document_title: Petroleum industry in Nigeria

question_text: how many barrels of oil nigeria produce in a day

question_tokens: how many barrels of oil nigeria produce in a day

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text: Petroleum industry in Nigeria

text: History of oil exploration[edit]

text:
The history of oil exploration in Nigeria dates back to 1907 when Nigerian Bitumen Corporation conducted exploratory work in the country, at the onset of World War I the firm's operation were stopped. Thereafter, licenses were given to D'Arcy Exploration Company and Whitehall Petroleum but neither company found oil of commercial value and they returned their licenses in 1923.[2] A new license covering 920,000 square kilometres (357,000 square miles) was given to Shell D'arcy Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria, a consortium of Shell and British Petroleum (then known as Anglo-Iranian). The company began exploratory work in 1937. The consortium was granted license to explore oil all over the territory of Nigeria but the acreage allotted to the company in the original license was reduced in 1951 and then between 1955 and 1957. Drilling activities started in 1951 with the first test well drilled in Owerri area. Oil was discovered in non-commercial quantities at Akata, near Eket in 1953.[2] Prior to the Akata find, the company had spent around 6 million pounds in exploratory activities in the country. Shell-BP in the pursuit  of commercially available petroleum found oil in Oloibiri, Nigeria in 1956. Other important oil wells discovered during the period were Afam and Bomu in Ogoni territory. Production of crude oil began in 1957 and in 1960, a total of 847,000 tonnes of crude oil was exported. Towards the end of the 1950s, non-British firms were granted license to explore for oil: Mobil in 1955, Tenneco in 1960, Gulf Oil and later Chevron in 1961, Agip in 1962, and Elf in 1962.
Prior to the discovery of oil, Nigeria (like many other African countries) strongly relied on agricultural exports to other countries to supply their economy. Many Nigerians thought the developers were looking for palm oil.[3] But after nearly 50 years searching for oil in the country, Shell-BP discovered the oil at Oloibiri in the Niger Delta. The first oil field began production in 1958.[4]

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text: After that, the economy of Nigeria should have seemingly have experienced a strong increase. However, competition for the profits from oil created a great level of terror and conflict for those living in the region. Many citizens of Nigeria believe that they haven’t been able to see the economic benefits of oil companies in the state. Additionally, Nigerian government officials have remained majority shareholders in the profits created by the production of Nigerian oil, leading to government capturing of nearly all oil production, and citizens are not seeing socioeconomic benefits, and insist that oil companies should compensate people.[3]

text: Production and exploration[edit]

text: As of 2000, oil and gas exports accounted for more than 98% of export earnings and about 83% of federal government revenue, as well as generating more than 14% of its GDP. It also provides 95% of foreign exchange earnings, and about 65% of government budgetary revenues.

text: Nigeria's proven oil reserves are estimated by the United States Energy Information Administration (EIA) at between 16 and 22 billion barrels (2.5×109 and 3.5×109 m3),[5] but other sources claim there could be as much as 35.3 billion barrels (5.61×109 m3). Its reserves make Nigeria the tenth most petroleum-rich nation, and by the far the most affluent in Africa. In mid-2001 its crude oil production was averaging around 2,200,000 barrels (350,000 m3) per day.[citation needed] It is expected that the industry will continue to be profitable based on an average bench mark oil price of $85-$90 per barrel.[6]

text: Nearly all of the country's primary reserves are concentrated in and around the delta of the Niger River, but off-shore rigs are also prominent in the well-endowed coastal region. Nigeria is one of the few major oil-producing nations still capable of increasing its oil output. Unlike most of the other OPEC countries, Nigeria is not projected to exceed peak production until at least 2009[citation needed]. The reason for Nigeria's relative unproductivity is primarily OPEC regulations on production to regulate prices on the international market. More recently, production has been disrupted intermittently by the protests of the Niger Delta's inhabitants, who feel they are being exploited.

text: Nigeria has a total of 159 oil fields and 1481 wells in operation according to the Department of Petroleum Resources.[7] The most productive region of the nation is the coastal Niger Delta Basin in the Niger Delta or "South-south" region which encompasses 78 of the 159 oil fields. Most of Nigeria's oil fields are small and scattered, and as of 1990, these small unproductive fields accounted for 62.1% of all Nigerian production. This contrasts with the sixteen largest fields which produced 37.9% of Nigeria's petroleum at that time.[8]

text: As a result of the numerous small fields, an extensive and well-developed pipeline network has been engineered to transport the crude oil. Also because of the lack of highly productive fields, money from the jointly operated (with the federal government) companies is constantly directed towards petroleum exploration and production.

text: Nigeria's petroleum is classified mostly as "light" and "sweet", as the oil is largely free of sulphur. Nigeria is the largest producer of sweet oil in OPEC. This sweet oil is similar in composition to petroleum extracted from the North Sea. This crude oil is known as "Bonny light". Names of other Nigerian crudes, all of which are named according to export terminal, are Qua Ibo, Escravos blend, Brass River, Forcados, and Pennington Anfan.

text: As recently as 2010, Nigeria provided about 10% of overall U.S. oil imports and ranked as the fifth-largest source for oil imports in the U.S. However, Nigeria ceased exports to the US in July 2014 because of the impact of shale production in America; India is now the largest consumer of Nigerian oil.[9]

text: There are six petroleum exportation terminals in the country. Shell owns two, while Mobil, Chevron, Texaco, and Agip own one each.  Shell also owns the Forcados Terminal, which is capable of storing 13 million barrels (2,100,000 m3) of crude oil in conjunction with the nearby Bonny Terminal. Mobil operates primarily out of the Qua Iboe Terminal in Akwa Ibom State, while Chevron owns the Escravos Terminal located in Delta State and has a storage capacity of 3.6 million barrels (570,000 m3). Agip operates the Brass Terminal in Brass, a town 113 kilometres (70 miles) southwest of Port Harcourt and has a storage capacity of 3,558,000 barrels (565,700 m3). Texaco operates the Pennington Terminal.[10]

text: Offshore[edit]

text: Oil companies in Africa investigate offshore production as an alternative area of production. Deepwater production mainly involves underwater drilling that exists 400 metres (1,300 ft) or more below the surface of the water.  By expanding to deep water drilling the possible sources for finding new oil reserves is expanded. Through the introduction of deep water drilling 50% more oil is extracted than before the new forms of retrieving the oil.[11]

text: Angola and Nigeria are the largest oil producers in Africa. In Nigeria, the deepwater sector still has a large avenue to expand and develop. The Agbami oilfields hit full production in 2005, at 250,000 barrels (40,000 m3) a day. Operated by Chevron's Star Deep and a company called Famfa, Agbami is only one off-shore concession; there are others named Akpo, Bonga and Erha.[12] The amount of oil extracted from Nigeria was expected to expand from 15,000 barrels per day (2,400 m3/d) in 2003 to 1.27 million barrels per day (202,000 m3/d) in 2010.[11]  Deepwater drilling for oil is especially attractive to oil companies because the Nigerian government has very little share in these activities and it is more difficult for the government to regulate the offshore activities of the companies.[11]

text: The deepwater extraction plants are less disturbed by local militant attacks, seizures due to civil conflicts, and sabotage.[11]  These advancements offer more resources and alternatives to extract the oil from the Niger Delta, with less exposure to conflict than the operations on land. An open-air market for illegal crude oil operates off the Niger Delta, called the Togo Triangle.[13]

text: Natural gas[edit]

text:
Natural gas reserves are well over 5,300 km3 (187×10^12 cu ft), the gas reserves are three times as substantial as the crude oil reserves.  The biggest natural gas initiative is the Nigerian Liquified Natural Gas Company, which is operated jointly by several companies and the state.  It began exploration and production in 1999. Chevron is also attempting to create the Escravos Gas Utilization project which will be capable of producing 4,500,000 m3 (160×10^6 cu ft) per day.[14] gas reserves. In 2008, the government prepared a Gas Master Plan that was intended to promote natural gas production and encourage the supply of natural gas to domestic power stations so as to help alleviate the country’s electricity shortages.[15]
There is also an export gas pipeline, known as the West African Gas Pipeline, in the works but has encountered numerous setbacks.  The pipeline would allow for transportation of natural gas to Benin, Ghana, Togo, and Cote d'Ivoire.  The majority of Nigeria's natural gas is flared off and it is estimated that Nigeria loses 18.2 million US$ daily from the loss of the flared gas.[14]

text: Downstream[edit]

text: This section's factual accuracy is disputed. Relevant discussion may be found on Talk:Petroleum industry in Nigeria. Please help to ensure that disputed statements are reliably sourced. (May 2008) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)

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text: Nigeria's total petroleum refining capacity is 445,000 barrels (70,700 m3) per day, however, only 240,000 barrels (38,000 m3) per day was allotted during the 1990s.  Subsequently, crude oil production for refineries was reduced further to as little as 75,000 barrels (11,900 m3) per day during the regime of Sanni Abacha.  There are four major oil refineries: the Warri Refinery and Petrochemical Plant which can process 125,000 barrels (19,900 m3) of crude per day, the New Port Harcourt Refinery which can produce 150,000 barrels (24,000 m3) per day (there is also an 'Old' Port Harcourt Refinery with negligible production), as well as the now defunct Kaduna Refinery.  The Port Harcourt and Warri Refineries both operate at only 30% capacity.[10]

text: It is estimated that demand and consumption of petroleum in Nigeria grows at a rate of 12.8% annually.[10] However, petroleum products are unavailable to most Nigerians and are quite costly, because almost all of the oil extracted by the multinational oil companies is refined overseas, while only a limited quantity is supplied to Nigerians themselves.

text: Current manufacturing[edit]

text: Nigeria is Africa’s largest oil producer and has been a member of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries since 1971. The Nigerian economy is heavily dependent on the oil sector, which, accounts for over 95 percent of export earnings and about 40 percent of government revenues, according to the International Monetary Fund. According to the International Energy Agency, Nigeria produced about 2.53 million barrels (402,000 m3) per day, well below its oil production capacity of over 3 million barrels (480,000 m3) per day, in 2011.

text: Nigeria is an important oil supplier to the United States. For the last nine years, the United States has imported between 9-11 percent of its crude oil from Nigeria; however, United States import data for the first half of 2012 show that Nigerian crude is down to a 5 percent share of total United States crude imports. According to the International Energy Agency, in 2011, approximately 33 percent of Nigeria's crude exports were sent to the United States, making Nigeria its fourth largest foreign oil supplier.

text: Although total crude imports into the United States are falling, imports from Nigeria have declined at a steeper rate, according to the International Energy Agency. The main reasons underlying this trend are that some Gulf Coast refiners have reduced Nigerian imports in favor of domestically-produced crude, and that two refineries in the U.S. East Coast, which were significant buyers of Nigerian crude, were idled in late 2011.

text: As a result, Nigerian crude as a share of total United States imports has fallen to 5 percent in the first half of 2012, down from 10 and 11 percent in the first half of 2011 and 2010, respectively, according to the International Energy Agency. According to the CIA World Factbook, Nigeria’s main export partners are the United States, India, Brazil, Spain, France and the Netherlands. Shell has been working in Nigeria since 1936, and currently dominates gas production in the country, as the Niger Delta, which contains most of Nigeria's gas resources, also houses most of Shell's hydrocarbon assets.

text: History and politics[edit]

text: Prior to its official amalgamation into the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria by the military forces of the British Empire in 1914, the territory of Nigeria was a loose collection of autonomous states, villages, and ethnic communities. Many of these established themselves as pillars of art, trade, and politics in West Africa as late as the 19th century; four of these cultural entities, the Hausa-Fulani, the Igbo (sometimes spelled Ibo), the Yoruba and the Efik grew extremely prominent in the region before the arrival of foreigners, dictated British colonial policies, and dominate national politics in Nigeria to this day.

text: The modern Hausa and Fulani societies in northern Nigeria are the cultural successors of the Sokoto Caliphate, a theocratic state founded by Muslim reformer empire-maker Uthman dan Fodio in 1817. Geographically isolated in the north, the Caliphate was governed by Islamic laws as prescribed by dan Fodio's Kitab al-Farq and maintained greater links commercially and culturally to North Africa and the Arab states than to West Africa and the Atlantic.

text: By contrast, the Yoruba, the Igbo and the Efik in the south had regularly experienced contact with Europeans since at least the 16th century. A minority of southerners converted to Christianity even prior to the establishment of permanent British control, but the majority followed traditional indigenous religions, worshipping myriad deities with vast domains spanning both cosmic and terrestrial spheres.

text: Coastal Nigerians established thriving trade both regionally and abroad, fashioning the coast into a hub for products like palm oil, a good sought after by rapidly industrialising Europe, while also serving as key source for the slave trade prior to its international banning (the region came to be known as the Slave Coast as a result).

text: The Niger Delta region, which is roughly synonymous with the Niger Delta province in location and the contemporary heart of the petroleum industry, is and was a zone of dense cultural diversity and is currently inhabited by roughly forty ethnic groups speaking an estimated 250 dialects. Some of the more relevant ethnic groups in the western part of the Niger Delta region include the Ijaw, Itsekiri, and Ogoni. The Ijaw (sometimes spelled Ijo), the fourth most populous tribe in Nigeria and by far the largest in the Delta region, lived during late medieval times in small fishing villages within the inlets of the delta; however by the 16th century, as the slave trade grew in importance, Ijaw port cities like Bonny and Brass developed into major trading states which served as major exporters of fish and other goods regionally. Other states such as those of Itsekiri domain of Warri sprang up at this time as well.[16]

text: The eastern Niger Delta region has the Efik people (Annang / Efik / Ibibio who are all related with a common language and ancestors who were all referred to as Efik or Calabar people in early Nigerian history). Their capital city of Calabar, located at the coastal southeast of Nigeria (eastern Niger Delta) served as the major trading and shipping center during the pre-colonial and colonial period. Calabar also served as the first capital of Nigeria and the point of entry of Western religion and Western education into southeastern Nigeria. The combined population of the Ibibio, Annang and Efik people is the fourth largest language group in Nigeria.

text: Colonial legacy (1800s–1960s)[edit]

text: Even before the consolidation of British control over all of present-day Nigeria's borders in 1914 from the protectorates of Southern and Northern Nigeria, British forces had begun imposing drastic political and economic policies on the Nigerian people which would lead to important consequences in the future. Originally this was done primarily through the government-owned Royal Niger Company. The company was crucial in securing most of Nigeria's major ports and monopolised coastal trade; this resulted in the severing of the ties which had linked the area to the flourishing West African regional trade network, in favour of the exportation of cheap natural resources and cash crops to industrialising nations. Most of the population eventually abandoned food production for such market-dependent crops (peanuts and cotton in the north, palm oil in the east, and cocoa in the west).[16] From the beginning, divide and rule tactics were employed by both traders and administrators, highlighting ethno-religious differences and playing groups against one another. After 1914, the north was permitted a system of indirect rule under authoritarian leaders, while in the south the British exercised control directly.[16]

text: Interest in Nigerian oil originated in 1914 with an ordinance making any oil and mineral under Nigerian soil legal property of the Crown. By 1938 the colonial government had granted the state-sponsored company, Shell (then known as Shell D'Arcy) a monopoly over the exploration of all minerals and petroleum throughout the entire colony.[16] Commercially viable oil was discovered by Shell in 1956 roughly 90 kilometres (56 mi) west of the soon-to-be oil capital of Port Harcourt at Oloibiri, now in Bayelsa State; initially a 50–50 profit sharing system was implemented between the company and the government. Until the late 1950s concessions on production and exploration continued to be the exclusive domain of the company, then known as Shell-British Petroleum. However, other firms became interested and by the early 1960s Mobil, Texaco, and Gulf had purchased concessions.[8]

text: In October 1960 Nigeria gained full independence from Britain with the British monarch continuing to preside as Head of State, but the country quickly altered its relationship with its former colonizers by declaring Nigeria a republic of three federated states (the Eastern, Western and Northern Regions). But the flaring of ethnic tensions assured that this new republic would be short-lived, as on 15 January 1966, a small group of army officers consisting mostly of southeastern Igbos, staged a successful coup d'état against the civilian government. The federal military government which assumed power under General Aguiyi-Ironsi was unable to quiet ethnic tensions or produce a constitution acceptable to all sections of the country. In fact, its efforts to abolish the federal structure exacerbated the growing unrest and led to another coup, led by largely northern officers in July of the same year. This second coup established the regime of Major General Yakubu Gowon. Subsequently, the massacre of thousands of Igbo in the north prompted hundreds of thousands to return to the southeast, where increasingly strong Igbo secessionist sentiment emerged under the leadership of the Igbo military governor Lieutenant Colonel Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu.

text: With tensions stoked between the Eastern region and Gowon's federal government, on 4–5 January 1967, in compliance with Ojukwu's desire to meet for talks only on neutral soil, a summit attended by Gowon, Ojukwu and other members of the Supreme Military Council was held at Aburi in Ghana, the stated purpose of which was to resolve all outstanding conflicts and establish Nigeria as a confederation of regions. The outcome of this summit was the Aburi Accord, the differing interpretations of which would soon cause Ojukwu to declare Biafran independence and plunge Nigeria into civil war.

text: Implications and causes of civil war (1966–1970)[edit]

text: Igbo secessionism arose in part from the pogroms in the North that were aimed at Eastern people, most specifically, the Igbo. However, since the southeast encompassed most of the petroleum-rich Niger Delta, the prospect emerged of the Eastern Region gaining self-sufficiency and increasing prosperity. The exclusion of easterners from power caused many in the east to fear that oil revenues would be used to benefit areas in the north and west rather than their own. The desire to accrue profits from oil revenues combined with ethnic tensions acted as a catalyst for the Igbo-spearheaded secession. Additionally, despite his denials in later years, it appears that Ojukwu's insistence on secession at the time was heavily influenced by his knowledge of the extent of the area's oil reserves.[citation needed]

text: Recent evidence has suggested a tax battle waged by American oil companies contributed to the regional and ethnic tensions that would lead to the outbreak of war. It was also during this period that, again thanks to the Americans, the opacity and concomitant corruption of Nigerian oil began to crystallise.[17]  However, evidence from leaked US State Department documents have proven that Britain, through Shell-BP,[18] still held the most influence over the Nigerian oil industry at the time the war broke out.[18] The United States declared neutrality, with US Secretary of State Dean Rusk stating that "America is not in a position to take action as Nigeria is an area under British influence,"[18] but nevertheless provided military assistance to the Nigeria government.[18]

text: On top of scores of deaths, the war had a largely negative impact on the oil industry. Strife caused production of crude to drop significantly, particularly in Biafra. Total crude output decreased from 420,000 barrels per day (67,000 cubic metres per day) in 1966 at the start of the war, to only 140,000 barrels per day (22,000 cubic metres per day) in 1968. Shell alone saw a drop from 367,000 barrels per day (58,300 cubic metres per day) in 1966, to 43,000 (6,800) in 1968. And in addition to concerns about production, oil companies began experiencing uncertainty as to the future of their investments depending on who prevailed in the war. This led to relations between oil companies and the federal government becoming strained, with the government at one point accusing the oil company Safrap (now TotalFinaElf, but Elf until 1974) of favouring Biafra and enlisting the aid of France for the Biafran cause. Shell, the other major holder of concessions in the southeast, was concerned but placated and limited politically by Britain's staunch support of the Nigerian government in the war effort.[citation needed]

text: Despite oil's prominent role in national affairs, up to this time, the Nigerian federal government had only limited involvement in the oil industry, and the government confined its financial involvement in the oil industry to taxes and royalties on the oil companies. The companies were subsequently able to set their own price on the petroleum they extracted, and dominated petroleum to such a point that laws governing the oil sector were having a negative effect on Nigerian interests. However,  even during the conflict with Biafra would force changes to the relationship between federal government and the petroleum industry. Gowon's military government instituted the 1969 Petroleum Decree which dismantled the existing revenue allocation system that had divided revenue from oil taxes equally between federal and state government, instead favouring an allocation formula in which the federal government controlled the dispensation of revenues to the states.[citation needed]

text: After the loss of over 2,000,000 lives, the war concluded in 1970 and resulted in a victory for the Nigerian state, as the secessionist regions were subsequently brought back into the Nigerian fold.[8] However, the former Eastern Region had been split into two new states, Rivers and South-Eastern (now Cross River) in order to discourage lingering ideas of independence.[citation needed]

text: Industry nationalisation (1970–1979)[edit]

text: In May 1971 the Nigerian federal government, then under the control of General Yakubu Gowon, nationalised the oil industry by creating the Nigerian National Oil Corporation via a decree. Following the war with Biafra, the government felt it necessary to secure and gain more control over the oil industry. Nationalization of the oil sector was also precipitated by Nigeria's desire to join OPEC, which was encouraging member states to acquire 51% stakes and become increasingly involved in the oil sector. Although the Nigerian government had maintained involvement in the industry prior to 1971, this was accomplished mainly through business deals on concessions of the foreign firms in operation. The creation of the NNOC made government participation in the industry legally binding. The federal government would continue to consolidate its oil involvement throughout the next several decades.

text: However, it was during the years of Gowon and his successors Murtala Mohammed and Olusegun Obasanjo known officially as the Heads of the Federal Military Government of Nigeria, who ruled amidst the oil boom of the 1970s that the political economy of petroleum in Nigeria truly became characterised by endemic patronage and corruption by the political elites, which plagues the nation to this day. At both state and federal government levels, power and therefore wealth has typically been monopolised by select lobby groups who maintain a strong tendency to 'look after their own' by financially rewarding their political supporters. At the state or community level this means that interest groups in power will reward and protect their own; this is typically based on ethnic/tribal or religious affiliation of the interest group. The heavy patronage based on tribal affiliation has fueled ethnic unrest and violence throughout Nigeria, but particularly in the Niger Delta states, where the stakes for control of the immense oil resources are very high. At the federal level, political elites have utilised patronage to consolidate power for the ruling government, not only by rewarding their political friends in the federal government, but also by paying off major interest groups at the state or tribal level in order to elicit their cooperation. Inevitably these financial favours are distributed unequally and inefficiently, resulting in concentration of wealth and power in the hands of a small minority.[8] Nigeria is ranked by the Corruption Perceptions Index  136st out of 180 countries total (for comparison, this is the same as Russia).[19]

text: Following the NNOC's genesis, the Nigerian government continued to garner control over oil revenues. In 1972 it declared that all property not currently owned by a foreign entity was legally the property of the government, which gained jurisdiction over the sale and allocation of concessions to foreign investors. The military regime oversaw the implementation of a number of other important milestones related to oil:

text: 1974: Participation in oil industry by government increases to 55%.

text: 1975: Decree 6 increases federal government share in oil sector to 80%, with only 20% going to the states.

text: 1976: First exploration and development venture by NNOC undertaken and drills to uncover commercial quantities of petroleum off-shore.

text: 1978: Perhaps most importantly, the federal government created the Land Use Act which vested control over state lands in military governors appointed by the federal military regime, and eventually led to Section 40(3) of the 1979 constitution which declared all minerals, oil, natural gas, and natural resources found within the bounds of Nigeria to be legal property of the Nigerian federal government.[16]

text: 1979: In an effort to establish further control over the industry, the government merges and restructures the NNOC and the Ministry of Petroleum to form the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, an entity which would exert more power over the allocation and sale of concessions than the NNOC. By 1979, the NNPC had also gained 60% participation in the oil industry.

text: Attempted democracy and debt (1979–1983)[edit]

text: Despite the vast revenues accrued by Gowon and his heirs, the junta succumbed to the demands of the civilian population, and in 1979 military head of state Olusegun Obasanjo handed over power to elected National Party of Nigeria (NPN) candidate Shehu Shagari. This event coincided with the declaration of Nigeria's Second Republic. At this juncture, the oil producing states of the Niger Delta were accounting for 82% of all federal government revenue but the population of these areas received very little compensation and demands for adequate reimbursement for the black gold extracted from their land could be heard at this time. Overall, petroleum accounted for 96% of all government external revenue but a mere 27% of the nation's GDP. However, the advent of democracy did not improve the situation.

text: A 1982 Revenue Act implemented by the Shagari government would eventually be modified by yet another military regime in 1984 via Decree 36 which reduced the government share of oil revenue from 80% to 55%. States got 32.5% and 10% went to local governments.[20] The remaining 1.5% was earmarked as a special fund to new develop oil-producing areas, but during the Shagari regime the corruption in Nigerian governance reached its zenith and capital flight out of Nigeria peaked, while people in the oil-producing areas continued to receive little or none of the oil profits. Additionally, 1980 saw oil-generated revenues attain an all-time high of US $24.9 billion but Nigeria still managed an international debt of $9 billion.

text: Shagari's NPN government was viewed by the majority of Nigerians as incorrigibly corrupt by the time the national elections of 1983 came about. Shagari and his subordinates steadily transformed Nigeria into a police state where Nigerian military and police forces were permitted to utilise force quite liberally in order to control the civilian population. Such repressive measures were employed to ensure victory in the forthcoming elections, and this outcome was achieved largely through the bankrupting of the federal government's treasury.[21]

text: Another disturbing trend had also been gaining steam in Nigeria since the early 1970s: a steep drop in agricultural production correlating roughly with the rise in federal revenues from petroleum extraction. Whereas previously Nigeria had been the world's lead exporter of cocoa, production of this cash crop dropped by 43%, while productivity in other important income generators like rubber (29%), groundnuts (64%), and cotton (65%) plummeted as well between 1972 and 1983.[16] The decline in agricultural production was not limited to cash crops amid the oil boom, and national output of staple foodstuffs also fell. This situation contrasts to Nigeria in 1960 just after independence, when despite British underdevelopment, the nation was more or less self-sufficient in terms of food supply, while crops made up 97% of all revenue from exports. The drop in production was so substantial that by the early 1980s the NPN government was forced to implement a now notorious import license scheme which essentially involved Nigeria, for the first time in its history, importing basic food items. However, as Nigerian activist and Nobel Laureate Wole Soyinka asserts, "the import license scam that was used by the party as a reward and enticement for party loyalists and would-be supporters cost the nation billions of dollars...while food production in the country virtually ceased".[21]

text: Return to military rule and electoral annulment (1983–1993)[edit]

text: For these reasons, seizure of power by General Muhammadu Buhari a short time after the NPN government was fraudulently re-elected was initially perceived as a positive development by civilians. Buhari charged out of the gate in December 1983, declaring himself Head of the Supreme Military Council of Nigeria, he condemned the civilian government's blatant corruption and instituted programs supposedly designed to eliminate the disease of corruption. However, these measures were largely transparent and the looting of federal coffers by Nigeria's rulers continued largely unabated,[16] "as Shagari's officers – both within party and government – left the country, came in and out as they pleased, while Burahi's tribunal sentence opposition figures to spells of between a hundred and three hundred years in prison for every dubious kind of crime".[21] The Buhari government neglected to punish even Shagari himself, a consistent trend in Nigerian's long line of dictariorial rulers, who almost universally been spared any kind of justice.[21]

text: In 1985, another general, this time General Ibrahim Babangida, stole power and again alleged that his predecessors were corrupt violators of human rights and promised to rectify the situation, committing to a return to democracy by 1990. Nigeria had been saddled with a crushingly large international debt at this point. This was because, despite over 101 billion US dollars having been generated by the oil industry between 1958 and 1983,[16] nearly all of these funds had been siphoned into the private bank accounts and the state sponsored pet projects maintained by the succession of Nigerian governmental elites.

text: Immediately prior to Babangida's rise to power, which is viewed by some[who?] as having been orchestrated by international oil and banking interests[dubious  – discuss], the International Monetary Fund was exerting increasingly acute pressure on the Nigerian government to repay its massive debts, of which 44% of all federal revenue was already servicing.[16] Therefore, it was unsurprising when Babangida implemented the IMF's Structural Adjustment Program in October 1986 in order to facilitate debt repayment. The SAP was extremely controversial while it was in effect between 1986 and 1988.  While it did permit Nigerian exports to become more competitive internationally and spurred a degree of economic growth, the SAP also incurred a dramatic drop in real wages for the majority of Nigerians. This, combined with major cuts to important public services, incited public unrest so extreme that Babangida's Armed Forces Ruling Council was obliged to partially reverse the SAP initiatives and return to inflationary economic policies. Babangida's rule also oversaw the annihilation of the Nigerian economic middle class, and Nigeria's entry to the Organisation of the Islamic Conference, despite Muslims accounting for less than 50% of the Nigerian populace.

text: The 1980s military juntas conducted several attempted re-organisations of the NNPC to increase its efficiency. However, according to most sources by the early 1990s the NNPC was characterised by chronic inefficiency and waste. Red tape and poor organisation are standard, with the NNPC being divided into several sub-entities, each fulfilling a particular function. This is despite the NNPC's growing participation in the industry, including development and exploration of numerous off-shore wells. As a result, the functionality of the industry is dependent on foreign corporations, not the NNPC.[8]

text: The sudden jump in oil prices caused by the First Gulf War in 1990 and 1991, as most researchers confirm, was at best squandered. The Babangida junta has been widely accused of "mismanaging" the oil windfall from the Gulf War price jump, which accounted for about $12.5 billion in revenues. Another alleges that the federal government siphoned off about $12.2 billion between 1988 and 1994 into private accounts or expenditures, "clandestinely undertaken while the country was openly reeling with a crushing external debt".[16]

text: Under these circumstances, Babangida eventually allowed for nationwide elections on 12 June 1993. These elections were declared universally free and fair (at least in comparison to past elections) by all major international election monitors, and the eventual winner of the presidential race was the Chief M.K.O. Abiola [of the newly formed SDP]. However, the military regime cynically pronounced the election, in which fourteen million Nigerians participated, to be null and void due to "electoral irregularities". The Nigerian people took to the streets in large numbers to protest the election's annulment.  As civil unrest continued, Babangida was forced to cede power to the caretaker government of Ernest Shonekan.

text: An environment of crisis (1993–present)[edit]

text: Shonekan's interim government would be short-lived, as on 17 November 1993, Babangida's former Chief of Army Staff and Minister of Defence Sani Abacha overthrew the caretaker regime and installed himself as Head of State. Popular opposition to the junta was widespread and public demonstrations were taking place on a regular basis. Immediately upon taking power, Abacha commenced the brutal repression of these subversive elements which would make his tenure notorious on a global basis.

text: Throughout the early 1990s such popular unrest grew steadily, particularly in the Niger Delta region, where various ethnic groups began demanding compensation for years of ecological damage as well as control over their land's oil resources. This unrest manifested itself at the outset as peaceful activist organisations that united their members on the basis of ethnicity.

text: One of the most prominent of these organisations to emerge in the region was the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP). The group declared that the Ogoni people, a small minority in Rivers state of Nigeria, were slowly being annihilated as the arable terrain of their homeland (known as Ogoniland) was degraded by pollution from oil production by Chevron and primarily Shell.

text: Conflict in the Niger Delta arose in the early 1990s due to tensions between the foreign oil corporations, the Nigerian federal government, and a number of the Niger Delta's ethnic groups who felt they were being exploited, particularly minority groups like the Ogoni as well as the Ijaw in the late 1990s. Ethnic and political unrest has continued throughout the 1990s and persists as of 2006 despite the conversion to a more democratic, civilian federal system under the Obasanjo government in 1999; democracy has to some degree fan the flames as politicians seeking office may now employ militia groups to coerce voters and generally disrupt the election process.  Competition for oil wealth has fuelled violence between innumerable ethnic groups, causing the militarisation of nearly the entire region by ethnic militia groups as well as Nigerian military and police forces (notably the Nigerian Mobile Police). Victims of crimes are fearful of seeking justice for crimes committed against them because of growing "impunity from prosecution for individuals responsible for serious human rights abuses, [which] has created a devastating cycle of increasing conflict and violence". The regional and ethnic conflicts are so numerous that fully detailing each is impossible and impractical.

text: On 30 January 2013, a Dutch court ruled that Shell can be held accountable for the pollution in the Niger Delta.[22]

text: Operating agreements[edit]

text: Details and nature of the relationship between the government and the operating companies are governed by three types of agreements, joint ventures, production sharing contracts and service contracts.[23]

text: Joint venture companies[edit]

text: Current situation[edit]

text: Nigeria’s oil revenue has totaled $340 billion in exports since the 1970s and it is the fifth largest producer.[24] Though Nigeria is a major oil exporter, it imports most of its gasoline, and when fuel subsidies were lifted in January 2012, fuel increased from roughly $1.70 per gallon to $3.50.[25] Nigeria produces a form of oil ideal for the United States, has huge reserves, and has increased its production to 2.8 million barrels (450,000 m3) of oil a day.[26] But this, some say, is all a resource curse that is hurting Nigeria and disadvantaging her people.[27]

text: Oil theft[edit]

text: A report analysing the effect of oil theft in Nigeria revealed in July 2013 that Nigeria lost $10.9 billion in potential oil revenues between 2009 and 2011.[28]

text: Environmental impact[edit]

text: The Niger Delta comprises 70,000 square kilometres (27,000 square miles) of wetlands formed primarily by sediment deposition. Home to more than 20 million people and 40 different ethnic groups, this floodplain makes up 7.5% of Nigeria's total land mass. It is the largest wetland and maintains the third-largest drainage area in Africa. The Delta's environment can be broken down into four ecological zones: coastal barrier islands, mangrove swamp forests, freshwater swamps, and lowland rainforests.

text: This incredibly well-endowed ecosystem, which contains one of the highest concentrations of biodiversity on the planet, in addition to supporting an abundant flora and fauna, arable terrain that can sustain a wide variety of crops, economic trees, and more species of freshwater fish than any ecosystem in West Africa. The region could experience a loss of 40% of its inhabitable terrain in the next thirty years because of extensive dam construction in the region. The carelessness of the oil industry has also precipitated this situation, which can perhaps be best encapsulated by a report issued by the NNPC in 1983, long before popular unrest surfaced:

text: We witnessed the slow poisoning of the waters of this country and the destruction of vegetation and agricultural land by oil spills which occur during petroleum operations. But since the inception of the oil industry in Nigeria, more than twenty-five years ago, there has been no concerned and effective effort on the part of the government, let alone the oil operators, to control environmental problems associated with the industry.[29]

text: Oil spills and water contamination[edit]

text: Oil spills in Nigeria are a common occurrence; it has been estimated that between 9 and 13 million barrels (1,400,000 and 2,100,000 m3) have been spilled since oil drilling started in 1958.[30] The government estimates that about 7,000 spills occurred between 1970 and 2000.[30] Causes include corrosion of pipelines and tankers (accounts for 50% of all spills), sabotage (28%), and oil production operations (21%), with 1% of the spills being accounted for by inadequate or non-functional production equipment. One reason that corrosion accounts for such a high percentage of all spills is that as a result of the small size of the oilfields in the Niger Delta, there is an extensive network of pipelines between the fields. Many facilities and pipelines were constructed to older standards, are poorly maintained and have outlived their estimated life span.[31][32] Sabotage is performed primarily through what is known as "bunkering", whereby the saboteur taps a pipeline, and in the process of extraction sometimes the pipeline is damaged. Oil extracted in this manner is often sold for cash compensation.

text: Oil spills have a major impact on the ecosystem. Large tracts of mangrove forests have been desroyed. They are especially susceptible to oil spills because the oil is stored in the soil and re-released annually with each inundation. An estimated 5–10% of Nigerian mangrove ecosystems have been wiped out either by settlement or by oil. Spills also take out crops and aquacultures through contamination of groundwater and soils. Drinking water is frequently contaminated, and a sheen of oil is visible in many localised bodies of water. If the drinking water is contaminated, even if no immediate health effects are apparent, the numerous hydrocarbons and other chemicals present in oil represent a carcinogenic risk. Offshore spills, which are usually much greater in scale, contaminate coastal environments and cause a decline in local fishing production.

text: Nigerian regulations are weak and rarely enforced allowing oil companies, in essence, to self-regulate.[30]

text: Natural gas flaring[edit]

text: Nigeria flares more natural gas associated with oil extraction than any other country, with estimates suggesting that of the 99,000,000 m3 (3.5×10^9 cu ft) of associated gas (AG) produced annually, 71,000,000 m3 (2.5×10^9 cu ft), or about 70%, is wasted via flaring. Statistical data associated with gas flaring is notoriously unreliable, but AG wasted during flaring is estimated to cost Nigeria US $2.5 billion on a yearly basis.[33] Companies operating in Nigeria harvest natural gas for commercial purposes, however most prefer to extract it gas from deposits where it is found in isolation as non-associated gas. It is costly to separate commercially viable associated gas from oil, hence gas is flared to increase crude production.

text: Gas flaring is discouraged by the international community as it contributes to climate change. In fact, in western Europe 99% of associated gas is used or re-injected into the ground. Gas flaring in Nigeria releases large amounts of methane, which has a very high global warming potential. The methane is accompanied by carbon dioxide, of which Nigeria is estimated to have emitted more than 34.38 million tons in 2002, accounting for about 50% of all industrial emissions in the country and 30% of the total CO2 emissions. As flaring in the west has been minimised, in Nigeria it has grown proportionally with oil production.[34] While the international community, the Nigerian government, and the oil corporations seem to agree that gas flaring need to be curtailed, efforts to do so have been slow and largely ineffective.[34]

text:
Gas flares release a variety of potentially poisonous chemicals such as nitrogen dioxides; sulphur dioxide; volatile organic compounds like benzene, toluene, xylene and hydrogen sulfide; as well as carcinogens like benzapyrene and dioxins.
Often gas flares are often close to local communities, and lack adequate fencing or protection for villagers who may risk nearing the heat of the flare in order to carry out their daily activities.
Flares which are often older and inefficient are rarely relocated away from villages, and are known to coat the land and communities in the area with soot and damage adjacent vegetation.

text: In November 2005 a judgment by, "the Federal High Court of Nigeria ordered that gas flaring must stop in a Niger Delta community as it violates guaranteed constitutional rights to life and dignity. In a case brought against the Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria (Shell), Justice C. V. Nwokorie ruled in Benin City that the damaging and wasteful practice of flaring cannot lawfully continue."

text: Human rights impact[edit]

text: Repression of protest and government corruption[edit]

text: One of the greatest threats facing the people of the Niger River Delta has actually been their own government. The Nigerian government has total control over property rights and they have the authority to seize any property for use by the oil companies.  A majority of every dollar that comes out of the ground in the delta goes to the State and Federal governments.[35]

text: According to the World Bank, most of Nigeria’s oil wealth gets siphoned off by 1% of the population.[36] Corruption in the government is rampant, in fact since 1960 it is estimated that 300 to 400 billion dollars has been stolen by corrupt government officials.[36] The corruption is found at the highest levels as well. For example, a former inspector general of the national police was accused of stealing 52 million dollars. He was sentenced to six years in prison for a lesser charge.[36]

text: Nigerians have on many occasions engaged in protests against oil-related corruption and environmental concerns in the past, but have been met with harsh suppression by government forces. For example, in February 2005 at a protest at Chevron's Escravos oil terminal, soldiers opened fire on the protestors. One man was killed and 30 others were injured. The soldiers claimed that the protestors were armed, which the protestors denied.[37] Another, more extreme example happened in 1994. The Nigerian military moved into a region called Ogoniland in force. They razed 30 villages, arrested hundreds of protestors, and killed an estimated 2,000 people.[36]

text: One of the protestors they arrested was a man named Ken Saro-Wiwa, a Nigerian TV producer, writer and social activist. In 1990 he founded the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP). Ken wrote and spoke out about the rampant corruption in the Nigerian government and he condemned Shell and British Petroleum. He was arrested by the Nigerian government and imprisoned for 17 months. Then in a show trial he and eight others were condemned to death. He and the others were hung in 1995 and he was buried in an unmarked common grave.[38]

text: Poverty and chronic underdevelopment[edit]

text:
Previous pipeline explosions in Nigeria

City

Date

Casualties[39]

Lagos

26 December 2007

at least 40

Lagos

26 December 2006

at least 260

Lagos

12 May 2006

at least 150

Lagos

December 2004

at least 20

Lagos

September 2004

at least 60

Abia

June 2003

at least 105

Warri

July 2000

at least 300

Abia

March 2000

at least 50

Jesse

October 1998

at least 1000

text: The people of the delta states live in extreme poverty even in the face of great material wealth found in the waters by their homes. According to Amnesty International in 2006, 70% of the people in the Niger River Delta live on less than US$1 per day.[37] For many people, this means finding work in a labour market which is in many instances hostile to them. Much of the labour in the past has been imported. To a growing degree, the labour force for the oil companies is coming from Nigeria. But discrimination is rampant, and for the most part, locals are discriminated against.[35]

text: This leads to a situation where the men in the community have to search for temporary employment. This has two negative effects on the community. First it takes the men out of the community as they go in search of work. The second is the nature of temporary employment sets up unsustainable spending habits[35]). They earn some money and spend it thinking it will be easy to earn more, when in many cases this does not turn out to be the case.

text: As the government officials siphon off all the money generated from oil sales the infrastructure suffers. Most of the villages do not have electricity or even running water.[40] They do not have good access to schools or medical clinics. For many, even clean drinking water is difficult to come by.[36] The deterioration of the infrastructure in the delta states is so severe it is even a problem in the more urban areas. One example of this is the airport at Port Harcourt. Part of a fence was not properly maintained and an Air France flight hit a herd of cattle on the runway in 2005. The airport was closed and still had not reopened by 2007.[36]

text: The leadership of the Niger Delta region appears responsible for most of the underdevelopment in the region. There is large-scale corruption amongst the elected leaders especially governors,[41][42] and the leaders have helped sponsor the militant groups kidnapping innocent people and sabotaging efforts by the federal government for infrastructure development.[43] Indicted corrupt leaders are also cheered by the Niger Delta people.[44]


document_title: Anheuser-Busch brands

question_text: what kind of beer is bud light lime

question_tokens: what kind of beer is bud light lime

text: Anheuser-Busch brands

text: Budweiser[edit]

text: Budweiser is a 5.0% ABV Adjunct pale lager introduced in 1876 by Adolphus Busch and has become one of the best selling beers in the United States.[3] It is made with up to 30% rice in addition to hops and barley malt.[4] Budweiser is produced in various breweries located around the United States and the rest of the world. It is a filtered beer available in draught and packaged forms. Lower strength versions are distributed in regions with restrictive alcohol laws.

text: Bud Light[edit]

text: Introduced in 1982 as Budweiser Light, Budweiser's flagship light beer with 4.2% ABV and 110 calories per 12 US fl oz (355 mL) serving (1,300 kJ/L).[5] From 1993 to 1998, Bud Light aired 30-second commercials featuring Rob and Laura from the CBS series The Dick Van Dyke Show.

text: Bud Light Platinum[edit]

text: A slightly sweeter, higher alcohol version of Bud Light launched in early 2012, with 6% ABV. This product is noted for being packaged in a new translucent blue glass bottle. Bud Light Platinum has 137 calories per 12 ounce serving, 8 fewer than a regular Budweiser.

text: Bud Light Apple[edit]

text: Bud Light with apple flavor added. It has 151 calories per 355 ml serving. Released in 2015 with 4.2% ABV.

text: Bud Light Lime[edit]

text: Bud Light with lime flavor added. It has 116 calories per 12 US fl oz serving (1,370 kJ/L). Released in May 2008 with 4.2% alcohol content, the same alcohol content as Bud Light.

text: Bud Light Lime-A-Ritas[edit]

text: Since April 2012, AB has released a line of 8% alcohol by volume (6% ABV in Canada[6])flavored malt beverages titled "Bud Light Lime Ritas," with its flagship flavor being the "Lime-a-Rita," a lime flavored beverage. The drinks are available in a twenty-five ounce can, as well as a twelve-pack of eight ounce cans. Since then, AB has released the strawberry-flavored "Straw-Ber-Rita," the mango flavored "Mang-o-Rita," and the raspberry flavored "Raz-Ber-Rita." For the winter 2013 season, AB released the cranberry-flavored "Cran-Brrr-Rita" as well, and wound up extending it through January and February 2014 due to strong sales.[7] After the release of the "Mang-o-Rita" and "Raz-Ber-Rita," A-B released an eighteen-pack case containing six "Lime-a-Ritas," four "Straw-Ber-Ritas," four "Mang-o-Ritas," and four "Raz-Ber-Ritas."

text: In August 2014, A-B released a new fall seasonal extension for their "Rita" line, "Apple-Ahh-Rita," an apple-flavored margarita sold until October 2014.

text: In February 2015, A-B released a new summer seasonal extension for their "Rita" line, "Lemon-Ade-Rita," a lemonade flavored margarita.

text: In summer 2016, A-B released the newest "rita" flavor of their line named "Water-melon-rita", a watermelon flavored margarita. A-B also released the "Grape-Ahh-Rita," a grape flavored margarita.

text: In fall 2016, A-B released the new "Cherry-Ahh-Rita," a cherry-flavored margarita.

text: In summer 2017, A-B released the new "Peach-A-Rita," a peach-flavored margarita. A-B also released the new "Orange-A-Rita," an orange-flavored margarita but only available in MI, OH, TX, FL, and GA. The "Grape-Ahh-Rita" was also renamed "Grape-A-Rita"

text: In summer 2017, A-B introduced "Splash by Lime-A-Rita," a line of lighter their Lime-A-Ritas with less alcohol, calories, and carbs available in three flavors; the existing "Straw-Ber-Rita" and the two new flavors "Pine-Apple-Rita" and "Coco-Nut-Rita."

text: Budweiser Select[edit]

text: Budweiser Select, or Bud Select, is a light pale lager that contains 4.3% ABV and 99 calories per 12 US fl oz serving (1,170 kJ/L).[8] Anheuser-Busch has aggressively promoted Budweiser Select. Its slogan was "The Real Deal". The company hired Jay-Z as a spokesman for the brand.

text: Budweiser Select 55[edit]

text: A version of Budweiser Select that contains 55 calories per 12 US fl oz serving (650 kJ/L) is "a direct counterstrike to Miller's MGD 64" according to Anheuser-Busch officials. Budweiser currently claims that it is the lightest beer in the world. The food energy in both Miller's MGD 64 and Budweiser's Select 55 have been reduced simply by lowering the fermentables content. MGD 64 has only 2.8% alcohol content and some Select 55 states "alcohol content not more than 3.2% by weight / 4% by volume", possibly to allow its sale in areas where that is the limit. The actual alcohol content of "55" is reported to be 2.4% ABV; by comparison, most American lagers have around 5%.

text: Budweiser 66[edit]

text: Budweiser Brew No. 66 is a 4% alcohol by volume lager that is brewed and distributed in the United Kingdom by InBev UK Limited. Launched in July 2010, Budweiser 66 has 84 Calories in a 300 ml serving (just over 10 oz).[9]

text: Budweiser 1933 Repeal Reserve[edit]

text: A 6% ABV amber lager style introduced in November 2017, inspired by a pre-prohibition recipe.

text: Bud Ice[edit]

text: Introduced in October 1993[10] as "Ice by Budweiser", it has more alcohol (5.5% ABV) than Budweiser. It is best known for an advertising campaign that involved a malevolent penguin that stalked Bud Ice drinkers and stole their beer, announcing its presence by singing the "doo-be-doo-be-doo" phrase from "Strangers in the Night".

text: Bud Extra[edit]

text: A beer with caffeine, ginseng, guarana and alcohol. It contains 6.6% ABV. It was marketed as a caffeinated malt beverage, similar to Sparks. On June 26, 2008, Anheuser-Busch announced that it would remove caffeine and guarana from the beverage in response to concerns that the product was being marketed to consumers under the age of 21.

text: Budweiser/Bud Light Chelada[edit]

text: A blend of Budweiser or Bud Light and Clamato. This beverage became available nationally in late 2007.[citation needed]

text: Budweiser Prohibition Brew[edit]

text: A non-alcoholic beer introduced into the Canadian market in 2016. It is anticipated to be available in the United States soon.[11] In 2015, AB InBev committed to ensuring that low-alcohol and nonalcoholic beers would represent at least 20% of its global beer volume by 2025.[12]

text: Budweiser NA[edit]

text: Non-alcoholic version of Budweiser developed for the Middle Eastern market. Also available in Green Apple and Tropical Fruits versions.

text: Discontinued[edit]

text: Budweiser American Ale[edit]

text: Budweiser American Ale debuted in September 2008. The beer claims to offer complex taste without much bitterness. American Ale has a distinctive hoppier flavor than other Anheuser-Busch beers, in an attempt to capture some of the American craft beer market, although most American craft beers are hoppier. American Ale is the first beer under the Budweiser name that is brewed with a top fermenting yeast. The beer's darker color is a departure from the other Budweiser brands. Production was discontinued prior to 2015.

text: Budweiser Brew Masters' Private Reserve[edit]

text: Budweiser Brew Masters' Private Reserve is an all-malt lager with a honey color and robust taste. It is based on a "Budweiser brewmaster holiday tradition of collecting the richest part of the batch which [clarification needed] is tapped to the brew kettles to toast the holiday season."[13]

text: Bud Dry[edit]

text: Bud Dry was introduced nationally in the U.S. in April 1990[14] with the slogan of "Why ask why? Try Bud Dry." It was originally successful in test markets and was expected to be a popular beer with the rise in light lager popularity. Dry beer is a form of pale lager where the sugars are more fully fermented to give a less sweet beer. It is also known as the Diät-Pils style. However, after the introduction of Bud Ice in 1994, Bud Dry was not heavily marketed. Production was discontinued in December 2010.

text: Bud Ice Light[edit]

text: Bud Ice Light contains 5.0% ABV and 115 calories per 12 US fl oz serving (1,360 kJ/L). It undergoes fractional freezing, which Bud Light does not undergo. It was discontinued in 2010.

text: Bud Light Golden Wheat[edit]

text: On October 5, 2009, Budweiser officially released Bud Light Golden Wheat, a response to the increase in the amount of wheat beers produced from craft brewers around the country. This beer had 118 calories per 12 US fl oz serving (1,390 kJ/L), 8.3 grams of carbohydrates and 4.1% alcohol by volume. It was an American Hefeweizen which is based on the classic German Hefeweizen style. Production was discontinued in 2012.[15]

text: Bud Silver[edit]

text: An attempt to appeal to the tastes of beer drinkers in the United Kingdom, this specially brewed beer contained 4.2% alcohol by volume. It was discontinued in 2006 after it failed to meet sales expectations.[16]

text: Michelob[edit]

text: Michelob is a 4.7% ABV pale lager developed by Adolphus Busch in 1896 as a "draught beer for connoisseurs".[17] In 1961, Anheuser-Busch produced a pasteurized version of Michelob which allowed legal shipment of the beer across state lines. Bottled beer began to be shipped soon after, and the brand was introduced in cans in 1966. Bottled Michelob was originally sold in a uniquely shaped bottle named the teardrop bottle because it resembled a water droplet. The teardrop bottle was awarded a medal from the Institute of Design in 1962. Five years later the bottle was redesigned for efficiency in the production line. This bottle was used until 2002 when it was dropped in favor of a traditional bottle. The teardrop bottle was used again from January 2007 to October 2008.

text: Brand variation[edit]

text: The company introduced Michelob Light in 1978. Michelob Classic Dark was made available in 1981 in kegs, with a bottled version following three years later. In 1991, Michelob Golden Draft was introduced to compete against Miller Genuine Draft in the Midwest.

text: 1997 saw the introduction of several specialty beers under the Michelob marquee. These include:

text:
Michelob Honey Lager
Michelob Pale Ale
Michelob Marzen
Michelob Pumpkin Spice Ale
Michelob Winter's Bourbon Cask Ale

tag: ul

text: AmberBock is a 5.1% ABV amber lager which uses roasted black barley malt in the ingredients, and which received a World Beer Cup Bronze Medal in 1998.

text: From the beginning, the specialty beers have had a very limited distribution. The chief outlet has been through a "holiday sampler pack" produced during the Christmas holiday season. Other specialty beers that are no longer in production include Michelob Hefeweizen and Michelob Black & Tan. Some (notably Michelob AmberBock) have subsequently gone into larger production, while others have not. The brewery continues to experiment with specialty beers—in 2005 an oak-aged vanilla beer was sold under the Michelob logo, available in single pints. In 2006 Michelob added a chocolate beer to the oak-aged vanilla Celebrate holiday season beer released a year earlier. Michelob also brewed Michelob Bavarian Style Wheat and Michelob Porter for its "holiday sampler pack". In 2007, Michelob launched its Seasonal Specialty Line. These include:

text:
Michelob Bavarian Wheat (summer)
Michelob Marzen (fall)
Michelob Porter (winter)
Michelob Pale Ale (spring)

text: The early 21st century saw in the U.S. a demand for diet beer similar to that of the early 1970s, and in 2002 the Michelob line responded with the introduction of Michelob Ultra, advertised as being low in carbohydrates. Later Michelob Ultra Amber, a darker, more flavorful beer, was added to this sub-line.

text: According to a report by Beer Marketer's Insights and published by USA Today on December 9, 2013, sales of Michelob Light declined by nearly 70% between 2007 and 2012. The article listed Michelob Light as one of "nine beers many Americans no longer drink."[18]

text: Michelob 5% alcohol; Michelob Golden Draft 4.7% alcohol; Michelob Golden Draft Light 4.3% alcohol; Michelob Ultra 4.2% alcohol; Michelob Ultra Amber 4.0% alcohol; Michelob: ULTRA Lime Cactus A fruit-infused light pilsner with natural lime flavor and a floral essence derived from the cactus; Michelob: ULTRA Pomegranate Raspberry A pilsner with a berry aroma, raspberry flavor, and a hint of pomegranate; Michelob: ULTRA Tuscan Orange Grapefruit A pilsner with fresh juicy orange notes and a slight pink-grapefruit finish.

text: All fruit flavors have the following nutrition content: 107 calories, 6.0g carbs, 0.5g protein and 0.0g fat, per 12 oz bottle.

text: Marketing[edit]

text: Advertisements for Michelob Ultra feature people engaged in sporting activities. The Michelob ULTRA Open at Kingsmill and Michelob Ultra Futures Players Championship, were sponsored by Michelob Ultra. Michelob Ultra serves as a presenting sponsor of the Tour of Missouri bicycle race and sponsors the King of the Mountains jersey. Michelob also sponsors the Rugby Super League, and many of its teams have shirt sponsorships with its AmberBock brand. PGA Tour player Sergio García is sponsored by Michelob. Lance Armstrong signed on October 6, 2009 a three-year agreement to become Michelob Ultra's new spokesperson and ambassador, but was dropped by the company in 2012 after being accused of using performance-enhancing drugs.[19]

text: Michelob sponsored several episodes of the Diggnation podcast. The hosts, Kevin Rose and Alex Albrecht, sampled the beer during the show and several episodes included interviews with the company's head brew-master to discuss the different products that can be found in the sampler packs. Also, an episode of the show was filmed inside the Michelob brewery.

text: Michelob is most notably famous for its late-1980s TV commercials that used the slogan, "The night belongs to Michelob", which centered on its "night" theme and used songs that had the word "night" or a form of the word "night" in its title, including "Move Better in the Night" by Roger Daltrey, "Tonight, Tonight, Tonight" by Genesis, "Don't You Know What the Night Can Do?" by Steve Winwood and a new recording of "After Midnight" by Eric Clapton. In the 1980s and 1990s, Michelob used the slogan "Some days are better than others".

text: Rolling Rock[edit]

text: Rolling Rock is a 4.5% ABV pale lager launched in 1939 by the Latrobe Brewing Company. In May, 2006, Anheuser-Busch purchased the Rolling Rock brand from InBev for $82 million and began brewing Rolling Rock at its Newark facility in mid July, 2006.[20] Other pale lagers marketed under the Rolling Rock brand name are Rock Green Light, 3.7% ABV, and Rock Light, 3.5%; the company also produces a 5% ABV amber lager, Rolling Rock Red. Ingredients are pale barley malt, rice, corn and hops.[21]

text: Busch[edit]

text: Busch Beer, a 4.3% ABV economy brand pale lager was introduced in 1955 as Busch Bavarian Beer;[22] the brand name was changed in 1979 to Busch Beer.[23] Other beers marketed under the Busch brand name are Busch Light, a 4.1% pale lager introduced in 1989, Busch Ice, a 5.9% ice beer introduced in 1995,[24] and Busch NA, a non-alcoholic brew. Ingredients are a mix of American-grown and imported hops and a combination of malt and corn.[25] At a slightly lower price point than flagship brand Budweiser, it serves as Anheuser-Busch's second most popular brand.

text: Shock Top[edit]

text: Shock Top is a 5.2% ABV Belgian-style wheat ale introduced under the name Spring Heat Spiced Wheat brewed in Fort Collins, Colorado as a seasonal beer in 2006, then all year from 2007.[26][27] The beer is brewed with wheat malt, two-row barley, orange, lemon, lime peel, coriander and Cascade and Willamette hops. Entering as the Spring Heat Spiced Wheat, Shock Top Belgian White won gold and bronze medals in the Belgian Wit (White) category at the 2006 and 2007 North American Beer Awards, earning the reputation as America's Beer respectively. The brand now includes some seasonals and specialties that have replaced the Michelob Seasonals. Such varieties include Shock Top Pumpkin Wheat, Shock Top Raspberry Wheat, Shock Top Wheat IPA, Shock Top Lemon Shandy, Shock Top Honeycrisp Apple Wheat, Shock Top Chocolate Wheat, Ginger Wheat, Pretzel Wheat and Shock Top End of the World Midnight Wheat.[28] It competes directly with the MillerCoors brand Blue Moon.

text: Natural[edit]

text: Natural Light is an economy brand 4.2% ABV reduced-calorie pale lager introduced in 1977.[29] The brand was originally called Anheuser-Busch Natural Light. In 2008 The Wall Street Journal listed it as the fifth largest selling beer in the U.S.[30] Natural Ice is an economy brand 5.9% ABV ice beer, introduced in 1995. Nearly two decades after the introduction of Natural Ice, a malt liquor, Natty Daddy (8% and 5.9ABV), was added to the market in 2012.

text: Johnny Appleseed[edit]

text: Johnny Appleseed is a 5.5% ABV cider produced by Anheuser-Busch subsidiary Brokenstraw Beverage LLC and introduced in April 2014. Brokenstraw Beverage was created by Anheuser-Busch in 2014 as a corporate identity to manufacture and distribute Johnny Appleseed out of their Baldwinsville, N.Y. brewery.[31]

text: LandShark Lager[edit]

text: LandShark Lager, brewed in Jacksonville, Florida, is a 4.6% ABV island-style lager launched in 2006 as the house lager for "Jimmy Buffett's Margaritaville" restaurant chain. Under a sponsorship deal, Dolphin Stadium, home of the Miami Dolphins, Florida Marlins and the Miami Hurricanes, was renamed "Land Shark Stadium" for the 2009 football season. The contract ended in early 2010, and the stadium has been renamed "Sun Life Stadium" as of January 18, 2010, in time for both the 2010 NFL Pro Bowl and Super Bowl XLIV. The stadium was renamed Hard Rock Stadium in 2016.[32][33][34]

text: LandShark also has Bar & Grill locations in Pensacola, Florida, Myrtle Beach, South Carolina,[35] Atlantic City, New Jersey,[36] and Biloxi, Mississippi.

text: The name is derived from the Jimmy Buffett song "Fins", where men in a beach town trying to woo a vacationing woman are referred to as "sharks that can swim on the land".

text: Craft Ownership[edit]

text: Goose Island Brewery[edit]

text: Goose Island started in 1988 as a brewpub in Chicago, and opened a separate bottling plant there in 1995. The brewery and its beers were purchased by Anheuser-Busch InBev in 2011.[37] The Chicago brewery continues to produce and sell small batch beers while their national offerings are made in bulk at various Anheuser-Busch facilities.

text: Blue Point[edit]

text: On February 5, 2014, it was announced that Blue Point Brewing Company was being sold to Anheuser-Busch InBev for nearly $24 million. As of the time of sale, the brewery will continue to operate in its Patchogue, New York, location.[38]

text: 10 Barrel[edit]

text: in November 2014, it was reported that 10 Barrel Brewing, with brewpubs in Bend, Oregon, and Boise, Idaho, would be acquired by Anheuser-Busch. This was the second small brewing company acquired by the company in that calendar year.[39]

text: Elysian Brewing Company[edit]

text: Elysian was founded in Seattle, Washington, in 1995 by Dave Buhler, Joe Bisacca, and Dick Cantwell. On January 23, 2015, it was announced that Elysian would be sold to Anheuser-Busch in a deal expected to close within three months.[40]

text: Golden Road Brewing[edit]

text: The purchase of Golden Road Brewery in Los Angeles was announced on September 23, 2015.[41]

text: Four Peaks Brewery[edit]

text: Four Peaks announced on December 18, 2015, that it had been acquired by ABInbev as part of its High End unit.[42]

text: Breckenridge Brewery[edit]

text: Several days after acquiring the Four Peaks brand and assets, InBev announced the purchase of Breckenridge Brewery, with brewpubs based in Colorado.[43]

text: Devils Backbone Brewing Company[edit]

text: Devils Backbone announced on April 12, 2016, that it had been acquired by ABInbev as part of its High End unit.[44]

text: Karbach Brewing Company[edit]

text: Karbach Brewing Company announced on November 3, 2016, that it had been acquired by ABInbev as part of its High End unit.[45]

text: Wicked Weed Brewing[edit]

text: Wicked Weed Brewing announced on May 3, 2017, that it had been acquired by ABInbev as part of its High End unit.[46]

text: Malt liquors[edit]

text: King Cobra[edit]

text: King Cobra is a 6% alcohol by volume malt liquor introduced in 1984. It is brewed with a warmer fermentation than used for the company's pale lagers, and the ingredients include barley malt and corn.[47] Shortly after its launch, King Cobra was supported by an advertising campaign featuring actor, martial artist, and former American football player Fred Williamson and the tag-line "Don't let the smooth taste fool you!"

text: Hurricane[edit]

text: Hurricane High Gravity Lager is an 8.1% alcohol malt liquor beverage available primarily in the United States. It is available in 40 ounce bottles, as well as 12, 16, 24, and 25 ounce cans. Recently, Hurricane High Gravity 8.1% has gone from a Black Label to a Silver Label in all of its serving sizes. Hurricane also comes in a lower alcohol content just called Hurricane malt liquor usually sold in a 40-ounce bottle Emina with an ABV of 5.9%.

text: Spykes[edit]

text: The company introduced a flavored 12% ABV malt liquor under the name Spykes in 2007. It was sold in colorful, 2-ounce bottles. Available flavors included mango, lime, melon and chocolate.[48] It was withdrawn in the same year after criticism from alcohol industry watchdog groups that it was being marketed to underage customers, and the Alcohol and Tobacco Tax and Trade Bureau found that the labeling of Spykes was illegal.[49][50][51]

text: Others[edit]

text:
Tequiza was a 4.5% ABV fruit flavored pale lager introduced in 1998 in limited markets in the USA, then withdrawn in January 2009.[52] Tequiza Extra, with more Tequila flavor and less lime, was test-marketed in 2000
Green Valley Brewing Company, has a craft beer appearance; "Anheuser-Busch" does not appear on labels of its products.
O'Doul's, introduced in 1990, it is a low-alcohol beer of less than 0.5% ABV.
O'Doul's Amber, introduced in 1997.
Redbridge, a gluten-free beer made from sorghum.
Tilt, a line of fruit flavored malt beverages.
Wild Blue Lager, a strong lager with blueberries.
Ziegenbock, sold in Texas and nearby states.

text: Minority ownership brands[edit]

text: As of January 2013, Anheuser-Busch InBev had 32.2% ownership in the Craft Brew Alliance, a beer brewing company[53] that is composed of several beer and cider brands.

text:
Redhook Ale Brewery founded by Gordon Bowker and Paul Shipman in 1981 in Seattle, Washington;
Widmer Brothers Brewery founded by brothers Kurt and Rob Widmer in 1984 in Portland, Oregon;
Kona Brewing Company founded by father and son team Cameron Healy and Spoon Khalsa in 1994 in Kona, Hawaii;
Omission Beer developed internally in 2012 in Portland, Oregon; and
Square Mile Cider, launched in 2013

text: Craft beer distribution alliances[edit]

text: Beers made by smaller "craft" breweries which are co-distributed with A-B brands by select distributors:[54]

text:
Fordham Brewing Company
Old Dominion Brewing Company


document_title: United States Mint coin sizes

question_text: what is the largest coin in the us

question_tokens: what is the largest coin in the us

text: United States Mint coin sizes

text: This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (December 2006) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)

text: The United States Mint has minted over 20 different kinds of coins, of many different sizes.  Often, it is difficult for people to get a grasp of what much of the historical coinage looked like, at least in relation to modern circulating coins.  This chart shows all of the coin types, and their sizes, grouped by coins of similar size and by general composition.[1]

text: Seven distinct types of coin composition have been utilized over the past 200 years: three base coin alloys, two silver alloys, gold, and in recent years, platinum.  The base metal coins were generally alloys of copper (for 2 cent coins and lower), and copper/nickel (for 3 and 5 cent coins).  Copper/nickel composition is also used for all modern "silver" coins.[2]

text:
US Coin Sizes and Composition

Steel Alloy
Copper
Copper Alloy
Silver Alloy
Silver
Gold
Platinum

Three Cent14 mm0.8 g0.750 fine1851–185314 mm0.75 g0.900 fine1854–1873

Half Dime15.5 mm1.24 g1794–1873

Dollar15 mm1.67 gr1849–1889

$5 AGE Bullion16.5 mm3.11 g1986–present

$10 APE Bullion16.5 mm3.11 g1997–present

Three Cent17.9 mm1.94 g1865-1889

Dime (Clad)17.91 mm2.268 g1965–present

Dime17.9 mm2.5 g1796–1964

$2.50 Gold Quarter Eagle18 mm4.2 g1796–1929

Small Cent19.05 mm2.5 g1943

Small Cent19.05 mm3.11 g1864-1982

Small Cent19.05 mm4.67 g1856-18642.5 g1982–present

Three Dollar20.5 mm5.01 g1853–1876

Nickel21.21 mm5 g1866–present

Nickel21.21 mm5 g1942–1945

Twenty Cent22 mm 5 g1875–1878

$5 Half Eagle21.6 mm8.36 g1795–1929

$10 AGE Bullion22 mm7.78 g1986–present

$25 APE Bullion22 mm7.78 g1997–present

Half Cent23.5 mm6.74 g1795–1857

Two Cent23 mm6.22 g1864-1873

Quarter (Clad)24.26 mm5.67 g1965–present

Quarter (40% Ag)24.3 mm5.75 g1976(S)

Quarter24.3 mm6.25 g1796–1964

Dollar26.5 mm8.1 g1979–Present[3]

$10 Eagle27 mm17.5 g1795–1933

$25 AGE Bullion27 mm17.5 g1986–present

$50 APE Bullion27 mm15.6 g1997–present

Large Cent29 mm10.89 g1793–1857

Half Dollar (Clad)30.61 mm11.34 g1971–present

Half Dollar (40% Ag)30.6 mm11.5 g1965–1970, 1976(S)

Half Dollar30.6 mm12.5 g1796–1964

$50 Bullion32.7 mm31.1 g1986–present

$100 APE Bullion32.7 mm31.1 g1997–present

$20 Double Eagle34 mm35 g1849–1933

Dollar (Clad)38.1 mm22.68 g1971–1978

Dollar (40% Ag)38.1 mm24.59 g1971(S)-1976(S)

Dollar38.1 mm26.73 g1794–1964

$1 ASE Bullion40.6 mm31.1 g1986–present

text:
Representative images of US coin sizes

Steel Alloy
Copper
Copper Alloy
Silver Alloy
Silver
Gold
Platinum

text: Notes on the tables:

text:
Images are close to actual size on a 92-dpi monitor.
Clad Half Dollars, Silver Half Dollars and Dollars, and Gold Half Eagles and Eagles are still regularly minted as commemorative coins.  Dimes, quarters and half dollars are also struck in 90% silver for special annual collector's sets.
The silver-colored Susan B. Anthony dollar was replaced with gold-colored Sacagawea Dollar in 2000 and Presidential Dollars 2007-2016; though the composition changed, the coin's size and weight remain the same.
Some variances in coin size and weight occurred over time, especially as the value of silver varied.  In particular, many silver coins changed in the 1870s.  The figures cited in the tables are representative of the series, and are generally the latest, or most common, figures for a given coin type.

text: The largest coin ever minted by the US Mint was a gold "Half Union" pattern in 1877, weighing 83.45 grams, and 51.1 mm in diameter.  The largest coin actually issued by the mint was the Panama-Pacific Exposition $50 gold commemorative, at 83.572 grams and 44 mm.  An octagonal version of the coin was slightly larger, measuring 45 mm at its widest point.

text:
Jump up ^
"The United States Mint: Frequently Asked Questions". Retrieved 24 March 2010.

Jump up ^
"Coin Composition, Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta".

Jump up ^ Native American $1 Coin

tag: ol

text:
showvteUnited States currency and coinageTopics
Federal Reserve System
Federal Reserve Note
U.S. dollar
U.S. Mint
Philadelphia
San Francisco
Denver
West Point
Bureau of Engraving and Printing
Mutilated currency
Current coinage
Penny (1¢)
Nickel (5¢)
Dime (10¢)
Quarter (25¢)
Half dollar (50¢)
Dollar ($1)
Bullion coinage
America the Beautiful Silver Bullion Coins
American Buffalo
American Gold Eagle
American Platinum Eagle
American Silver Eagle
American Palladium Eagle
Current paper money
$1
$2
$5
$10
$20
$50
$100
See also
Bicentennial coinage
Commemoratives
Early Commemoratives
Modern Commemoratives
Confederate dollar
Large denominations
Obsolete denominations
Promotional fake denominations
Counterfeit United States currency
Mill
Coin production
In God We Trust
E pluribus unum
Annuit cœptis
Nicknames
Replacement banknote
Sales tax token

text:
hidevteObsolete United States currency and coinageTopics
United States coinage
United States dollar
History of the United States dollar
Coins
Half cent (1793–1857)
Fugio Cent (1787)
Large cent (1793–1857; 1868)
Two-cent piece (1836; 1864–73)
Three-cent nickel (1865–89)
Three-cent silver (1851–73)
Half dime (1792–1873)
Twenty-cent piece (1875–78)
Gold coins
Gold dollar (1849–89)
Quarter eagle (1796–1929)
Three-dollar piece (1854–89)
Half eagle (1795–1929)
Eagle (1795–1933)
Double eagle (1850–1933)
Half-union (1877, 1915)
Patterns
Two-cent billon (1836)
Three-cent bronze (1863)
Stella (1879–80)

CurrencyDiscontinued denominations
Fractional currency
Large denominations of currency
Discontinued currency types
Early American currency
Compound interest treasury note
Demand Note
Federal Reserve Bank Note
Gold certificate
Interest bearing note
National Bank Note
National gold bank note
Refunding Certificate
Silver certificate
Treasury or Coin Note
Treasury Note (19th century)
United States Note
United States postal notes

text: Coins of the United States

text: Articles needing additional references from December 2006All articles needing additional references