document_title: Stoneman Douglas High School shooting

question_text: where did the florida gunman get the gun

text: Stoneman Douglas High School shooting

text: Shooting[edit]

text: The shooting took place during the afternoon of February 14, 2018, at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida, an affluent suburb about 30 miles (48 km) northwest of Fort Lauderdale.[10][11] The shooter, former student Nikolas Cruz, was dropped off at the school by an Uber driver[12] at 2:19 p.m.,[5] near dismissal time.[13] Carrying a duffel bag and a backpack,[14] he was spotted and recognized by a staff member who radioed a colleague that he was walking "purposefully" toward Building 12, according to a police report.[15][16]

text: Cruz entered Building 12,[note 2] a three-story structure containing 30 classrooms typically occupied by about 900 students and 30 teachers.[17] Armed with an AR-15 style semi-automatic rifle[note 3] and multiple magazines,[19] he activated a fire alarm and began firing indiscriminately at students and teachers.[18][20][21] The fire alarm caused confusion because there had been a fire drill earlier in the day.[22]

text: At about 2:21, the same staff member heard gunfire and activated a code red lockdown.[15][23] A school resource officer of the Broward County Sheriff's Office rushed to the scene and took a position between two other buildings next to Building 12.[24][25][26]

text: The shooting lasted six minutes,[27] after which Cruz dropped his rifle on the 3rd floor of the building and left the scene by blending in with fleeing students. He walked to a Walmart, where he purchased a soda at its Subway restaurant. He then walked to a McDonald's and lingered before leaving on foot at 3:01.[5] At about 3:40, he was stopped by police in Coral Springs, 2 miles (3.2 km) from the school, and arrested without incident.[28][29][1][30] He was taken to a hospital emergency room with "labored breathing".[note 4] After 40 minutes, he was released back into police custody and booked into the Broward County Jail.[5][31]

text: School surveillance camera footage revealed Cruz as the perpetrator,[32][33] and he was also recognized by eyewitnesses.[15]

text: Victims[edit]

text: Seventeen people were killed and seventeen people were wounded but survived their gunshot wounds.[4][35][36][37][38][39] Three remained in critical condition the day after the shooting[40] and one remained by the second day.[41]

text: The fourteen students and three staff members killed were:[42]

text:
Alyssa Alhadeff, age 14
Scott Beigel, 35
Martin Duque, 14
Nicholas Dworet, 17
Aaron Feis, 37
Jaime Guttenberg, 14
Chris Hixon, 49
Luke Hoyer, 15
Cara Loughran, 14
Gina Montalto, 14
Joaquin Oliver, 17
Alaina Petty, 14
Meadow Pollack, 18
Helena Ramsay, 17
Alex Schachter, 14
Carmen Schentrup, 16
Peter Wang, 15

text: Geography teacher Scott Beigel was killed after he unlocked a classroom for students to enter and hide from the gunman.[43][44] Aaron Feis, an assistant football coach and security guard, was killed as he shielded two students.[45] Chris Hixon, the school's athletic director, was killed as he ran toward the sound of the gunfire and tried to help fleeing students.[46]

text: Student Peter Wang was last seen in his Junior Reserve Officers' Training Corps (JROTC) uniform, holding doors open so others could get out more quickly. He sacrificed his life for others and was called a hero. A White House petition was circulated, calling for him to be buried with full military honors.[47][48] At their respective funerals, Wang, Alaina Petty, and Martin Duque were all posthumously honored by the U.S. Army with the ROTC Medal for Heroism, and Wang was buried in his JROTC Blues uniform. On February 20, he was given a rare posthumous admission to the United States Military Academy.[49]

text: Alyssa Alhadeff, who played for and captained a local soccer team in Parkland, was honored by the United States women's national soccer team before a game in Orlando, on March 7, 2018, nearly three weeks after the shooting. Her teammates and family were invited to the game and presented with official jerseys that featured Alhadeff's name.[51]

text: Meadow Pollack, a senior at Stoneman Douglas High, had been shot four times during the shooting. As the shooter shot into other classrooms, Meadow crawled to a classroom door but was not able to get inside. Along side her was Cara Loughran, who Meadow covered in an attempt to shield her from bullets. The shooter returned to the classroom where Meadow was and shot her five more times, killing her and Cara.[52]

text: The last victim to remain hospitalized, 15-year-old Anthony Borges, was released on April 4. Dubbed "the real Iron Man", Borges was shot five times after he used his body to barricade the door of a classroom where twenty students were inside.[53][54] Upon his release, Borges issued a statement that criticized the actions of Broward Sheriff’s deputies, Sheriff Scott Israel and School Superintendent Robert Runcie. His family has filed notice of its intent to sue the school district for personal injury to cover costs related to his recovery.[55][56][57]

text: Suspect[edit]

text: The shooter was identified by police as Nikolas Jacob Cruz, a 19-year-old former student who had been expelled from the school.[58][59] He was born in South Florida and was adopted at birth.[60] His adoptive father died at age 67 in 2004.[61] His adoptive mother died at age 68 in November 2017, three months before the shooting.[62] He had been living with relatives and friends since her death.[63] At the time of the shooting, he was enrolled in a GED program and employed at a local dollar store.[64][65]

text: Cruz was a member of the Junior Reserve Officers' Training Corps (JROTC) and had received multiple awards "including academic achievement for maintaining an A grade in JROTC and Bs in other subjects", according to CNN.[66] He was also a member of his school's varsity air rifle team.[66][67]

text: Cruz had behavioral issues[58] since middle school, but a Washington Post writer said he was "entrenched in the process for getting students help rather than referring them to law enforcement"[68] and he was transferred between schools six times in three years to deal with these problems. In 2014, he was transferred to a school for children with emotional or learning disabilities. There were reports that he made threats against other students.[69] He returned to Stoneman Douglas High School two years later, only to be banished from the school in 2017 for disciplinary reasons.[58] An email from the school administration had circulated among teachers, warning that he had made threats against other students. This led the school to ban him from wearing a backpack on campus.[59][70][71]

text: Psychiatrists recommended an involuntary admission of Cruz to a residential treatment facility starting in 2013.[72] The Florida Department of Children and Families investigated him in September 2016 for Snapchat posts in which he cut both his arms and said he planned to buy a gun. At this time, a school resource officer requested to have him undergo an involuntary psychiatric examination under the provisions of the Baker Act. Two guidance counselors agreed, but a mental institution did not.[73] State investigators reported he had depression, autism, and attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). In their assessment, they concluded he "was at low risk of harming himself or others".[74] He had previously received mental health treatment, but had not received treatment in the year leading up to the shooting.[66]

text: Broward County Sheriff Scott Israel described Cruz's online profiles and accounts as "very, very disturbing".[66] They contained pictures and posts of him with a variety of weapons, including long knives, a shotgun, a pistol, and a BB gun. Police said that he held "extremist" views; social media accounts that were thought to be linked to him contained anti-black and anti-Muslim slurs.[66] YouTube comments linked to him include "I wanna die Fighting[sic] killing shit ton[sic] of people", threats against police officers and Antifa, and intent to mimic the University of Texas tower shooting.[66][75][76] In February 2017, he legally purchased an AR-15 style rifle from a Coral Springs gun store. A year later, he used this weapon to commit the mass shooting at his former school.[77]

text: Items recovered by police at the scene included gun magazines with swastikas carved in them. One student reported that Cruz had drawn a swastika and the words "I hate niggers" on his backpack.[78] CNN reported that Cruz was in a private Instagram group chat where he expressed racist, homophobic, antisemitic, and anti-immigrant (xenophobic) views. He said he wanted to kill gay people and Mexicans, and talked about keeping black people in chains. He said he hated black people "simply because they were black," and Jewish people because he believed "they wanted to destroy the world". He also referred to white women who engaged in interracial relationships as traitors.[79]

text: A former classmate said Cruz had anger management issues and often joked about guns and gun violence, which included threats of shooting up establishments.[10] The brother of a 2016 graduate described him as "super stressed out all the time and talked about guns a lot and tried to hide his face". A student who was enrolled at the school at the time of the shooting said, "I think everyone had in their minds if anybody was going to do it, it was going to be him".[80] A classmate who was assigned to work with him in sophomore year said, "He told me how he got kicked out of two private schools. He was held back twice. He had aspirations to join the military. He enjoyed hunting."[66] A student's mother said that he also bragged about killing animals. A neighbor said his mother would call the police over to the house to try to talk some sense into him.[81]

text: Warnings to law enforcement[edit]

text: Sheriff Scott Israel said that his office received 23 calls about Cruz during the previous decade, but this figure is in dispute. CNN used a public records request to obtain a sheriff's office log, which showed that from 2008 to 2017, at least 45 calls were made in reference to Cruz, his brother, or the family home.[82][83] The calls included an anonymous tip on February 5, 2016, that Cruz had threatened to shoot up the school, and a tip on November 30, 2017, that he might be a "school shooter in the making" and that he collected knives and guns. On September 23, 2016, a peer counselor notified the school resource officer of his suicide attempt and intent to buy a gun; the school indicated it would do a "threat assessment".[84][85][86]

text: In September 2016, three people—a sheriff's deputy who worked as a resource officer at Stoneman Douglas, and two of the school's counselors—stated that Cruz should be committed for mental evaluation.[87][88]

text: On September 24, 2017, a person with the username "nikolas cruz" posted a comment to a YouTube video. It read, "Im[sic] going to be a professional school shooter". The video's uploader reported the comment to the FBI. According to agent Robert Lasky, the agency conducted database reviews but was unable to track down the individual who made the threatening comment.[89][90]

text: On January 5, 2018, the FBI's Public Access Line received a tip from a person who was close to Cruz. On February 16, two days after the shooting, the agency released a statement that detailed this information. According to the statement, "The caller provided information about Cruz's gun ownership, desire to kill people, erratic behavior, and disturbing social media posts, as well as the potential of him conducting a school shooting." After conducting an investigation, the FBI said the tip line did not follow protocol when the information was not forwarded to the Miami Field Office, where investigative steps would have been taken.[91][92] The FBI opened a probe into the tip line's operations.[93]

text: The lack of response by Israel and other members of the Broward Country sheriff's department to the numerous red flags and warnings about Cruz has been the subject of much scrutiny.[94] In the days following the shooting, calls for Israel's resignation intensified as more information that alluded to the department's inaction was revealed.[95] Since the shooting, Israel has declined to resign and refused to take responsibility for his role in failing to stop Cruz before the mass shooting took place.[96] In an interview with CNN, Israel described his leadership at the department as "amazing", a claim that was widely mocked and criticized.[97][98][99][100]

text: Legal proceedings[edit]

text: At his initial arraignment the day after the shootings, Cruz was charged with 17 counts of premeditated murder and ordered held without bond.[101][102] If convicted of first degree murder, he faces either the death penalty or life without parole.[103] According to an affidavit by the sheriff's office, Cruz confessed to the shooting. He also told officers that he brought additional loaded magazines hidden in a backpack.[5][104]

text: The chief public defender said it is yet unknown if Cruz's court-appointed attorneys will seek an insanity defense.[105]

text: Cruz was placed on suicide watch in an isolation cell (solitary confinement) after the arraignment.[106]

text: Lead defense counsel Gordon Weekes asked Judge Elizabeth Scherer to recuse herself, claiming that her previous comments and rulings showed favoritism toward the prosecution, which would prevent Cruz from receiving a fair trial. She disagreed and declined the request on February 26.[107]

text: On March 7, a grand jury indicted Cruz on 34 charges: 17 counts of first-degree murder and 17 counts of attempted first-degree murder.[108] He was arraigned on March 13, and the prosecution filed notice of their intent to seek the death penalty.[109] They said they can prove five of the aggravating factors that qualify a murder for the death penalty in Florida. Cruz declined to enter a plea, so Judge Scherer entered "not guilty" on his behalf. The defense had earlier offered a guilty plea if the death penalty was taken off the table, and reiterated it immediately before it was refused.[110]

text: During the week of April 8–12, 2018, Broward Circuit Judge Elizabeth Scherer included a three-page letter from a Minnesotan into the court record of the case. The letter was addressed to the judge and claimed that research into Cruz's' past led the writer to believe that Cruz suffered from a developmental disability and that he was "...fearful of other people and was threatened by bullies." The letter ended by claiming that Cruz appeared to be consumed by sadness and depression.[111] This is part of a string of letters that have been sent to the judge, asking for her to show mercy or for God to forgive his actions against his victims.

text: The same week, a hearing was held to determine if taxpayers will pay for Cruz's defense. Information was revealed that Cruz's inheritance from his late mother's estate could be worth hundreds of thousands of dollars. His attorney Howard Finkelstein, the court-appointed public defender, pleaded with the court to wait until the probate case involving Cruz's late mother's estate was concluded and his net worth could be determined.[112] There are also lawsuits and claims against his mother's estate. These liens can complicate the proceedings, although Cruz has reportedly stated he wants the leftover money from his defense to be donated to a cause that promotes healing and education in the community.[112]

text: Aftermath[edit]

text: The school district provided grief counseling to students and their families. Attorney General Pam Bondi said that the fees of funerals and counseling would be paid for by the state.[113]

text: On February 15, police presence was increased at schools in at least two counties in Florida in response to the shooting.[114][115] The building where the shooting took place will be demolished.[116]

text: Two weeks after the shooting, Stoneman Douglas reopened to students on February 28 amid a heavy police presence.[117] School principal Ty Thompson emphasized that the first week back would be focused on healing, with classes ending at 11:40 a.m. through March 2. He tweeted "... Remember our focus is on emotional readiness and comfort not curriculum: so there is no need for backpacks. Come ready to start the healing process and #RECLAIMTHENEST".[117][118] Extra counseling and emotional support dogs were provided to students upon return.[117]

text: In early April, the school implemented several new safety rules and regulations. The changes included fewer entrances, law enforcement officers at each entrance, identification badges for students and staff, and the requirement that all book bags must be transparent. The use of metal detectors is under consideration. Several students criticized the new safety measures as ineffective and intrusive.[119]

text: Officer response[edit]

text: The school resource officer (SRO) who remained outside Building 12 during the shooting was a sheriff's deputy; he was suspended without pay the following day but he immediately retired. Sheriff Israel said "[the deputy] was absolutely on campus for this entire event" and that he should have "[gone] in, addressed the killer, [and] killed the killer".[83][120][121] A statement released by the officer's lawyer said he believed the shooting was happening outside the building, which he said he told the first Coral Springs police officer who arrived on scene. It also pointed to radio transmissions indicating a gunshot victim near the football field.[24] However, the Miami Herald transcribed radio dispatches that the SRO at 2:23 said, "possible shots fired — 1200 building". At 2:25, he radioed that "We also heard it's by, inside the 1200". At 2:27, at Building 12, he radioed, "Stay at least 500 feet away at this point."[122] On March 15 in compliance with a court order, the sheriff's office released video footage, captured by school surveillance cameras, showing some of the SRO's movements during the shooting.[123]

text: Unnamed sources told CNN that Coral Springs police arrived at the scene and saw three Broward deputies behind their vehicles with pistols drawn.[121] The commanding sheriff's office captain ordered deputies to form a perimeter instead of immediately confronting the shooter; this tactic was contrary to BSO training regarding active shooters. Based on time stamps of the police logs, the order was given some time after the shooting had stopped.[124] Sheriff Israel said that Coral Springs officers were the first to enter the building, about four minutes after Cruz had left the school.[124] Due to a tape delay in viewing surveillance footage, officers believed that Cruz was still in the building.[125] As of early March, there were three investigations into the timeline of police response.[126][121]

text: President Donald Trump criticized the officers who failed to enter the building during the shooting. On February 26, he said that he believed he would have entered "even if I didn't have a weapon, and I think most of the people in this room would have done that, too",[127] a claim and reaction that was mocked by the media.[128][129][130][131]

text: Political reaction[edit]

text: President Trump offered his prayers and condolences to the victims' families, writing, "no child, teacher or anyone else should ever feel unsafe in an American school".[132][133] In a televised address, he mentioned school safety and mental health issues.[134] Florida Governor Rick Scott ordered that flags at state buildings be flown at half-staff,[135] and Trump later ordered flags be flown at half-staff for the entire country.[136] Two days after the shooting, Trump and his wife Melania visited Broward Health North, a hospital where eight of the shooting victims were admitted. They met with two victims and Trump praised doctors and law enforcement officials for their responses to the attack.[137]

text: On February 22, Trump met with students and others at the White House for a "listening session". He suggested arming up to 20% of the teachers to stop "maniacs" from attacking students. The following day, he called a "gun free" school a "magnet" for criminals and tweeted, "Highly trained, gun adept, teachers/coaches would solve the problem instantly, before police arrive."[138][139]

text: BBC News characterized Republican politicians' reactions as focusing on mental health issues while dodging debate on gun control, with the reasoning that it was either "too political or too soon". Republican House Speaker Paul Ryan said that this was the time to "step back and count our blessings" instead of "taking sides and fighting each other politically".[140] Republican Florida Senator Marco Rubio said that "most" proposals on stricter gun laws "would not have prevented" this shooting nor "any of those in recent history" and that lawmakers should take action with "focus on the violence part" alongside guns.[141] Republican Kentucky Governor Matt Bevin declared that the country should re-evaluate "the things being put in the hands of our young people",[142] specifically "quote-unquote video games" that "have desensitized people to the value of human life".[143]

text: Al Hoffman Jr., a Republican donor in Florida, pledged that he would no longer fund legislative groups or candidates who were not actively working to ban sales of military-style assault weapons to civilians. He said, "For how many years now have we been doing this – having these experiences of terrorism, mass killings – and how many years has it been that nothing's been done?"[144]

text: Sheriff Israel called on lawmakers to amend the Baker Act to allow police to detain and hospitalize people who make disturbing posts—not just clear threats—on social media. "I'm talking about being around bombs, possibly talking about 'I want to be a serial killer', talking about taking people's lives", he said. "Just taking a picture with a gun or a knife or a weapon – that in and of itself is clearly not even remotely something that we're concerned about."[145]

text: Gun control debate[edit]

text: Many student survivors criticized the response from politicians and asked them not to offer condolences but to take action to prevent more children from being killed in shootings. These students have demanded stricter gun control measures.[146][147] Survivor Emma González was noted for her speech that rebuked thoughts and prayers from politicians.[148][149] She later helped lead a protest movement against gun violence in the United States.[150] Broward County Schools Superintendent Rob Runcie said, "now is the time to have a real conversation about gun control legislation".[104][151] Lori Alhadeff, whose daughter was killed in the shooting, implored President Trump to do something to improve school safety.[152]

text: In the aftermath of the shooting, some of the student survivors organized a group called Never Again MSD. The group was created on social media with the hashtag #NeverAgain,[153][154] activism inspired in part by the ground broken by the #MeToo movement and the 2018 Women's March.[155] The group demanded legislative action to prevent similar shootings, and has condemned lawmakers who received political contributions from the National Rifle Association.[156][157] The group held a rally on February 17 in Fort Lauderdale that was attended by hundreds of supporters.[158][159]

text: Since the shooting, several more rallies have been planned to take place with the focus on legislative action. The Women's March Network organized a 17-minute school walkout that took place on March 14.[160][161] A series of demonstrations called "March for Our Lives" on March 24 included a march in Washington, D.C.[162][163][164] On April 20, the anniversary of the Columbine High School massacre, all-day walkouts are planned for teacher groups by educators Diane Ravitch and David Berliner,[165] as well as student groups.[166][167]

text: On February 20, dozens of Stoneman Douglas High School students went to the State Capital in Tallahassee and watched as the Florida House of Representatives rejected a bill that would have banned assault weapons. Students strongly criticized the vote. The bill's sponsor, Carlos Guillermo Smith, noted the peculiarity of the timing of the rejection both because of the tragedy at Stoneman Douglas High School and because the Florida House of Representatives had just recently passed a bill declaring that pornography is a public health risk.[168]

text: In mid-March, Lori Alhadeff announced her own nonprofit organization Make Schools Safe, which will be mostly focusing on school campus security.[169][170]

text: In May 2018, Cameron Kasky's father registered a super PAC, Families vs Assault Rifles PAC (FAMSVARPAC), with intentions of going "up against NRA candidates in every meaningful race in the country".[171][172][173]

text: Florida law[edit]

text: In March, the Florida Legislature passed a bill titled the Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School Public Safety Act. It raises the minimum age for buying rifles to 21, establishes waiting periods and background checks, provides a program for the arming of some school employees and hiring of school police, bans bump stocks, and bars some potentially violent or mentally unhealthy people arrested under certain laws from possessing guns. In all, it allocated around $400 million.[7] Rick Scott signed the bill into law on March 9.[8] The same day, the NRA challenged the law by filing a lawsuit alleging that the ban on gun sales to people under 21 is unconstitutional because it violates the rights that the Second and Fourteenth Amendments conferred to 18- to 21-year-olds, who were classified as adults.[9]

text: Federal law[edit]

text: On March 23, the STOP School Violence Act was signed into law as part of the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2018, which increases funding for metal detectors, security training, and similar safety measures.[174] Lawmakers made it clear it was in response to the shooting and the public outcry.[175] However students from the Stoneman Douglas High School who were active in calling for stricter gun control (not just safety measures) felt this was passed because lawmakers "pass something very easy and simple that everyone can get behind. But that's because it doesn't do anything."[176][non-primary source needed][who?]

text: Boycott of NRA[edit]

text: Following the shooting, a boycott emerged against the U.S. gun rights advocacy group National Rifle Association (NRA) and its business affiliates. Calls for companies to sever their ties to the NRA were heeded when several companies terminated their business relationships with the NRA.[177][178][179][180] Public pressure resulted major gun sellers like Dick's, Walmart, and Fred Meyer to voluntarily bump the age requirement on gun purchases from 18 to 21.

text: Victims' funds[edit]

text: In the aftermath of the shooting, over $7.5 million was raised for the victims as of April 2018. Two other funds, Florida's Crime Victims Compensation Fund, which pays for medical and funeral expenses, and the National Compassion Fund which pays for pain and suffering, are also available to help the victims of the Parkland shooting.[181]

text: Conspiracy theories, disinformation, and harassment[edit]

text: Conspiracy theories circulated in the wake of the shooting. The speculation included false claims that the shooting did not happen or was staged by "crisis actors".[182][183][184] In one of the claims, Benjamin A. Kelly, a district secretary for Republican state Rep. Shawn Harrison, sent an email to the Tampa Bay Times stating that the children in the picture were not students at the school.[182] The children were actually students at Stoneman Douglas High School who were interviewed by CNN. As a result of the backlash, Kelly was fired hours later.[182] Former Republican congressman and CNN contributor Jack Kingston suggested student demonstrators were paid by billionaire George Soros or were supported by members of Antifa.[182] A video with a description espousing a conspiracy theory that student David Hogg was a "crisis actor" reached No. 1 on YouTube's trending page before it was removed by the company.[185]

text: The Alliance for Securing Democracy showed that Russia-linked accounts on Twitter and other platforms used the shooting's aftermath to inflame tensions and divide Americans by posting loaded comments that oppose gun control.[186][187] Other Russia-linked accounts labeled the shooting a false flag operation that the U.S. government would exploit to seize guns from citizens.[188] Hundreds of Russian bots are also suspected of coming to the defense of Laura Ingraham on Twitter following the boycott of her show, The Ingraham Angle that resulted from her public ridicule of Hogg.[189][190]

text: Some of the survivors of the massacre and their relatives were targeted by online harassment that included death threats.[191][192] Cameron Kasky wrote on Twitter that he was quitting Facebook for the time being, because the death threats from "NRA cultists" were slightly more graphic on a service without a character limit.[193]


document_title: Julio-Claudian dynasty

question_text: who was the last emperor of the augustinian line

root

text: Julio-Claudian dynasty

text: Nomenclature[edit]

text: Julius and Claudius were two Roman family names; in classical Latin, they came second. Roman family names were inherited from father to son, but a Roman aristocrat could – either during his life or in his will – adopt an heir if he lacked a natural son. In accordance with Roman naming conventions, the adopted son would replace his original family name with the name of his adopted family. A famous example of this custom is Julius Caesar's adoption of his great-nephew, Gaius Octavius.[citation needed]

tag: p

text: Augustus (Imperator Caesar Divi Filius Augustus), as Caesar's adopted son and heir, discarded the family name of his natural father and initially renamed himself "Gaius Julius Caesar" after his adoptive father. It was also customary for the adopted son to acknowledge his original family by adding an extra name at the end of his new name. As such, Augustus' adopted name would have been "Gaius Julius Caesar Octavianus". However, there is no evidence that he ever used the name Octavianus.[citation needed]

text: Following Augustus' ascension as the first emperor of the Roman Empire in 27 BC, his family became a de facto royal house, known in historiography as the "Julio-Claudian dynasty". For various reasons, the Julio-Claudians followed in the example of Julius Caesar and Augustus by utilizing adoption as a tool for dynastic succession. The next four emperors were closely related through a combination of blood relation, marriage and adoption.[citation needed]

text: Tiberius (Tiberius Caesar Divi Augusti Filius Augustus), a Claudian by birth, became Augustus' stepson after the latter's marriage to Livia, who divorced Tiberius' natural father in the process. Tiberius' connection to the Julian side of the Imperial family grew closer when he married Augustus' only daughter, Julia the Elder. He ultimately succeeded Augustus as emperor in AD 14 after becoming his stepfather's adopted son and heir.[4][dead link]

text: Caligula (Gaius Julius Caesar Augustus Germanicus) was born into the Julian and Claudian branches of the Imperial family, thereby making him the first actual "Julio-Claudian" emperor. His father, Germanicus, was the son of Nero Claudius Drusus and Antonia Minor, the son of Livia and the daughter of Octavia Minor respectively. Germanicus was also a great-nephew of Augustus on his mother's side and nephew of Tiberius on his father's side. His wife, Agrippina the Elder, was a granddaughter of Augustus. Through Agrippina, Germanicus' children – including Caligula – were Augustus' great-grandchildren. When Augustus adopted Tiberius, the latter was required to adopt his brother's eldest son as well, thus allowing Germanicus' side of the Imperial family to inherit the Julius nomen.[citation needed]

text: Claudius (Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus), the younger brother of Germanicus, was a Claudian on the side of his father, Nero Claudius Drusus, younger brother of Tiberius. However, he was also related to the Julian branch of the Imperial family through his mother, Antonia Minor. As a son of Antonia, Claudius was a great-nephew of Augustus. Moreover, he was also Augustus' step-grandson due to the fact that his father was a stepson of Augustus. Unlike Tiberius and Germanicus, both of whom were born as Claudians and became adopted Julians, Claudius was not adopted into the Julian family. Upon becoming emperor, however, he added the Julian-affiliated cognomen Caesar to his full name.[citation needed]

text: Nero (Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus) was a great-great-grandson of Augustus and Livia through his mother, Agrippina the Younger. The younger Agrippina was a daughter of Germanicus and Agrippina the Elder, as well as Caligula's sister. Through his mother, Nero was related by blood to the Julian and Claudian branches of the Imperial family. However, he was born into the Domitii Ahenobarbi on his father's side. Nero became a Claudian in name as a result of Agrippina's marriage to her uncle, Claudius, who ultimately adopted her son as his own. He succeeded Claudius in AD 54, becoming the last direct descendant of Augustus to rule the Roman Empire. Within a year of Nero's suicide in AD 68, the Julio-Claudian dynasty was succeeded by the Flavian emperors following a brief civil war over the vacant Imperial throne.[citation needed]

text: Rise and fall of the Julio-Claudians[edit]

text: Augustus[edit]

text: Lacking any male child and heir Augustus married his only daughter Julia to his nephew Marcus Claudius Marcellus. However, Marcellus died of food poisoning in 23 BC.  Augustus then married his widowed daughter to his loyal friend, Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa, previously married to Augustus' niece, the sister of Marcellus. This marriage produced five children, three sons and two daughters: Gaius Caesar, Lucius Caesar, Julia the Younger, Agrippina the Elder, and Agrippa Postumus.[citation needed]

text: Gaius and Lucius, the first two children of Julia and Agrippa, were adopted by Augustus and became heirs to the throne; however, Augustus also showed great favor toward his wife Livia's two children from her first marriage: Drusus and Tiberius.  They were successful military leaders who had fought against the barbarian Germanic tribes.[citation needed]

text: Agrippa died in 12 BC, and Tiberius was ordered by Augustus to divorce his wife Vipsania Agrippina, daughter of Agrippa by his first marriage, and marry his stepsister, the twice-widowed Julia. Drusus, the brother of Tiberius, died in 9 BC after falling from a horse. Tiberius shared in Augustus' tribune powers, but shortly thereafter, in 6 BC, he went into voluntary exile in Rhodes.  After the early deaths of both Lucius (AD 2) and Gaius (AD 4) and the exile of both Julia the Elder and Younger for adultery, a turn of events  which saw the elder Julia's half brother Publius Cornelius Scipio exiled for treason, Mark Antony's son Iullus Antonius committing suicide and Julia the Younger's husband Lucius Aemilius Paullus being executed for conspiracy, Augustus was forced to recognize Tiberius as the next Roman emperor.  Augustus banished his grandson Postumus Agrippa, who was adopted after the death of his brothers, to the small island of Planasia (around AD 6 or 7) where he was later executed, and Tiberius was recalled to Rome and officially adopted by Augustus. By Augustus' request, Tiberius adopted his nephew Germanicus, son of his late brother Drusus and biological great-nephew of Augustus through his mother. Germanicus subsequently married Augustus' granddaughter Agrippina.[citation needed]

text: Tiberius[edit]

text: On 19 August AD 14, Augustus died. Tiberius had already been established as Princeps in all but name, and his position as heir was confirmed in Augustus' will.[citation needed]

text: Despite his difficult relationship with the Senate, Tiberius' first years were generally good. He stayed true to Augustus’s plans for the succession and favored his adopted son and nephew Germanicus over his natural son, Drusus, as did the Roman populace. On Tiberius' request, Germanicus was granted proconsular power and assumed command in the prime military zone of Germania, where he suppressed the mutiny there and led the formerly restless legions on campaigns against Germanic tribes from AD 14 to 16. Germanicus died in Syria in AD 19 and, on his deathbed, accused the governor of Syria, Gnaeus Calpurnius Piso, of murdering him at Tiberius’s orders. With Germanicus dead, Tiberius began elevating his own son Drusus to replace him as the Imperial successor. By this time Tiberius had left more of the day-to-day running of the Empire to Lucius Aelius Sejanus.[citation needed]

text: Sejanus created an atmosphere of fear in Rome, controlling a network of informers and spies whose incentive to accuse others of treason was a share in the accused's property after their conviction and death. Treason trials became commonplace; few members of the Roman aristocracy were safe. The trials played up to Tiberius' growing paranoia, which made him more reliant on Sejanus, as well as allowing Sejanus to eliminate potential rivals. Victims of this reign of terror related to the imperial family included Gaius Asinius Gallus Saloninus, second husband of Tiberius' first wife Vipsania, who had since died, and Decimus Haterius Agrippa, grandson of Agrippa and husband of Augustus' great-niece, Quinctilius Varus.[citation needed]

text: Tiberius, perhaps sensitive to this ambition, rejected Sejanus's initial proposal to marry Germanicus' sister Livilla, the widow of Tiberius' son Drusus, who had since died, in AD 25, but later had withdrawn his objections so that, in AD 30, Sejanus was betrothed to Livilla's daughter Julia (who was also Tiberius' granddaughter). Sejanus' family connection to the Imperial house was now imminent, and in AD 31 Sejanus held the Consulship with the emperor as his colleague, an honor Tiberius reserved only for heirs to the throne. When he was summoned to a meeting of the Senate later that year on 18 October AD 31, he probably expected to receive a share of the tribunician power. Instead, however, Tiberius' letter to the Senate, completely unexpectedly, requested the destruction of Sejanus and his faction. A purge followed, in which Sejanus and his most prominent supporters were killed.[citation needed] With Drusus dead and having had Germanicus' elder two sons Nero and Drusus convicted of treason and killed, along with their mother Agrippina, Tiberius appointed Caligula, Germanicus' youngest son, and Tiberius Gemellus, the son of Drusus the Younger and grandson of Tiberius, co-heirs. Drusus III's wife Aemilia Lepida was later forced to commit suicide after being accused of adultery.

text: Rome's second Emperor died at the port town of Misenum on 16 March AD 37, at the age of 78 years, having reigned for 23 years. Suetonius writes that the Prefect of the Praetorian Guard Naevius Sutorius Macro smothered Tiberius with a pillow to hasten Caligula's accession. According to Suetonius, he was known for his cruelty and debauchery through his perversion on the island of Capri where he forced young boys and girls into orgies. On one account when one of the boys complained, Tiberius had his legs broken. Suetonius' claims, however, have to be taken with a degree of skepticism, due to bitterness from the reign of previous emperors that usually accompanies the coming of a new leader.[clarification needed][citation needed]

text: Caligula[edit]

text: Although Augustus' succession plans were all but ruined due to the deaths of more than several family members, including many of his own descendants, in the end Tiberius remained faithful to his predecessor's wishes that the next emperor would hail from the Julian side of the Imperial family. Thus, Tiberius was succeeded by Gaius Julius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, the sole-remaining son of his adopted son Germanicus. The new emperor not only belonged to both the Julian and Claudian sides of the Imperial family, but was also a direct descendant of Augustus Caesar through his mother Agrippina the Elder. More commonly remembered in history by his childhood nickname Caligula, he was the third Roman Emperor ruling from AD 37 to 41.[citation needed]

text: When Tiberius died on 16 March AD 37, Caligula was well positioned to assume power, despite the obstacle of Tiberius’s will, which named him and his cousin Tiberius Gemellus as joint heirs. Caligula ordered Gemellus killed within his first year in power. Backed by Naevius Sutorius Macro, Caligula asserted himself as sole princeps, though he later had Macro disposed of as well.[citation needed]. Following Gemellus' death, Caligula marked his brother-in-law, Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, husband of his sister Julia Drusilla, as his heir. However, after Drusilla's death, Lepidus was accused of having affairs with Caligula's other sisters Agrippina the Younger and Julia Livilla and he was executed. He had previously had Drusilla's first husband Lucius Cassius Longinus killed and upon the death of Agrippina's husband Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus, he seized his inheritance.

text: Several unsuccessful attempts were made on Caligula's life.  The successful conspiracy that ended Caligula's life was hatched by the disgruntled Praetorian Guard with backing by the Senate. The historian Josephus claims that the conspirators wished to restore the Republic while the historian Suetonius claims their motivations were mostly personal. On 24 January AD 41, the Praetorian tribune Cassius Chaerea and his men stopped Caligula alone in an underground passage leading to a theater. They stabbed him to death. Together with another tribune, Cornelius Sabinus, he killed Caligula's wife Caesonia and their infant daughter Julia Drusilla on the same day.[citation needed]

text: Claudius[edit]

text: After Caligula’s death, the Senate attempted and failed to restore the Republic.  Claudius, Caligula's uncle, became emperor by the instigation of the Praetorian Guards.[citation needed]

text: Despite his lack of political experience, and the disapproval of the people of Rome, Claudius proved to be an able administrator and a great builder of public works. His reign saw an expansion of the empire, including the invasion of Britain in AD 43. He took a personal interest in the law, presided at public trials, and issued up to twenty edicts a day; however, he was seen as vulnerable throughout his rule, particularly by the nobility. Claudius was constantly forced to shore up his position—resulting in the deaths of many senators. Claudius also suffered tragic setbacks in his personal life. He married four times (to, in order, Plautia Urgulanilla, Aelia Paetina, Valeria Messalina and, finally, Agrippina the Younger) and is referenced by Suetonius as being easily manipulated. This is particularly evident during his marriage to Agrippina the Younger, his niece. Messalina saw several members of the dynasty eliminated, notably arranging for the executions of Claudius' nieces Julia Livilla, daughter of Germanicus and Agrippina the Elder, and Julia Livia, daughter of Livilla and Drusus the Younger, as well as Julia Livilla's husband Marcus Vinicius, her mother's husband Appius Junius Silanus, Gaius Asinius Pollio, son of Tiberius' first wife Vipsania by her second husband, Claudius' son-in-law Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus, and his parents Marcus Licinius Crassus Frugi and Scribonia. Messalina herself was finally executed after being charged with adultery.[citation needed]

text: Claudius' reign also included several attempts on his life. In order to gain political support, he married Agrippina and adopted his great-nephew Nero.[citation needed]

text: With his adoption on 25 February AD 50, Nero became heir to the throne, over Claudius' own son Britannicus. Claudius died on 13 October AD 54, and Nero became emperor. A number of ancient historians accuse Agrippina of poisoning Claudius, but details on these private events vary widely.[citation needed]

text: Nero[edit]

text: Nero became emperor in AD 54 at sixteen, the youngest emperor yet. Like his uncle Caligula before him, Nero was also a direct descendant of Augustus Caesar, a fact which made his ascension to the throne much easier and smoother than it had been for Tiberius or Claudius. Ancient historians describe Nero's early reign as being strongly influenced by his mother Agrippina, his tutor Seneca, and the Praetorian Prefect Burrus, especially in the first year. He was made Emperor over his step-brother, Claudius' son Britannicus, who he had killed. Agrippina was believed to have poisoned Claudius, having allegedly poisoned her second husband Gaius Sallustius Crispus Passienus. She had also arranged the deaths of Caligula's third wife, Lollia Paulina and Messalina's mother Domitia Lepida the Younger. She saw that the dynasty's numbers dwindle with  the execution of Marcus Junius Silanus Torquatus, a grandson of Julia the Younger, to strengthen Nero's claim, having previously arranged the death of his brother Lucius Junius Silanus Torquatus. In AD 55, Nero began taking on a more active role as an administrator. He was consul four times between AD 55 and 60. Nero consolidated power over time through the execution and banishment of his rivals and slowly usurped authority from the Senate. He reportedly arranged the death of his own mother Agrippina and after divorcing his wife Claudia Octavia, daughter of Claudius' and Messalina, he had her killed. Other relatives whom Nero was believed to have had killed were Claudius' daughter by Aelia Paetina, Claudia Antonia, her husband and half-brother of Messalina, Faustus Cornelius Sulla Felix, Decimus Junius Silanus Torquatus, brother of Marcus and Lucius Junius Silanus Torquantus, as well as Marcus' son, also named Lucius, his aunt Domitia Lepida the Elder, and Rubellius Plautus, son of Julia Livia along with his wife, children and father-in-law.

text: In AD 64 Rome burned. Nero enacted a public relief effort as well as large reconstruction projects. To fund this, the provinces were heavily taxed following the fire.

text: By AD 65, senators complained that they had no power left and this led to the Pisonian conspiracy, led by Gaius Calpurnius Piso, an adoptive descendant of Triumvir Marcus Licinius Crassus, grandson of Gnaeus Calpurnius Piso, a governor of Syria who committed suicide after being accused of killing Germanicus, and first husband of Livia Orestilla, Caligula's second wife. The conspiracy failed and its members were executed.  Vacancies after the conspiracy allowed Nymphidius Sabinus, a grandson of former imperial freedman Gaius Julius Callistus, who claimed to be an illegitimate son of Caligula, to rise in the Praetorian Guard.

text: In late AD 67 or early 68, Vindex, the governor of Gallia Lugdunensis in Gaul, rebelled against Nero's tax policies. Lucius Virginius Rufus, the governor of superior Germany, was sent to put down the rebellion. To gain support, Vindex called on Galba, the governor of Hispania Citerior (in the Iberian Peninsula), to become emperor. Virginius Rufus defeated Vindex's forces and Vindex committed suicide. Galba was declared a public enemy and his legion was confined in the city of Clunia.[citation needed]

text: Nero had regained the control of the empire militarily, but this opportunity was used by his enemies in Rome. Nymphidius Sabinus, who desired to become emperor himself, bribed the Praetorian Guard to betray Nero. Sabinus was later murdered in favor of Galba.[citation needed]

text: Nero reportedly committed suicide with the help of his scribe Epaphroditos. The Senate had been trying to preserve the dynastic bloodline by saving Nero's life, and were additionally reluctant to let someone who was not of the family become emperor; however, once he had committed suicide, and with Galba marching on the city, it had no choice but to declare him a public enemy posthumously. With his death, the Julio-Claudian dynasty came to an end. Chaos ensued in the Year of the Four Emperors.[citation needed]

text: Survival after the fall of Nero[edit]

text: Augustus' bloodline outlived his dynasty through the descendants of his first granddaughter, Julia the Younger, who married Lucius Aemilius Paullus and gave birth to Aemilia Lepida.[5] After marrying Marcus Junius Silanus Torquatus, Aemilia gave birth to several children, including Junia Calvina and Junia Lepida. Although Calvina died childless, she was married to Lucius Vitellius, whose elder brother was the short-lived emperor Vitellius. Her younger sister, Junia Lepida, married Gaius Cassius Longinus[6] and produced a daughter called Cassia Longina. The Roman general Gnaeus Domitius Corbulo married Cassia, who provided him with two daughters, Domitia and Domitia Longina.[7] In AD 81 Domitia Longina became Roman empress as a result of her husband Domitian's accession as the third and last emperor of the Flavian dynasty.

text: The lineage of Augustus endured into the era of the Nerva-Antonine dynasty, the house that succeeded the Flavians. In addition to Cassia Longina, Junia Lepida gave birth to a son called Cassius Lepidus. Around AD 80 Lepidus had a daughter named Cassia Lepida, who married Gaius Julius Alexander Berenicianus. Julia Cassia Alexandria, Lepida's daughter by Berenicianus, married Gaius Avidius Heliodorus and ultimately gave birth to Gaius Avidius Cassius.[8][9] Avidius Cassius had three children with his wife (named either Volusia Vettia or Volusia Maeciana);[9] they were Avidius Heliodorus, Avidius Maecianus and Avidia Alexandra.[10] In AD 175 Cassius was proclaimed emperor after he received erroneous news of the death of Marcus Aurelius,[11] whose survival made Cassius a usurper of the empire.[12] Cassius' rebellion ended three months into his bid for the throne when one of his centurions assassinated him in favor of Marcus Aurelius.[13]

text: On Livia Drusilla's side of the dynasty, Rubellia Bassa was one of the few remaining Claudians who survived the downfall of the first imperial family. A great-granddaughter of Tiberius, Rubellia was the daughter of Julia Livia, whose father and mother were Drusus Julius Caesar (son of Tiberius) and Livilla (daughter of Nero Claudius Drusus), respectively. Rubellia was also related to Augustus by blood through her maternal great-great-grandmother Octavia Minor (sister of Augustus). She  married Octavius Laenas, maternal uncle of the emperor Nerva. Her last known descendant was Sergius Octavius Laenas Pontianus, consul in AD 131, who lived during the reign of Hadrian. Afterward, towards Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, the line falls into the realm of parahistory, where various Medieval royal families have claimed some sort of descent, such as the Colonna family.

text: Relationships between the rulers[edit]

text: The great-uncle/great-nephew blood relationship and/or adopted son relationship was commonly found among the rulers of the Julio-Claudian dynasty.

text:
Augustus was the great-nephew and posthumously adopted son of Julius Caesar; his mother Atia was the daughter of Caesar's sister Julia.
Caligula was the great-nephew and adoptive grandson (via the adoption of his father Germanicus) of Tiberius; his father was the son of Tiberius' brother Drusus.
Claudius was the great-nephew of Augustus, as well as the nephew of Tiberius (and the only Julio-Claudian who was not adopted); his mother Antonia was the daughter of Augustus' sister Octavia, and his father Drusus was the brother of Tiberius.
Nero was the great-nephew and adopted son of Claudius; his mother Agrippina, in addition to being married to the wife of Claudius, was the daughter of Claudius' brother Germanicus.

tag: ol

text: The other recurring relationship between emperor and successor is that of stepfather/stepson, a relationship not by blood but by marriage:

text:
Tiberius was Augustus' stepson due to the latter's marriage to Livia Drusilla. He and his brother Drusus were Livia's sons through her previous marriage to Tiberius Claudius Nero.
Nero, biological son of Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus, became the stepson of his great-uncle Claudius when the emperor married his niece Agrippina the Younger.

text: The uncle/nephew relationship is also prominent:

text:
Tiberius was Claudius's paternal uncle, being the older brother of Drusus, Claudius' father.
Claudius was Caligula's paternal uncle, being the younger brother of Germanicus, Caligula's father.
Caligula was Nero's maternal uncle, being the older brother of Agrippina the Younger, Nero's mother.

text: There were several instances of Emperors being father-in-law and son-in-law to each other:

text:
Tiberius, in addition to being Augustus' stepson and adopted son, was married to Julia the Elder, daughter of Augustus.
Nero, in addition to being Claudius' great-nephew, stepson and adopted son, was married to Claudia Octavia, daughter of Claudius.

text: The following bullet points illustrate the lineage of Julio-Claudian emperors (adoptions included; emperors in bold):

text:
Augustus, son of Julius Caesar (by adoption)
Tiberius, son of Augustus (by adoption)
Germanicus, son of Tiberius (by adoption)
Caligula, son of Germanicus (natural)
Drusus, stepson of Augustus (by marriage)
Claudius, son of Drusus (natural)
Nero, son of Claudius (by adoption)

tag: ul

text: No Julio-Claudian emperor was a blood descendant of his immediate predecessor. Although Tiberius and Claudius had potential heirs (Tiberius Gemellus, grandson of Tiberius through his son Drusus, and Britannicus, son of Claudius, respectively) available for the succession, both were, in turn, ultimately succeeded by their great-nephews Caligula and Nero, respectively.[citation needed]

text: The fact that ordinary father-son (or grandfather-grandson) succession did not occur has contributed to the image of the Julio-Claudian court presented in Robert Graves's I, Claudius as a dangerous world where scheming family members were all too ready to murder the direct heirs so as to bring themselves, their own immediate families, or their lovers closer to the succession.[citation needed]

text: Dynastic timeline[edit]

text:
Augustus (27 BC–AD 14)
Tiberius (14–37)
Caligula (37–41)
Claudius (41–54)
Nero (54–68)

text: Family tree[edit]

text: Notes[edit]

text:
Jump up ^ Brill's New Pauly, "Julio-Claudian emperors"

Jump up ^ There is some variation in usage; in strictly chronological contexts, it can be useful to distinguish between the long reign of Augustus and his Julio-Claudian (or Claudian) successors, the four of whom together reigned about as long as Augustus himself.

Jump up ^ Tacitus, Annals I.1

Jump up ^ "Augustus". British Broadcasting Corporation. Retrieved 14 February 2017. [dead link]

Jump up ^ Suetonius, The Twelve Caesars, "II. Augustus", LXXII

Jump up ^ Barrett, Anthony, 'Caligula: The Corruption of Power' (Touchstone, 1989), p.viii-ix.

Jump up ^ Levick (2002), p. 200

Jump up ^ Smith 1870, p. 626.

^ Jump up to: a b Astarita 1983, p. 27.

Jump up ^ Birley 2001, p. 191.

Jump up ^ Birley 2001, p. 184.

Jump up ^ Birley 2001, p. 185.

Jump up ^ Smith 1870, p. 441.

text: Works cited[edit]

text:
Astarita, Maria Laura (1983). Avidio Cassio (in Italian). Ed. di Storia e Letteratura.
Birley, Anthony (2001). Marcus Aurelius: A Biography. Roman Imperial Biographies. London and New York: Taylor & Francis e-Library. ISBN 978-0-415-17125-0.
Smith, William, ed. (1870). Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology Vol I.

text: Further reading[edit]

text:
Matyszak, Philip. The Sons of Caesar: Imperial Rome's First Dynasty, London: Thames & Hudson, 2006 (hardcover, ISBN 0-500-25128-2)
Anthony Kamm, The Romans an Introduction
Suetonius, The Lives of the twelve Caesars http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/ancient/suetonius-index.html
Anthony A. Barrett, Agrippina : sex, power, and politics in the early Empire
Lecture and notes from CLCV 1003A (Classical Roman Civilization); Carleton University
Wood, Susan, The Incredible, Vanishing Wives of Nero http://www.portraitsofcaligula.com/3/miscellaneous1.htm[permanent dead link]
Holztrattner, Franz, Poppaea Neronis Potens: Studien zu Poppaea Sabina, Berger & Söhne: Graz-Horn, 1995
N.A. Octavia, tragedy preserved with the writings of Seneca
Tacitus, Annals
Robert Graves, I, Claudius
Robert Graves, Claudius the God


document_title: Lapse rate

question_text: as air in a given level in the atmosphere is warmed it tends to rise. this is referred to as

question_tokens: as air in a given level in the atmosphere is warmed it tends to rise . this is referred to as

text: Lapse rate

text: Definition[edit]

text: A formal definition from the Glossary of Meteorology[3] is:

text: In general, a lapse rate is the negative of the rate of temperature change with altitude change, thus:

text:
where

Γ

{\displaystyle \Gamma }

 is the lapse rate given in units of temperature divided by units of altitude, T = temperature, and z = altitude.[a]

text: Convection and adiabatic expansion[edit]

text: The temperature profile of the atmosphere is a result of an interaction between radiation and convection. Sunlight hits the ground and heats it. The ground then heats the air at the surface. If radiation were the only way to transfer heat from the ground to space, the greenhouse effect of gases in the atmosphere would keep the ground at roughly 333 K (60 °C; 140 °F), and the temperature would decay exponentially with height.[6]

text: However, when air is hot, it tends to expand, which lowers its density. Thus, hot air tends to rise and transfer heat upward. This is the process of convection. Convection comes to equilibrium when a parcel of air at a given altitude has the same density as the other air at the same elevation.

text: When a parcel of air expands, it pushes on the air around it, doing work (thermodynamics). Since the parcel does work but gains no heat, it loses internal energy so that its temperature decreases. The process of expanding and contracting without exchanging heat is an adiabatic process. The term adiabatic means that no heat transfer occurs into or out of the parcel. Air has low thermal conductivity, and the bodies of air involved are very large, so transfer of heat by conduction is negligibly small.

text: The adiabatic process for air has a characteristic temperature-pressure curve, so the process determines the lapse rate. When the air contains little water, this lapse rate is known as the dry adiabatic lapse rate: the rate of temperature decrease is 9.8 °C/km (5.38 °F per 1,000 ft) (3.0 °C/1,000 ft). The reverse occurs for a sinking parcel of air.[7]

text: Note that only the troposphere (up to approximately 12 kilometres (39,000 ft) of altitude) in the Earth's atmosphere undergoes convection: the stratosphere does not generally convect.[8] However, some exceptionally energetic convection processes -- notably volcanic eruption columns and overshooting tops associated with severe supercell thunderstorms -- may locally and temporarily inject convection through the tropopause and into the stratosphere.

text: The mathematics of the adiabatic lapse rate can be derived from thermodynamics, which defines an adiabatic process via:

text: the first law of thermodynamics can be written as

text:
Also, since

α
=
V

/

m

{\displaystyle \alpha =V/m}

 and

γ
=

c

p

/

c

v

{\displaystyle \gamma =c_{p}/c_{v}}

, we can show that:

text:
where

c

p

{\displaystyle c_{p}}

 is the specific heat at constant pressure and

α

{\displaystyle \alpha }

 is the specific volume.

text: Assuming an atmosphere in hydrostatic equilibrium:[9]

text:
where g is the standard gravity and

ρ

{\displaystyle \rho }

 is the density. Combining these two equations to eliminate the pressure, one arrives at the result for the dry adiabatic lapse rate (DALR),[10]

text: Moist adiabatic lapse rate[edit]

text: The presence of water within the atmosphere complicates the process of convection. Water vapor contains latent heat of vaporization. As a parcel of air rises and cools, it eventually becomes saturated; that is, the vapor pressure of water in equilibrium with liquid water has decreased (as temperature has decreased) to the point where it is equal to the actual vapor pressure of water. With further decrease in temperature the water vapor in excess of the equilibrium amount condenses, forming cloud, and releasing heat (latent heat of condensation). Before saturation, the rising air follows the dry adiabatic lapse rate. After saturation, the rising air follows the moist adiabatic lapse rate.[11] The release of latent heat is an important source of energy in the development of thunderstorms.

text: While the dry adiabatic lapse rate is a constant 9.8 °C/km (5.38 °F per 1,000 ft, 3 °C/1,000 ft), the moist adiabatic lapse rate varies strongly with temperature. A typical value is around 5 °C/km, (9 °F/km, 2.7 °F/1,000 ft, 1.5 °C/1,000 ft).[12] The formula for the moist adiabatic lapse rate is given by:[13]

text:
where:

Γ

w

{\displaystyle \Gamma _{w}}

= Wet adiabatic lapse rate, K/m

g

{\displaystyle g}

= Earth's gravitational acceleration = 9.8076 m/s2

H

v

{\displaystyle H_{v}}

= Heat of vaporization of water, = 2501000 J/kg

R

s
d

{\displaystyle R_{sd}}

= Specific gas constant of dry air = 287 J kg−1 K−1

R

s
w

{\displaystyle R_{sw}}

= Specific gas constant of water vapour = 461.5 J kg−1 K−1

ϵ
=

R

s
d

R

s
w

{\displaystyle \epsilon ={\frac {R_{sd}}{R_{sw}}}}

=The dimensionless ratio of the specific gas constant of dry air to the specific gas constant for water vapour = 0.622

e

{\displaystyle e}

= The water vapour pressure of the saturated air

p

{\displaystyle p}

= The pressure of the saturated air

r
=
ϵ
e

/

(
p
−
e
)

{\displaystyle r=\epsilon e/(p-e)}

= The mixing ratio of the mass of water vapour to the mass of dry air[14]

T

{\displaystyle T}

= Temperature of the saturated air, K

c

p
d

{\displaystyle c_{pd}}

= The specific heat of dry air at constant pressure, = 1003.5 J kg−1 K−1

tag: table

text: Environmental lapse rate[edit]

text: The environmental lapse rate (ELR), is the rate of decrease of temperature with altitude in the stationary atmosphere at a given time and location. As an average, the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) defines an international standard atmosphere (ISA) with a temperature lapse rate of 6.49 K/km[15] (3.56 °F or 1.98 °C/1,000 ft) from sea level to 11 km (36,090 ft or 6.8 mi). From 11 km up to 20 km (65,620 ft or 12.4 mi), the constant temperature is −56.5 °C (−69.7 °F), which is the lowest assumed temperature in the ISA. The standard atmosphere contains no moisture. Unlike the idealized ISA, the temperature of the actual atmosphere does not always fall at a uniform rate with height. For example, there can be an inversion layer in which the temperature increases with altitude.

text: Effect on weather[edit]

text: The varying environmental lapse rates throughout the Earth's atmosphere are of critical importance in meteorology, particularly within the troposphere. They are used to determine if the parcel of rising air will rise high enough for its water to condense to form clouds, and, having formed clouds, whether the air will continue to rise and form bigger shower clouds, and whether these clouds will get even bigger and form cumulonimbus clouds (thunder clouds).

text: As unsaturated air rises, its temperature drops at the dry adiabatic rate. The dew point also drops (as a result of decreasing air pressure) but much more slowly, typically about −2 °C per 1,000 m. If unsaturated air rises far enough, eventually its temperature will reach its dew point, and condensation will begin to form. This altitude is known as the lifting condensation level (LCL) when mechanical lift is present and the convective condensation level (CCL) when mechanical lift is absent, in which case, the parcel must be heated from below to its convective temperature. The cloud base will be somewhere within the layer bounded by these parameters.

text: The difference between the dry adiabatic lapse rate and the rate at which the dew point drops is around 8 °C per 1,000 m. Given a difference in temperature and dew point readings on the ground, one can easily find the LCL by multiplying the difference by 125 m/°C.

text: If the environmental lapse rate is less than the moist adiabatic lapse rate, the air is absolutely stable — rising air will cool faster than the surrounding air and lose buoyancy. This often happens in the early morning, when the air near the ground has cooled overnight. Cloud formation in stable air is unlikely.

text: If the environmental lapse rate is between the moist and dry adiabatic lapse rates, the air is conditionally unstable — an unsaturated parcel of air does not have sufficient buoyancy to rise to the LCL or CCL, and it is stable to weak vertical displacements in either direction. If the parcel is saturated it is unstable and will rise to the LCL or CCL, and either be halted due to an inversion layer of convective inhibition, or if lifting continues, deep, moist convection (DMC) may ensue, as a parcel rises to the level of free convection (LFC), after which it enters the free convective layer (FCL) and usually rises to the equilibrium level (EL).

text: If the environmental lapse rate is larger than the dry adiabatic lapse rate, it has a superadiabatic lapse rate, the air is absolutely unstable — a parcel of air will gain buoyancy as it rises both below and above the lifting condensation level or convective condensation level. This often happens in the afternoon mainly over land masses. In these conditions, the likelihood of cumulus clouds, showers or even thunderstorms is increased.

text: Meteorologists use radiosondes to measure the environmental lapse rate and compare it to the predicted adiabatic lapse rate to forecast the likelihood that air will rise. Charts of the environmental lapse rate are known as thermodynamic diagrams, examples of which include Skew-T log-P diagrams and tephigrams. (See also Thermals).

text: The difference in moist adiabatic lapse rate and the dry rate is the cause of foehn wind phenomenon (also known as "Chinook winds" in parts of North America). The phenomenon exists because warm moist air rises through orographic lifting up and over the top of a mountain range or large mountain. The temperature decreases with the dry adiabatic lapse rate, until it hits the dew point, where water vapor in the air begins to condense. Above that altitude, the adiabatic lapse rate decreases to the moist adiabatic lapse rate as the air continues to rise. Condensation is also commonly followed by precipitation on the top and windward sides of the mountain. As the air descends on the leeward side, it is warmed by adiabatic compression at the dry adiabatic lapse rate. Thus, the foehn wind at a certain altitude is warmer than the corresponding altitude on the windward side of the mountain range. In addition, because the air has lost much of its original water vapor content, the descending air creates an arid region on the leeward side of the mountain.[16]


document_title: Motion in limine

question_text: when does the court hear motions in limine

text: Motion in limine

text: In U.S. law, a motion in limine (Latin: "at the start", literally, "on the threshold") (Latin pronunciation: [ɪn ˈliːmɪˌne] in LEE-min-ay) is a motion, discussed outside the presence of the jury, to request that certain testimony be excluded. The motion is decided by a judge in both civil and criminal proceedings. It is frequently used at pre-trial hearings or during trial, and it can be used at both the state and federal levels.

text: The reasons for the motions are wide and varied, but probably the most frequent use of the motion in limine in a criminal trial is to shield the jury from information concerning the defendant that could possibly be unfairly prejudicial to the defendant if heard at trial.[1] Other reasons arise under the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure for failure to comply with discovery.[2][3][4]

text: Black's Law Dictionary (8th ed. 2004) defines "motion in limine" as "a pretrial request that certain inadmissible evidence not be referred to or offered at trial." A motion in limine can be used to get a ruling to allow for the inclusion of evidence, not only to get a ruling as to whether or not evidence will be precluded from trial. They are made "preliminary", and it is presented for consideration of the judge (or arbitrator or hearing officer) to be decided without the merits being reached first.[5]:791

text: Example[edit]

text: Examples of motions in limine would be that the attorney for the defendant may ask the judge to refuse to admit into evidence any personal information, or medical, criminal or financial records, using the legal grounds that these records are irrelevant, immaterial, unreliable, or unduly prejudicial, and/or that their probative value is outweighed by the prejudicial result to the defendant, or that the admittance of such information or evidence would otherwise violate one of the court's rules of evidence. A party proffering certain evidence can also ask for the admission of certain information or evidence via a motion in limine.

text: If the motion in limine to exclude evidence is granted, then the excluded records are prohibited from being presented without specific approval from the judge at the time the party wants to offer the evidence. A reference to such "highly prejudicial" evidence contrary to the tribunal's order is a ground for a mistrial.[5]:1033

text: Governing laws[edit]

text: Most motions in limine in federal courts are governed by the Federal Rules of Evidence. Some others arise under the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure for failure to comply with discovery.[2][3]


document_title: Pokhran-II

question_text: president at time of first nuclear test in india

text: Pokhran-II

text: India's nuclear bomb project[edit]

text: Efforts towards building the nuclear bomb, infrastructure, and research on related technologies have been undertaken by India since World War II. Origins of India's nuclear program dates back to 1944 when nuclear physicist Homi Bhabha began persuading the Indian Congress towards the harnessing of nuclear energy— a year later he established the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research (TIFR).

text: In 1950s, the preliminary studies were carried out at the BARC and plans were developed to produce plutonium and other bomb components. In 1962, India and China engaged in the disputed northern front, and was further intimidated with Chinese nuclear test in 1964. Direction towards militarisation of the nuclear program slowed down when Vikram Sarabhai became its head and little interest of Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri in 1965.

text: After Indira Gandhi became Prime Minister in 1966, the nuclear program was consolidated when physicist Raja Ramanna joined the efforts. Another nuclear test by China eventually led to India's decision toward building nuclear weapons in 1967 and conducted its first nuclear test, Smiling Buddha, in 1974.[6]

text: Post-Smiling Buddha[edit]

text: Responding to Smiling Buddha, the Nuclear Suppliers Group severely affected the India's nuclear program.[7] The world's major nuclear powers imposed technological embargo on India and Pakistan, which was technologically racing to meet with India's challenge.[7] The nuclear program struggled for years to gain credibility and its progress crippled by the lack of indigenous resources and dependent on imported technology and technical assistance.[7] At IAEA, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi declared that India's nuclear program was not militarising despite authorising preliminary work on the hydrogen bomb design.[7]

text: As an aftermath of the state emergency in 1975 that resulted in the collapse of the Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's government, the nuclear program was left with a vacuum of political leadership and even basic management.[7] Work on the hydrogen bomb design continued under M. Srinivasan, a mechanical engineer, but progress was slow.[7]

text: The nuclear program received little attention from Prime Minister Morarji Desai who was renowned for his peace advocacy.[7]  In 1978, Prime Minister Desai transferred physicist Ramanna to Indian MoD, and his government was not entirely without progress in nuclear program and had the program continue to grow at a desirable rate.[7][8]

text: Disturbing news came from Pakistan when the world discovered the Pakistan's clandestine atomic bomb program.[7] Contrary to India's nuclear program, Pakistan's atomic bomb program was akin to United States's Manhattan Project, it was under military oversight with civilian scientists in charge of the scientific aspects of the program.[7]  The Pakistani atomic bomb program was well funded and organised by then; India realised that Pakistan was likely to succeed in its project in matter of two years.[7]

text: In 1980, the general elections marked the return of Indira Gandhi and the nuclear program began to gain momentum under Ramanna in 1981. Requests for additional nuclear tests were continued to be denied by the government when Prime Minister Indira Gandhi saw Pakistan began exercising the brinkmanship, though the nuclear program continued to advance.[7] Initiation towards hydrogen bomb began as well as the launch of the missile programme began under Late president Dr. Abdul Kalam, who was then an aerospace engineer.[7]

text: Political momentum: 1988–1998[edit]

text: In 1989, the general elections witnessed the Janata Dal party led by V.P. Singh, forming the government.[9] Prime Minister V.P. Singh down played the relations with the Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto whose Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) won the general elections in 1988. Foreign relations between India and Pakistan began to severely worsen when India began charging Pakistan of supporting the militancy in Jammu and Kashmir.[9] During this time, the missile program succeeded in the development of the Prithvi missiles.

text: Successive governments in India decided to observe this temporary moratorium for fear of inviting international criticism.[7] The Indian public had been supportive towards the nuclear tests which ultimately led Prime Minister Narasimha Rao deciding to conduct further tests in 1995.[9] Plans were halted after American spy satellites picked up signs of preparations for nuclear testing at Pokhran Test Range in Rajasthan.[9] President Bill Clinton and his administration exerted enormous pressure on Prime Minister Narasimha Rao to stop the preparations.[9] Responding to India, Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto issued harsh and severe statements against India on Pakistan's news channels; thus putting stress on the relations between two countries.[10]

text: Diplomatic tension escalated between two countries when Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto raised the Kashmir issue at the United Nations in 1995[11][12].[13] In a speech delivered by then-Speaker National Assembly Yousaf Raza Gillani, stressed the "Kashmir issue" as continue to endanger the peace and security in the region.[13] The Indian delegation headed by Atal Bihari Vajpayee at the United Nations, reiterated that the "UN resolutions only call upon Pakistan— the occupying force to vacate the "Jammu and Kashmir Area."[13]

text: 1998 Indian general elections[edit]

text: The BJP, came to power in 1998 general elections with an exclusive public mandate.[4] BJP's political might had been growing steadily in strength over the past decade over several issues.

text: In Pakistan, the similar conservative force, the PML(N), was also in power with an exclusive mandate led by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif who defeated the leftist PPP led by Benazir Bhutto in general elections held in 1997.[14] During the BJP campaign, Atal Bihari Vajpayee indulged in grandstanding— such as when he declared on 25 February that his government would "take back that part of Kashmir that is under Pakistan's control."[4] Before this declaration, the BJP platform had clear intention to "exercise the option to induct nuclear weapons" and "India should become an openly nuclear power to garner the respect on the world stage that India deserved."[4] By 18 March 1998, Vajpayee had publicly begun his lobbying for nuclear explosion and declared that "there is no compromise on national security; all options including the nuclear options will be exercised to protect security and sovereignty."[4]

text: Consultation began between Prime Minister Vajpayee, Dr.Abdul Kalam, R. Chidambaram and officials of the Indian DAE on nuclear options. Chidambaram briefed Prime Minister Vajpayee extensively on the nuclear program; Abdul Kalam presented the status of the missile program. On 28 March 1998, Prime Minister Vajpayee asked the scientists to make preparations in the shortest time possible, and preparations were hastily made.[15]

text: It was time of tense atmosphere when Pakistan, at a Conference on Disarmament, offered a peace rhetoric agreement with India for "an equal and mutual restraint in conventional, missile and nuclear fields."[4] Pakistan's equation was later reemphasised on 6 April and the momentum in India for nuclear tests began to build up which strengthened Vajpayee's position to order the tests.[4]

text: Preparations for the test[edit]

text: Unlike Pakistan's weapon–testing laboratories, there was very little that India could do to hide its activity at Pokhran.[16] Contrary to high-altitude granite mountains in Pakistan, the bushes are sparse and the dunes in the Rajasthan Desert don't provide much cover from probing satellites.[16] The Indian intelligence had been aware of United States spy satellites and the American CIA had been detecting Indian test preparations since 1995; therefore, the tests required complete secrecy in India and also needed to avoid detection by other countries.[16] The 58th Engineer Regiment of Indian Army's Corps of Engineers was commissioned to prepare the test sites without being probed by the United States spy satellites. The 58th Engineer's commander Colonel Gopal Kaushik supervised the test preparations and ordered his "staff officers take all measures to ensure total secrecy."[16]

text: Extensive planning was done by a very small group of scientists, senior military officers and senior politicians to ensure that the test preparations would remain secret, and even senior members of the Indian government didn't know what was going on. The chief scientific adviser and the Director of Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), Dr. Abdul Kalam, and Dr. R. Chidambaram, the Director of the Department of Atomic Energy (DAE), were the chief coordinators of this test planning.[4] The scientists and engineers of the Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC), the Atomic Minerals Directorate for Exploration and Research (AMDER), and the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) were involved in the nuclear weapon assembly, layout, detonation and obtaining test data.[4] A very small group of senior scientists were involved in the detonation process, all scientists were required to wear army uniforms to preserve the secrecy of the tests. Since 1995, the 58th Engineer Regiment had learned to avoid satellite detection.[4] Work was mostly done during night, and equipment was returned to the original place to give the impression that it was never moved.[4]

text: Bomb shafts were dug under camouflage netting and the dug-out sand was shaped like dunes. Cables for sensors were covered with sand and concealed using native vegetation.[4] Scientists would not depart for Pokhran in groups of two or three.[4] They travelled to destinations other than Pokhran under pseudonyms, and were then transported by the army. Technical staff at the test range wore military uniform, to prevent detection in satellite images.[16]

text: Nuclear weapon designs and development[edit]

text: Development and test teams[edit]

text: The main technical personnel involved in the operation were:[1]

text:
Project Chief Coordinators
Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam (later, President of India), Scientific Adviser to the prime minister and Head of the DRDO.
Dr. R. Chidambaram, Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission and the Department of Atomic energy.
Defence Research & Development Organization (DRDO)
Dr. K. Santhanam; Director, Test Site Preparations.
Atomic Minerals Directorate for Exploration and Research
Dr. G. R. Dikshitulu; Senior Research Scientist B.S.O.I Group, Nuclear Materials Acquisition
Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC)
Dr. Anil Kakodkar, Director of BARC.
Dr. Satinder Kumar Sikka, Director; Thermonuclear Weapon Development.
Dr. M. S. Ramakumar, Director of Nuclear Fuel and Automation Manufacturing Group; Director, Nuclear Component Manufacture.
Dr. D.D. Sood, Director of Radiochemistry and Isotope Group; Director, Nuclear Materials Acquisition.
Dr. S.K. Gupta, Solid State Physics and Spectroscopy Group; Director, Device Design & Assessment.
Dr. G. Govindraj, Associate Director of Electronic and Instrumentation Group; Director, Field Instrumentation.

text: Movement and logistics[edit]

text: Three laboratories of the DRDO were involved in designing, testing and producing components for the bombs, including the advanced detonators, the implosion and high-voltage trigger systems. These were also responsible for weaponising, systems engineering, aerodynamics, safety interlocks and flight trials.[1] The bombs were transported in four Indian Army trucks under the command of Colonel Umang Kapur; all devices from BARC were relocated at 3 am on 1 May 1998. From the Chhatrapati Shivaji International Airport, the bombs were flown in an Indian Air Force's AN-32 plane to the Jaisalmer army base. They were transported to Pokhran in an army convoy of four trucks, and this required three trips. The devices were delivered to the device preparation building, which was designated as 'Prayer Hall'.[1]

text: The test sites was organised into two government groups and were fired separately, with all devices in a group fired at the same time. The first group consisted of the thermonuclear device (Shakti I), the fission device (Shakti II), and a sub-kiloton device (Shakti III). The second group consisted of the remaining two sub-kiloton devices Shakti IV and V. It was decided that the first group would be tested on 11 May and the second group on 13 May. The thermonuclear device was placed in a shaft code named 'White House', which was over 200 metres (660 ft) deep, the fission bomb was placed in a 150 metres (490 ft) deep shaft code named 'Taj Mahal', and the first sub-kiloton device in 'Kumbhkaran'. The first three devices were placed in their respective shafts on 10 May, and the first device to be placed was the sub-kiloton device in the 'Kumbhkaran' shaft, which was sealed by the army engineers by 8:30 pm. The thermonuclear device was lowered and sealed into the 'White House' shaft by 4 am, and the fission device being placed in the 'Taj Mahal' shaft was sealed at 7:30 am, which was 90 minutes before the planned test time. The shafts were L-shaped, with a horizontal chamber for the test device.[1]

text: The timing of the tests depended on the local weather conditions, with the wind being the critical factor. The tests were underground, but due to a number of shaft seal failures that had occurred during tests conducted by the United States, the Soviet Union, and the United Kingdom, the sealing of the shaft could not be guaranteed to be leak-proof. By early afternoon, the winds had died down and the test sequence was initiated. Dr. K. Santhanam of the DRDO, in charge of the test site preparations, gave the two keys that activated the test countdown to Dr. M. Vasudev, the range safety officer, who was responsible for verifying that all test indicators were normal. After checking the indicators, Vasudev handed one key each to a representative of BARC and the DRDO, who unlocked the countdown system together. At 3:45 pm the three devices were detonated.[1]

text: Specifications and detonation[edit]

text: Five nuclear devices were Made during Operation Shakti.[17] All devices were weapon-grade plutonium[1] and they were:[1]

text:
Shakti I – A thermonuclear device yielding 45 kt, but designed for up to 200 kt.
Shakti II – A plutonium implosion design yielding 15 kt and intended as a warhead that could be delivered by bomber or missile. It was an improvement of the device detonated in the 1974 Smiling Buddha (Pokhran-I) test of 1974, developed using simulations on the PARAM supercomputer.
Shakti III – An experimental linear implosion design that used "non-weapon grade"[18] plutonium, but which likely omitted the material required for fusion, yielding 0.3 kt.
Shakti IV- A 0.5 kt experimental device.
Shakti V – A 0.2 kt experimental device.

text: An additional, sixth device (Shakti VI) is suspected to have been present but not detonated.[1]

text: At 3:43 pm IST; three nuclear bombs (specifically, the Shakti I, II and III) were detonated simultaneously, as measured by international seismic monitors.[4] On 13 May, at 12.21 p.m.IST 6:51 UTC, two sub-kiloton devices (Shakti IV and V) were detonated. Due to their very low yield, these explosions were not detected by any seismic station.[4] On 13 May 1998, India declared the series of tests to be over after this.[19]

text: Announcement[edit]

text: Following the Pokhran-II tests, India became the sixth country to join the nuclear club.[20] Shortly after the tests, a press meet was convened at the Prime Minister's residence in New Delhi. Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee appeared before the press corps and made the following short statement:

text:
“

Today, at 15:45 hours, India conducted three underground nuclear tests in the Pokhran range. The tests conducted today were with a fission device, a low yield device and a thermonuclear device. The measured yields are in line with expected values. Measurements have also confirmed that there was no release of radioactivity into the atmosphere. These were contained explosions like the experiment conducted in May 1974. I warmly congratulate the scientists and engineers who have carried out these successful tests.[21]

”

text: Reactions to tests[edit]

text: Domestic reactions[edit]

text: News of the tests were greeted with jubilation and large-scale approval by society in India.[22] The Bombay Stock Exchange registered significant gains. Newspapers and television channels praised the government for its bold decision; editorials were full of praise for the country's leadership and advocated the development of an operational nuclear arsenal for the country's armed forces.[22] The Indian opposition, led by Congress Party criticised the Vajpayee administration for carrying out the series of nuclear tests.[22] The Congress Party spokesman, Salman Khursheed, accused the BJP of trying to use the tests for political ends rather than to enhance the country's national security.[22]

text: By the time India had conducted tests, the country had a total of $44bn in loans in 1998, from IMF and the World Bank.[23] The industrial sectors of the Indian economy such as the chemicals industry, were likely to be hurt by sanctions.[23] The Western consortium companies, which had invested heavily in India, especially in construction, computing and telecoms, were generally the ones who were harmed by the sanctions.[23] In 1998, Indian government announced that it had already allowed for some economic response and was willing to take the consequences.[23]

text: International reactions[edit]

text: United States[edit]

text: The United States issued a strong statement condemning India and promised that sanctions would follow. The American intelligence community was embarrassed as there had been "a serious intelligence failure of the decade" in detecting the preparations for the test.[24]

text: In keeping with its preferred approach to foreign policy in recent decades, and in compliance with the 1994 anti-proliferation law, the United States imposed economic sanctions on India.[5] The sanctions on India consisted of cutting off all assistance to India except humanitarian aid, banning the export of certain defence material and technologies, ending American credit and credit guarantees to India, and requiring the US to oppose lending by international financial institutions to India.[25]

text: From 1998–1999, the United States held series of bilateral talks with India over the issue of India becoming party of the CTBT and NPT.[26] In addition, the United States also made an unsuccessful attempt of holding talks regarding the rollback of India's nuclear program.[27] India took a firm stand against the CTBT and refusing to be signatory party of it despite under pressure by the US President Bill Clinton, and noted the treaty as it was not consistent with India's national security interest.[27]

text: Canada, Japan, and other countries[edit]

text: Strong criticism was drawn from Canada on India's actions and its High Commissioner.[28] Sanctions were also imposed by Japan on India and consisted of freezing all new loans and grants except for humanitarian aid to India.[29]

text: Some other nations also imposed sanctions on India, primarily in the form of suspension of foreign aid to India and government-to-government credit lines.[30] However, the United Kingdom, France, and Russia refrained from condemning India.[30]

text: China[edit]

text: On 12 May the Chinese Foreign Ministry stated: "The Chinese government is seriously concerned about the nuclear tests conducted by India," and that the tests "run counter to the current international trend and are not conducive to peace and stability in South Asia.".[31] The next day the Chinese Foreign Ministry issued the statement clearly stating that "it is shocked and strongly condemned" the Indian nuclear tests and called for the international community to "adopt a unified stand and strongly demand that India immediate stop development of nuclear weapons".[32] China further rejected India's stated rationale of needing nuclear capabilities to counter a Chinese threat as "totally unreasonable".[32] In a meeting with Masayoshi Takemura of Democratic Party of Japan, Foreign Minister of the People's Republic of China Qian Qichen was quoted as saying that India's nuclear tests were a "serious matter," particularly because they were conducted in light of the fact that more than 140 countries have signed the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. "It is even more unacceptable that India claims to have conducted the tests to counter what it called a "China threat".[32] On 24 November 1998, the Chinese Embassy, New Delhi issued a formal statement:

text: (sic).... But regrettably, India conducted nuclear tests last May, which has run against the contemporary historical trend and seriously affected peace and stability in South Asia. Pakistan also conducted nuclear tests later on. India's nuclear tests have not only led to the escalation of tensions between India and Pakistan and provocation of nuclear arms races in South Asia, but also dealt a heavy blow to international nuclear disarmament and the global nonproliferation regime. It is only natural that India's nuclear tests have met with extensive condemnation and aroused serious concern from the international community.

text: Pakistan[edit]

text: The most vehement and strong reaction to India's nuclear explosion was from a neighbouring country, Pakistan. Great ire was raised in Pakistan, which issued a severe statement blaming India for instigating a nuclear arms race in the region.[4] Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif vowed that his country would give a suitable reply to India.[4] The day after the first tests, Foreign Minister Gohar Ayub Khan indicated that Pakistan was ready to conduct a nuclear test. He stated: "Pakistan is prepared to match India, we have the capability.... We in Pakistan will maintain a balance with India in all fields", he said in an interview. "We are in a headlong arms race on the subcontinent."[4]

text: On 13 May 1998, Pakistan bitterly condemned the tests, and Foreign Minister Gohar Ayub was quoted as saying that Indian leadership seemed to "have gone berserk [sic] and was acting in a totally unrestrained way."[34] Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was much more subdued, maintaining ambiguity about whether a test would be conducted in response: "We are watching the situation and we will take appropriate action with regard to our security", he said.[4]  Sharif sought to mobilise the entire Islamic world in support of Pakistan and criticised India for nuclear proliferation.[4]

text: Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif had been under intense pressure regarding the nuclear tests by President Bill Clinton and Opposition leader Benazir Bhutto at home.[35] Initially surprising the world, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif authorised nuclear testing program and the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC) carried out nuclear testings under the codename Chagai-I on 28 May 1998 and Chagai-II on 30 May 1998. These six underground nuclear tests at the Chagai and Kharan test site were conducted fifteen days after India's last test. The total yield of the tests was reported to be 40 kt (see codename: Chagai-I).[36]

text: Pakistan's subsequent tests invited similar condemnation from the United States.[37] American President Bill Clinton was quoted as saying "Two wrongs don't make a right", criticising Pakistan's tests as reactionary to India's Pokhran-II.[35] The United States and Japan reacted by imposing economic sanctions on Pakistan. According to the Pakistan's science community, the Indian nuclear tests gave an opportunity to Pakistan to conduct nuclear tests after 14 years of conducting only cold tests (See: Kirana-I).[38]

text: Pakistan's leading nuclear physicist, Pervez Hoodbhoy, held India responsible for Pakistan's nuclear test experiments in Chagai.[39]

text: U.N. sanctions[edit]

text: The reactions from abroad started immediately after the tests were advertised. On 6 June, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 1172 condemning the test and that of Pakistan's.[40] China issued a vociferous condemnation calling upon the international community to exert pressure on India to sign the NPT and eliminate its nuclear arsenal. With India joining the group of countries possessing nuclear weapons, a new strategic dimension had emerged in Asia, particularly South Asia.[40]

text: Effects on Indian economy[edit]

text: Overall, the effect of international sanctions on Indian economy was minimal; the technological progress was marginal. Most nations did not call for embargoes against India as the exports and imports together constituted only 4.0% of its GDP, with United States trade accounting for only 10.0% of this total. Far more significant were the restrictions on lending imposed by the United States and its representatives on international finance bodies. Most of the sanctions were lifted within five years.

text: Legacy[edit]

text: The Indian government has officially declared the 11 May as National Technology Day in India to commemorate the first of the five nuclear tests that were carried out on 11 May 1998.[41]

text: It was officially signed by then-Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee in 1998 and the day is celebrated by giving awards to various individuals and industries in the field of science and technology.[41]

text: In popular culture[edit]

text: Parmanu: The Story of Pokhran is a 2018 Bollywood movie based on India's underground Pokhran-II nuclear test.