.[14] Chinese Australians also showed the support for the republic with monetary donations. In 1913 Chinese Australians, Chinese New Zealanders and others in the Chinese diaspora in the Pacific, donated ₤36,000 to China. A letter of thank you to the Chinese Australians from the Finance Minister of the Republic is on display at the Golden Dragon Museum.

text: World War One presented Chinese Australians with many unique challenges. It is by the outbreak of the war in 1914 it is estimated that there were less than 1000 Chinese Australian men of fighting age.[15] Of these only about 198 men of Chinese ancestry managed to enlist in the AIF. One of these was the famous and decorated sniper Billy Sing. These men manage to enlist in spite of the policy that only those with significant European heritage were allowed to serve. There was actually an instance of institutional hypocrisy, on the one hand some Chinese were told they couldn't enlist but then were made to explain why they didn't enlist later to Billy Hughes' Exemption Courts.

text: During the inter-war period, Australian-born people of Chinese background began to predominate over Chinese-born people for the first time. Numbers increased rapidly again when refugees began to enter Australia as the result of Japan's war in China and the Pacific. Some were Chinese crew members who refused to return to Japanese-held areas and others were residents of the many Pacific islands evacuated in the face of the Japanese advance. Still others included those with Australian birth who were able to leave Hong Kong and the villages on the approach of the Japanese. At the same time the anti-Japanese War helped inspire the development of organisations focused on China rather than the districts and villages of people's origin only, and aimed at making Australia aware of the danger of Japan and the need to assist China. A few of these organisations, such as the Chinese Youth League, survive to this day.

text: Cafes to Citizens: 1949 to 1973[edit]

text: In the post-war period, assimilation became the dominant policy and this led to some extension of rights with gradual changes to citizenship laws. At the same time cafes began to replace market gardens as the major source of employment and avenue for bringing in new migrants, both legal and illegal. These changes, combined with the increased number of Australian-born Chinese, the final return of the last of the domiciles who still wished to do so and the arrival of Chinese background students under the Colombo Plan from various parts of Asia, brought about the end of the dominance of south China in the link between China and Australia that had existed for nearly 100 years.

text: Re-migration and multiculturalism: 1973 to present[edit]

text: The final end of the White Australia Policy saw new arrivals from the Chinese diaspora and for the first time significant numbers from non-Cantonese speaking parts of China. The first wave of arrivals were ethnic Chinese refugees from Vietnam and Cambodia during the 1970s; this was followed by economic migrants from Hong Kong in the 1980s and 1990s, whose families often settled in Sydney while the breadwinner returned to Hong Kong to continue earning an income – a significant reversal of the traditional migration pattern.

text: After the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, the then Australian Prime Minister, Bob Hawke, allowed students from mainland China to settle in Australia permanently. Since then, immigrants from mainland China and Taiwan have arrived in increasing numbers. New institutions were established for these arrivals and old ones such as the Chinese Chamber of Commerce revived; Chinese language newspapers were once again published. The equality of citizenship laws and family reunion immigration after 1972 meant that an imbalance of the sexes, once a dominant feature of the Chinese communities in Australia, was not an issue in these later migrations.

text: Chinese newspapers are published in Australia and three shortwave and longwave radio channels broadcast in Mandarin and Cantonese. The Australian public broadcaster SBS also provides television and radio on weekends. Chinese Australian social websites like Xīn Zújì (新足迹, www.oursteps.com.au) and FREEOZ (www.freeoz.org) also blossomed. Several Chinese Australians have received the Order of Australia award and there are current representatives in both State and Federal parliaments. Chinese immigration has increased continuously from the 1990s and today the Chinese are the third largest group among immigrants. Since the mid-1990s, migration has become less permanent than it used to be, and goes in more than direction, a trend that pertains also to the Chinese. Students and academics are examples of this pattern. In 1990, Chinese settlers rarely returned permanently, but by 2002, the number of Hong Kong settlers leaving Australia for good equalled those arriving during that year.[16]

text: In 2005-6 China (not including Hong Kong or Macau) was the third major source of permanent migrants to Australia behind the United Kingdom and New Zealand but with more migrants than from India. Between 2000–01 and 2005–06, the number of skilled migrants coming to Australia from China more than tripled, from 3,800 to 12,500 people.[17]


document_title: Cajun English

question_text: what is renee's accent in true blood

question_tokens: what is renee 's accent in true blood

text: Cajun English

text: History[edit]

text: Cajun English is spoken throughout Mississippi and up through the gulf of Texas. Its speakers are descendants of Acadians from Nova Scotia, Canada who, in 1765 moved to French-owned Mississippi when the British took control of Nova Scotia. In 1803, however, Britain purchased Mississippi as well and, in 1812, declared English as the official language of the state. Despite this many Cajuns at the time, who lived in small towns and were poorly educated, continued to use French exclusively.[2] This isolated them from British colonist, who often ridiculed them and treated them like second-class citizens. In the 1930s English was the only language taught in schools, but the Cajun communities still resisted the change, using French at home and in their communities. The combination of being native French speakers and the incomplete English Cajun children were learning during their inconsistent public education led to the advent of Cajun English, a fusion of both languages.[2]

text: After WWII, however, Cajun English saw a severe decline in use, as young people entered the military and were consequently using English more and more in their daily lives. Meanwhile, Cajun children were beginning to receive better and more consistent education, which allowed them to become wealthier than the generation before them.[2] At this time, there was still a lot of stigma associated with Cajun English and in order to achieve and maintain the new social status many young Cajuns now enjoyed, they abandoned French and Cajun English entirely in favor of more American cultural lifestyles and dialects. This shift caused Cajun English to become an endangered dialect. Many decades latter, the loss of cultural identity became felt by the new Cajun generation and their efforts to recover it began the Cajun Renaissance.[2] The corresponding upsurge of Cajun food, music, and festivities have been well received by tourists and are now supported by the local government. Although Cajun English has made a comeback, it is important to note that the bilingualism that originally created it, a knowledge of both French and English, has not. Cajun English speakers today typically do not speak French, and experts believe that it is unlikely that this part of the culture will be recovered.[2] This shift away from bilingualism has changed the source of many of the phonological differences between Cajun English and Standard American English from interference caused by being a native French speaker to markers of Cajun identity.[3]

text: Phonology[edit]

text:
All vowels of Cajun Englishshow

English diaphoneme
Cajun phoneme
Example words

Pure vowels (Monophthongs)

/æ/
[æ]
act, pal, trap, ham, pass

/ɑː/
[ɑ]
blah, bother, father,
lot, top, wasp

/ɒ/

[a]
all, dog, bought,
loss, saw, taught

/ɔː/

/ɛ/
[ɛ~æ]
dress, met, bread

[ɪ]
hem, pen

[i]
length

/ə/
[ə]
about, syrup, arena

[ɪ]
island, gamut, wasted

/ɪ/
[ɪ]
hit, skim, tip

/iː/
[iː]
beam, chic, fleet

(/i/)
[ɪ~i]
happy, very

/ʌ/
[ʌ]
bus, flood, what

/ʊ/
[ʊ]
book, put, should

/uː/
[uː]
food, glue, new

Diphthongs

/aɪ/
[ɑɪ~aː]
ride, shine, try,
bright, dice, pike

/aʊ/
[aʊ~aː]
now, ouch, scout

/eɪ/
[eː]
lake, paid, rein

/ɔɪ/
[ɔɪ]
boy, choice, moist

/oʊ/
[oː]
goat, oh, show

R-colored vowels

/ɑːr/
[ɑ~a]
barn, car, park

/ɛər/
[ɛ~æ]
bare, bear, there

/ɜːr/
[ʌə~ʌɹ]
burn, doctor, first

/ər/
[əɹ]
herd, learn, murder

/ɪr/
[i~ɪ]
fear, peer, tier

/ɪər/

/ɔːr/
[ɔə~ɔɹ]
hoarse, horse, war

/ɒr/
[ɑ~ɔ]
orange, tomorrow

/ʊər/
[uə~ʊə]
poor, score, tour

/jʊər/
cure, Europe, pure

tag: table

text: Cajun English is distinguished by some of the following phonological features:

text:
The deletion of any word's final consonant (or consonant cluster), and nasal vowels, are common, both features being found in French. Therefore, hand becomes [hæ̃], food becomes [fuː], rent becomes [ɹɪ̃], New York becomes [nuˈjɔə], and so on.[4]
As a consequence of the removal of a word's final consonant the third person singular (-S) and the past tense morpheme (-ED) tends to be dropped. So, 'He gave me six' and 'She go with it' rather than 'gives' and 'goes'. And 'I stay two months' and 'She wash my face' rather than 'stayed' and 'washed'.[2]
Cajun English also has the tendency to drop the auxiliary of the verb 'to be' in the third person singular (IS) and the second person singular and plurals. For example, 'She pretty' and 'What we doing'.
The typical American gliding vowels [oʊ] (as in boat), [eɪ] (as in bait), [ʊu] (as in boot), [aʊ~æʊ] (as in bout), [äɪ] (as in bite), and [ɔɪ] (as in boy) have reduced glides or none at all: respectively, [oː], [eː], [uː], [aː~æː], [äː], and [ɔː]. [4]
Many vowels which are distinct in General American English are pronounced the same way due to a merger; for example, the words hill and heel are homophones, both being pronounced /hɪɹl/[citation needed].
[h'] dropping, wherein words that begin with the letter /h/ are pronounced without it, so that hair sounds like air, and so on.[2]
Stress is generally placed on the second or last syllable of a word, a feature inherited directly from French.
The voiceless and voiced alveolar stops /t/ and /d/ often replace dental fricatives, a feature used by both Cajun English speakers and speakers of Louisiana Creole French (Standard French speakers generally produce alveolar fricatives in the place of dental fricatives). Examples include "bath" being pronounced as "bat" and "they" as "day." This feature leads to a common Louisianian paradigm 'dis, dat. dese, dose' rather than 'this, that, these, those' as a method of describing how Cajuns speak.[2]
Cajun English speakers generally do not aspirate the consonants /p/, /t/, or /k/. As a result, the words "par" and "bar" can sound very similar to speakers of other English varieties. It is notable that after the Cajun Renaissance, this feature became more common in men than women, with woman largely or entirely dropping this phonological feature.[3]
The inclusion of many loanwords, calques, and phrases from French, such as "nonc" (uncle, from the French oncle), "chèr" (dear, pronounced /ʃæ/, from the French chèr), and "making groceries" (to shop for groceries, a calque of the Cajun French faire des groceries (épicerie)).

tag: ul

text: These are a few other examples.

text:
English
Cajun English (pronounced)

Ask
Ax

They
Dey

Them
Dem

Those
Dose

Something
Sometin

Think
Fink or Tink

Enough
Nuff

Respect
Respek

Except
Sept

Three
Tree

Louisiana
Looosiana

text: French-influenced Cajun vocabulary[edit]

text:
Allons! : Let's go!
Alors pas : Of course not
Fais do-do : Refers to a dance party, a Cajun version of a square dance.
Dis-moi la vérité ! : Tell me the truth!
Quoi faire ? : Why?
Un magasin : A store
Être en colère : To be angry
Mo chagren : I’m sorry
Une sucette : A pacifier
Une piastre : A dollar
Un caleçon : Boxers
Sha/chèr (a is pronounced like a in apple) : Dear or darling - also used as "buddy" or "pal"
Mais non, chèr ! : Of course not, dear!

text: Most confusing phrases[edit]

text: This section does not cite any sources. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (June 2015) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)

text: There are several phrases used by Cajuns that are completely unknown to non-Cajun speakers. When outside of Acadiana, Cajuns tend to be made fun of for using these phrases. Young Cajuns are often jokingly discouraged from marrying non-Cajuns for this simple fact. Some common phrases are listed below:

text: Come See[edit]

text: "Come see" is the equivalent of saying "come here" regardless of whether or not there is something to "see." The French "viens voir," or "venez voir," meaning "come" or "please come," is often used in Cajun French to ask people to come.[5] This phrasing may have its roots in "viens voir ici" (IPA: [isi]), the French word for "here."[citation needed]

text: Save the dishes[edit]

text: To "save the dishes" means to "put away the dishes into cupboards where they belong after being washed". While dishes are the most common subject, it is not uncommon to save other things. For example: Save up the clothes, saving the tools, save your toys.

text: Get/Run down at the store[edit]

text: "Getting/Running down at the store" involves stepping out of a car to enter the store. Most commonly, the driver will ask the passenger, "Do you want to run/get down with me?" One can get down at any place, not just the store. The phrase "get down" may come from the act of "getting down from a horse" as many areas of Acadiana were only accessible by horse (or boat) well into the 20th century. It also may originate from the French language descendre meaning to get down, much as some English-Spanish bilingual speakers say "get down," from the Spanish bajar.

text: Makin' (the) groceries[edit]

text: "Makin' groceries" refers to the act of buying groceries, rather than that of manufacturing them. The confusion originates from the direct translation of the American French phrase "faire l'épicerie" which is understood by speakers to mean "to do the grocery shopping." "Faire" as used in the French language can mean either "to do" or "to make." This is a term frequently used in New Orleans, but it's not used very much elsewhere in the Acadiana area.[6]

text: Make water[edit]

text: "Makin water" is using the bathroom. One would say, "I need to go make water." It's mostly used in New Orleans.

text: "for" instead of "at"[edit]

text: Cajun English speakers can exhibit a tendency to use "for" instead of "at" when referring to time. For example, "I'll be there for 2 o'clock." means "I'll be there at 2 o'clock." Given the connection between Cajun English and Acadia, this phenomenon can also be seen among Canadian English speakers.

text: In popular culture[edit]

text: Television[edit]

text:
In the television series Treme, Cajun English is often used by most of the characters.
In the television series True Blood, the character René Lernier was introduced with a Cajun accent.
In X-Men : The Animated Series, the character Gambit was introduced as from Louisiana and is known to speak in a thick "Cajun" accent. However, his accent sounds more like the African American vernacular instead of a Cajun accent.
In the television miniseries Band of Brothers, the company's medic Eugene Roe is half-Cajun and speaks with a distinct accent.

Likewise, Merriell "Snafu" Shelton from a companion miniseries The Pacific.

In the television series Swamp People, Troy Landry speaks with a strong accent.
Chef and humorist Justin Wilson spoke Cajun English on his cooking shows for PBS and his comedy albums.
In the Heat of the Night: Season 2, Episode 12; "A.K.A. Kelly Kay"; Jude Thibodeaux ( Kevin Conway ) comes to Sparta in search of a former prostitute he controlled in New Orleans. Cajun accent is prominent.[7]
Adam Ruins Everything features a recurring bit-character who speaks in a Cajun dialect, with subtitles.

text: Film[edit]

text:
In the movie The Big Easy, Cajun English is often used by most of the characters.
In the movie The Green Mile, Eduard Delacroix played by Michael Jeter spoke with a heavily influenced Cajun english accent in the movie.

text: Video games[edit]

text: Several characters of Gabriel Knight: Sins of the Fathers, particularly the narrator, have Cajun accents. Some characters even use Cajun French phrases.

text: Resources[edit]

text: PBS American Accent series - Cajun


document_title: Groin

question_text: where is the groin located in the human body

text: Groin

text: In human anatomy, the groin (the adjective is inguinal, as in inguinal canal) is the junctional area (also known as the inguinal region) between the abdomen and the thigh[1] on either side of the pubic bone.[2] This is also known as the medial compartment of the thigh that consists of the adductor muscles of the hip or the groin muscles. A pulled groin muscle usually refers to a painful injury sustained by straining the hip adductor muscles.[3]

text: These hip adductor muscles that make up the groin consist of the adductor brevis, adductor longus, adductor magnus, gracilis, and pectineus.[4] These groin muscles adduct the thigh (bring the femur and knee closer to the midline). The groin is innervated by the obturator nerve, with two exceptions: the pectineus muscle is innervated by the femoral nerve, and the hamstring portion of adductor magnus is innervated by the tibial nerve.[5]

text: In the groin, underneath the skin, there are three to five deep inguinal lymph nodes that play a role in the immune system. These can be swollen due to certain diseases, the most common one being a simple infection, and, less likely, from cancer. A chain of superficial inguinal lymph nodes drain to the deep nodes.

text: In a venography procedure, the groin is the preferred site for incisions to enter a catheter into the vascular system.

text: The inguinal ligament runs from the pubic tubercle to the anterior superior iliac spine and its anatomy is very important for hernia operations.

text: 'Groin' is sometimes used as a euphemism for the reproductive organs.

text: Clinical significance[edit]