document_title: Orange Is the New Black

question_text: who plays dwight in orange is the new black

text: Orange Is the New Black

text: Plot[edit]

text: SeasonEpisodesOriginally released113July 11, 2013 (2013-07-11)213June 6, 2014 (2014-06-06)313June 11, 2015 (2015-06-11)413June 17, 2016 (2016-06-17)513June 9, 2017 (2017-06-09)613July 27, 2018 (2018-07-27)

text: This section needs expansion with: Main storyline(s) of seasons 1-4. You can help by adding to it. (August 2018)

text: The series begins revolving around Piper Chapman (Taylor Schilling), a woman in her thirties living in New York City who is sentenced to 15 months in Litchfield Penitentiary, a minimum-security women's federal prison in upstate New York. Chapman was convicted of transporting a suitcase full of drug money for her girlfriend Alex Vause (Laura Prepon), an international drug smuggler. The offense had occurred 10 years prior to the start of the series and in that time Piper had moved on to a quiet, law-abiding life among New York's upper middle class. Her sudden and unexpected indictment disrupts her relationships with her fiancé, family and friends. In prison, Chapman is reunited with Vause (who named Chapman in her trial, resulting in Chapman's arrest) and they re-examine their relationship. Simultaneously, Chapman, along with the other inmates, attempt to grapple with prison's numerous, inherent struggles. Episodes often feature flashbacks of significant events from various inmates' and prison guards' pasts. These flashbacks typically depict how an inmate came to be in prison or develop a character's backstory. The prison is initially operated by the "Federal Department of Corrections" (a fictional version of the Federal Bureau of Prisons), and was in a later season acquired by the Management & Correction Corporation (MCC), a private prison company.

text: The fifth season shows the prisoners revolting against the guards, wardens and the system after MCC's failed handling of an inmate's death at the hands of a guard in the fourth season. The inmate death had followed a peaceful protest and subsequent instigation of an inmate fight by another guard. Fueled by the conditions the inmates are forced to tolerate, as well as grudges against the prison guards, a three-day riot ensues, during which some inmates attempt to negotiate better living conditions and seek justice for the death of the inmate, while others pursue their own interests and entertainment, and a few seek no involvement in the riot. At the emergence of the riot, the guard who incited the fight in the prior season is critically shot by an inmate who took the gun the guard illegally brought into the prison. At the end of the season, SWAT raids the prison to end the riot and remove all inmates from the facility. During this raid, a correctional officer is fatally shot by a corrupt "strike team", which then conspires to blame the guard's death on inmates who hid in an underground bunker and had taken hostage of the guard. All inmates are transported to other prisons.

text: The consequences of the riot are shown in the sixth season. A number of the inmates, including Chapman and Vause, are transported to Litchfield Maximum Security. Most of these inmates are interrogated, and several of them charged and sentenced for their involvement in the riot. In max, new inmates are introduced, alliances are made, and a gang-like war emerges between two prison blocks, spearheaded by a longstanding feud between two sisters and a grudge harbored by them toward a former maximum-security inmate who returned. Inmates who arrived from the minimum security prison are either caught up or willingly participate in the war between prison blocks. The season portrays further corruption and guard brutality.

text: Throughout the series, it is shown how various forms of corruption, funding cuts, privatization of prison, overcrowding, guard brutality and racial discrimination, among other issues, affect the prisoners' safety, health and well-being, the correctional officers, and the prison's basic ability to fulfill its fundamental responsibilities and ethical obligations as a corrections institution.[citation needed] One of the show's key conflicts involves the minimum-security prison's Director of Human Activities, Joe Caputo, whose efforts and aims as a warden constantly conflict with the corporate interests of MCC, which acquired the facility when it was about to be shut down.

text: Cast and characters[edit]

text: Main cast[edit]

text:
Taylor Schilling as Piper Chapman, inmate
Laura Prepon as Alex Vause, inmate
Michael Harney as Sam Healy, correctional officer (seasons 1–4; guest season 6)[a]
Michelle Hurst as Miss Claudette Pelage, inmate (season 1)
Kate Mulgrew as Galina "Red" Reznikov, inmate
Jason Biggs as Larry Bloom, Piper's fiancé (seasons 1–2; guest season 5)
Uzo Aduba as Suzanne "Crazy Eyes" Warren, inmate
Danielle Brooks as Tasha "Taystee" Jefferson, inmate
Natasha Lyonne as Nicky Nichols, inmate
Taryn Manning as Tiffany "Pennsatucky" Doggett, inmate
Selenis Leyva as Gloria Mendoza, inmate
Adrienne C. Moore as Cindy "Black Cindy" Hayes, inmate
Dascha Polanco as Dayanara "Daya" Diaz, inmate
Nick Sandow as Joe Caputo, Captain of the Guard, later Director of Human Activities
Yael Stone as Lorna Morello, inmate
Samira Wiley as Poussey Washington, inmate (seasons 1–4; guest season 5)
Jackie Cruz as Marisol "Flaca" Gonzales, inmate
Lea DeLaria as Carrie "Big Boo" Black, inmate (seasons 1–5; guest season 6)
Elizabeth Rodriguez as Aleida Diaz, former inmate
Jessica Pimentel as Maria Ruiz, inmate
Laura Gómez as Blanca Flores, inmate
Matt Peters as Joel Luschek, correctional officer
Dale Soules as Frieda Berlin, inmate (season 2–present)

text: Recurring cast[edit]

text: Inmates[edit]

text:
Laverne Cox as Sophia Burset
Annie Golden as Norma Romano (seasons 1–5)
Diane Guerrero as Maritza Ramos (seasons 1–5)
Vicky Jeudy as Janae Watson (seasons 1–5)
Julie Lake as Angie Rice (seasons 1–5)
Emma Myles as Leanne Taylor (seasons 1–5)
Abigail Savage as Gina Murphy (seasons 1–5)
Constance Shulman as Erica "Yoga" Jones (seasons 1–5)
Lori Tan Chinn as Mei Chang (seasons 1–5)
Tamara Torres as Gerrman "Weeping Woman" (seasons 1–5)
Lin Tucci as Anita DeMarco (seasons 1–5)
Beth Fowler as Sister Jane Ingalls (seasons 1–4)
Barbara Rosenblat as Rosa "Miss Rosa" Cisneros (seasons 1–2; guest season 3)
Madeline Brewer as Tricia Miller (season 1)
Kimiko Glenn as Brook Soso (seasons 2–5)
Lori Petty as Lolly Whitehill (seasons 2–4, 6)
Lorraine Toussaint as Yvonne "Vee" Parker (season 2)
Emily Althaus as Maureen Kukudio (seasons 3–5)
Blair Brown as Judy King (seasons 3–5)
Ruby Rose as Stella Carlin (season 3; guest season 4)
Daniella De Jesus as Irene "Zirconia" Cabrera (season 4–present)
Shannon Esper as Alana Dwight (season 4–present)
Rosal Colon as Carmen "Ouija" Aziza (seasons 4–5; guest season 6)
Francesca Curran as Helen "Skinhead Helen" Van Maele (seasons 4–5; guest season 6)
Asia Kate Dillon as Brandy Epps (seasons 4–5)
Kelly Karbacz as Kasey Sankey (seasons 4–5)
Miriam Morales as Ramona "Pidge" Contreras (seasons 4–5)
Jolene Purdy as Stephanie Hapakuka (seasons 4–5)
Amanda Stephen as Alison Abdullah (seasons 4–5)
Amanda Fuller as Madison "Badison" Murphy (season 6–present)
Vicci Martinez as Dominga "Daddy" Duarte (season 6–present)
Sipiwe Moyo as Adeola (season 6–present)
Besanya Santiago as Raquel "Creech" Munoz (season 6–present)
Finnerty Steeves as Beth Hoefler (season 6–present)
Mackenzie Phillips as Barbara "Barb" Denning (season 6)
Henny Russell as Carol Denning (season 6)
Christina Toth as Annalisa Damiva (season 6-present)

text: Staff[edit]

text:
Alysia Reiner as Natalie "Fig" Figueroa
Catherine Curtin as Wanda Bell (seasons 1–5)
Joel Marsh Garland as Scott O'Neill (seasons 1–5)
Brendan Burke as Wade Donaldson (seasons 1–4)
Pablo Schreiber as George "Pornstache" Mendez (seasons 1–3; guest season 5)
Lolita Foster as Eliqua Maxwell (seasons 1–3)
Germar Terrell Gardner as Charles Ford (seasons 1–3)
Matt McGorry as John Bennett (seasons 1–3)
Lauren Lapkus as Susan Fischer (seasons 1–2)
Beth Dover as Linda Ferguson (season 3–present)
James McMenamin as Charlie "Donuts" Coates (season 3–present)
Alan Aisenberg as Baxter "Gerber" Bayley (seasons 3–5)
Jimmy Gary Jr. as Felix Rikerson (seasons 3–5)
Mike Birbiglia as Danny Pearson (seasons 3–4)
Marsha Stephanie Blake as Berdie Rogers (season 3)
Nick Dillenburg as Ryder Blake (season 4–present)
Mike Houston as Lee Dixon (season 4–present)
Emily Tarver as Artesian McCullough (season 4–present)
Brad William Henke as Desi Piscatella (seasons 4–5; guest season 6)
Evan Arthur Hall as B. Stratman (seasons 4–5)
John Palladino as Josh (seasons 4–5)
Michael Torpey as Thomas "Humps" Humphrey (seasons 4–5)
Hunter Emery as Rick Hopper (season 5–present)
Shawna Hamic as Virginia "Ginger" Copeland (season 6–present)
Susan Heyward as Tamika Ward (season 6–present)
Josh Segarra as Stefanovic (season 6–present)
Greg Vrotsos as Hellman (season 6–present)
Nicholas Webber as Alvarez (season 6–present)
Branden Wellington as Jarod Young (season 6–present)

text: Others[edit]

text:
Michael Chernus as Cal Chapman (seasons 1–4; guest season 6)
Tanya Wright as Crystal Burset (seasons 1–4; guest season 6)
Berto Colon as Cesar Velazquez (seasons 1–3; guest season 5)
Deborah Rush as Carol Chapman (seasons 1–3; guest season 5)
Tracee Chimo as Neri Feldman (seasons 1–3)
Maria Dizzia as Polly Harper (seasons 1–2)
Ian Paola as Yadriel (seasons 2–5)
John Magaro as Vince Muccio (seasons 3–5)
Mary Steenburgen as Delia Mendez-Powell (season 3; guest season 5)
Miguel Izaguirre as Diablo (season 6–present; guest seasons 1, 4–5)
Michael J. Burg as Detective Mark Bellamy (season 6)
Jason Altman as Herrmann (seasons 5–6)

text: Production[edit]

text: Show creator Jenji Kohan read Piper Kerman's memoir after a friend sent it to her. She then set up a meeting with Kerman to pitch her on a TV adaptation, which she notes she "screwed up" as she spent most of the time asking Kerman about her experiences she described in the book rather than selling her on the show. This appealed to Kerman as it let her know that she was a fan and she signed off on the adaptation.[10] Kohan would later go on to describe the main character, Piper Chapman, as a "trojan horse" for the series, allowing it to focus on characters whose demographics would not normally be represented on TV.[11]

text: In July 2011, it was revealed that Netflix was in negotiations with Lionsgate for a 13-episode TV adaptation of Kerman's memoirs with Kohan as creator.[12] In November 2011, negotiations were finalized and the series had been greenlit.[13] Kohan had initially wanted to cast Katie Holmes in the role of Piper Chapman, and met with the actress to discuss it, but Holmes had other commitments.[14] Casting announcements began in August 2012 with Taylor Schilling, the first to be cast, as Piper Chapman,[15] followed by Jason Biggs as Piper's fiancé Larry Bloom.[16]

text: Laura Prepon and Yael Stone were next to join the series, as Alex Vause and Lorna Morello, respectively.[2] Abigail Savage, who plays Gina, and Alysia Reiner, who plays Fig, had auditioned for role of Alex Vause.[10][17] Prepon initially auditioned for Piper Chapman,[18] however Kohan felt she would not worry about her [in prison], noting a "toughness and a presence to her that wasn’t right for the character." Kohan instead gave her the role of Alex.[10] Stone had originally auditioned for the role of Nicky Nichols, but she was not considered "tough enough" for the character;[19] she was asked to audition for Lorna Morello instead.[20] Likability was important for Morello, whom casting director Jen Euston deemed "a very helpful, nice, sweet Italian girl."[20] Natasha Lyonne was to audition for Alex, but was asked to read for the character Nicky Nichols; "[Kohan knew] she could do Nicky with her eyes closed. She was perfect," said Euston.[20] Laverne Cox, a black transgender woman, was cast as Sophia Burset, a transgender character. The Advocate touted Orange Is the New Black as possibly the first women-in-prison narrative to cast a transgender woman for this type of role.[21] Uzo Aduba read for the part of Janae Watson but was offered the character Suzanne "Crazy Eyes" Warren.[20][22] Taryn Manning was offered the role of Tiffany "Pennsatucky" Doggett.[20] This American Life host Ira Glass was offered a role as a public radio host, but he declined. The role instead went to Robert Stanton, who plays the fictional host Maury Kind.[23]

text: The series is set in a fictional prison in Litchfield, New York, which is a real town in upstate New York, but it does not have a federal penitentiary.[24] The series began filming in the old Rockland Children's Psychiatric Center in Rockland County, New York, on March 7, 2013.[25] The title sequence features photos of real former female prisoners including Kerman herself.[26]

text: On June 27, 2013, prior to the series' premiere, Netflix renewed the show for a second season consisting of 13 episodes.[27] For the second season, Uzo Aduba, Taryn Manning, Danielle Brooks, and Natasha Lyonne were promoted to series regulars.[28] Laura Prepon did not return as a series regular for a second season because of scheduling conflicts, but returned for season 3 as a regular.[29] On May 5, 2014, the series was renewed for a third season, as revealed by actress Laura Prepon.[30] For the third season, several actors were promoted to series regulars, including Selenis Leyva, Adrienne C. Moore, Dascha Polanco, Nick Sandow, Yael Stone, and Samira Wiley.[31] Both Jason Biggs and Pablo Schreiber were confirmed as not returning for the third season, but Schreiber appeared in the 10th episode of the third season.[32][33][34] The series was renewed for a fourth season on April 15, 2015, prior to its third-season release.[35][36] For the fourth season, Jackie Cruz and Lea DeLaria were promoted to series regulars; with Elizabeth Rodriguez also being promoted by the season's sixth episode.[37] On February 5, 2016, the series was renewed for a fifth, sixth and seventh season.[4] In season six, Dale Soules, Laura Gómez, and Matt Peters were promoted to series regulars.[38] On October 17, 2018, Netflix announced that the seventh season would be the series' last and would be released in 2019.[6]

text: Reception[edit]

text: Critical response[edit]

text:
Season

Critical response

Rotten Tomatoes

Metacritic

1

94% (47 reviews)

79 (32 reviews)

2

98% (45 reviews)

89 (31 reviews)

3

95% (58 reviews)

83 (24 reviews)

4

96% (47 reviews)

86 (19 reviews)

5

73% (41 reviews)

67 (20 reviews)

6

84% (32 reviews)

69 (14 reviews)

text: Orange Is the New Black has received critical acclaim. It has been particularly praised for humanizing prisoners[39][40] and for its depiction of race, sexuality, gender and body types.[41][42][43][44][45][46][47]

text: The first season received positive reviews from critics. Review aggregator Metacritic gave it a weighted average score of 79 out of 100 based on reviews from 32 critics, indicating favorable reviews.[48] On Rotten Tomatoes, season one has a 94% approval rating based on 47 reviews, with an average rating of 8.24 out of 10 . The site's critical consensus is "Orange Is the New Black is a sharp mix of black humor and dramatic heft, with interesting characters and an intriguing flashback structure."[49]

text: Hank Stuever, television critic for The Washington Post, gave Orange Is the New Black a perfect score. In his review of the series, he stated: "In Jenji Kohan's magnificent and thoroughly engrossing new series, Orange Is the New Black, prison is still the pits. But it is also filled with the entire range of human emotion and stories, all of which are brought vividly to life in a world where a stick of gum could ignite either a romance or a death threat."[50] Maureen Ryan, of The Huffington Post, wrote: "Orange is one of the best new programs of the year, and the six episodes I've seen have left me hungry to see more."[51]

text: The second season also received critical acclaim. Rotten Tomatoes gave a rating of 98%, with an average rating of 9.17 out of 10 based on 45 reviews. The site's critical consensus reads: "With a talented ensemble cast bringing life to a fresh round of serial drama, Orange Is the New Black's sophomore season lives up to its predecessor's standard for female-led television excellence."[52] Metacritic gave the second season a score of 89 out of 100 based on 31 critics, indicating "universal acclaim."[53] David Wiegland of the San Francisco Chronicle gave the season a positive review, calling the first six episodes "not only as great as the first season, but arguably better."[54]

text: The third season received critical acclaim. On Metacritic, it has a score of 83 out of 100 based on 24 reviews.[55] On Rotten Tomatoes, it has a 95% rating with an average score of 8.15 out of 10 based on 58 reviews. The site's critical consensus reads: "Thanks to its blend of potent comedy and rich character work, Orange is the New Black remains a bittersweet pleasure in its third season."[56]

text: The fourth season received critical acclaim. On Metacritic, it has a score of 86 out of 100 based on 19 reviews.[57] On Rotten Tomatoes, it has a 96% rating with an average score of 8.46 out of 10 based on 47 reviews. The site's critical consensus reads: "Orange is the New Black is back and better than ever, with a powerful fourth season full of compelling performances by the ensemble cast."[58] James Poniewozik of The New York Times reviewed the fourth season as "Do you measure the quality of a TV season as a beginning-to-end average or by how well it ends? By the first yardstick, Season 4 is ambitious but uneven; by the latter, it's the series' best."[59]

text: The fifth season received "generally favorable reviews".[60] On Metacritic, it has a score of 67 out of 100 based on 20 reviews.[60] On Rotten Tomatoes, it has a 73% rating with an average score of 7.19 out of 10 based on 41 reviews. The site's critical consensus reads: "Orange Is the New Black's fifth season offers up more of the sharp writing and dizzying tonal juggling acts that fans expect – albeit somewhat less successfully."[61]

text: The sixth season received positive reviews from critics, with many critics noting its improvement over the previous season. On Metacritic, it has a score of 69 out of 100 based on 14 reviews.[62] On Rotten Tomatoes, it has an 84% rating with an average score of 7.3 out of 10 based on 32 reviews. The site's critical consensus reads: "Brutality and humor continue to mesh effectively in a season of Orange Is the New Black that stands as a marked improvement from its predecessor, even if some arcs are more inspired than others."[63]

text: Accolades[edit]

text: Orange Is the New Black has received many accolades since its debut. The series has garnered 16 Emmy Award nominations and four wins. For its first season, it received 12 Emmy Award nominations, including Outstanding Comedy Series, Outstanding Writing for a Comedy Series, and Outstanding Directing for a Comedy Series, winning three.[64] Taylor Schilling received a Golden Globe Award nomination for Best Actress in a Television Series – Drama.[65] In 2013, the American Film Institute selected the series as one of the Top 10 Television Programs of the Year.[66]

text: A new Emmy rule in 2015, classifying half-hour shows as comedies and hour-long shows as dramas, forced the series to change categories from comedy to drama for its second season.[67] That year, the series received four Emmy nominations, including Outstanding Drama Series, and Aduba won her second Emmy Award, for Outstanding Supporting Actress in a Drama Series.[64] Orange Is the New Black became the first series to receive Emmy nominations in both comedy and drama categories.[9] For its second season, the series also received three Golden Globe Award nominations: Best Television Series – Musical or Comedy, Best Actress – Television Series Musical or Comedy for Schilling, and Best Supporting Actress – Series, Miniseries or Television Film for Aduba. At the 21st Screen Actors Guild Awards, the series won Outstanding Performance by an Ensemble in a Comedy Series and Aduba won Outstanding Performance by a Female Actor in a Comedy Series.[68]

text: For its third season, Orange Is the New Black won Screen Actors Guild Awards for Outstanding Performance by an Ensemble in a Comedy Series and Outstanding Performance by a Female Actor in a Comedy Series (Aduba).[69] It received a Golden Globe Award nomination for Best Television Series – Musical or Comedy.[65] The series has also received, among other accolades, six Writers Guild of America Award nominations,[70] five Satellite Awards,[71][72] four Critics' Choice Television Awards,[73][74] a GLAAD Media Award,[75] an American Cinema Editors Award,[76] a Producers Guild of America Award,[77] and a Peabody Award.[78]

text: Broadcast[edit]

text:
Netflix is famously tight-fisted when it comes to offering up viewership data about its original series. But execs with the streaming giant have repeatedly confirmed that OITNB is its most-watched original series. That has been backed up by the efforts of outside measurement companies to track viewing in the Netflix eco-system.
—Variety[4]

tag: div

text: The series began airing on broadcast television in New Zealand on TV2 on August 19, 2013.[79] It premiered in Australia on October 9, 2013, on Showcase.[80] The second season began on Showcase on July 16, 2014,[81] and the third season premiered on June 11, 2015.[82] The first season began airing on broadcast television in the UK on Sony Channel from April 19, 2017.[83]

text: In April 2017, it was reported that a cybercriminal had stolen the first ten episodes of the fifth season in a security breach of a post-production company. Netflix failed to respond to ransom demands, and the cybercriminal leaked the episodes online. Netflix confirmed the security breach and an ongoing investigation by federal law enforcement.[84][85] Multichannel News reported that demand for the series significantly increased over the seven-day period following the leak of the episodes. It was also said that the leak would likely cause a decrease in demand for the fifth season when Netflix releases it in June.[86]

text: Ratings[edit]

text: Orange Is the New Black generated more viewers and hours viewed in its first week than the other top Netflix original series House of Cards and Arrested Development.[87][88] In October 2013, Netflix stated that the show is a "tremendous success" for the streaming platform. "It will end the year as our most watched original series ever and, as with each of our other previously launched originals, enjoys an audience comparable with successful shows on cable and broadcast TV."[89][90] As reported in February 2016, Orange Is the New Black remains Netflix's most-watched original series.[4][7][91] In 2016, a New York Times study of the 50 TV shows with the most Facebook Likes found that Orange Is the New Black is one of the shows most watched in urban areas, and despite its "minority-rich ensemble cast," the series "appeals more to a white audience."[92]


document_title: Portrait of Doge Leonardo Loredan

question_text: when was the portrait of doge leonardo loredan painted

root

text: Portrait of Doge Leonardo Loredan

text:
Portrait of Doge Leonardo Loredan
Artist
Giovanni BelliniYear
1501Medium
Oil on panelDimensions
61.6 cm × 45.1 cm (24.3 in × 17.8 in)Location
National Gallery, London

tag: table

text:
The Portrait of Doge Leonardo Loredan is a painting by the Italian Renaissance master Giovanni Bellini, dating from 1501. It is on display in the National Gallery in
London. It portrays Leonardo Loredan, Doge of Venice from 1501 to 1521, in his ceremonial garments with the corno worn over a linen cap, and  is signed IOANNES BELLINVS on a cartellino.

tag: p

text: Description[edit]

text: Leonardo Loredan was the Doge of Venice from 1501–21. In Bellini's painting he is shown  wearing his robes of state. The hat and ornate buttons are part of his official wardrobe. The sitter can be identified as Doge Loredan by comparing his features with portrait medals of him. The shape of the hat comes from the hood of a doublet. It is called a corno ducale and was a type of ducal hat, worn over a linen cap.[1] The painting is part of a Venetian tradition of painting formal portraits of the City's rulers dressed in state robes. It is painted in the style of the sculpted portrait busts popular at the time. These were often inspired by Roman sculpture. Bellini signed his name in its Latin form, IOANNES BELLINVS on the cartellino, or "small paper", on the parapet. He was famous for his portraiture and helped make this art form especially popular in Venice.[1]

text: John Pope-Hennessy described Bellini as "by far the greatest fifteenth-century official portraitist", adding that "the tendency towards ideality that impairs his private portraits here stood him in good stead, and enabled  him to codify, with unwavering conviction, the official personality".[2]

text: Provenance[edit]

text:
The painting would initially have been in Venice and was probably looted when Napoleon conquered the city. It was bought by William Thomas Beckford in 1807 for thirteen guineas (£13 13s). He sold it to the
National Gallery in 1844 for £630.[3]


document_title: Treaty of Versailles

question_text: which president suffered a major defeat when the senate refused to ratify the versailles treaty

text: Treaty of Versailles

text: Background

text: World War I

text: The First World War (1914–1918) was fought across Europe, the Middle East, Africa and Asia. Countries beyond the war zones were also affected by the disruption of international trade, finance and diplomatic pressures from the belligerents.[9] In 1917, two revolutions occurred within the Russian Empire, which led to the collapse of the Imperial Government and the rise of the Bolshevik Party led by Vladimir Lenin.[10]

text: Fourteen Points

text: On 6 April 1917, the United States entered the war against the Central Powers due to German submarine warfare against merchant ships trading with France and Britain, which led to the sinking of the RMS Lusitania and the loss of 128 American lives, as well as the interception of the Zimmerman Telegram, sent by the Empire of Germany to Mexico, urging for a declaration of war against the United States. The American war aim was to detach the war from nationalistic disputes and ambitions after the Bolshevik disclosure of secret treaties between the Allies. The existence of these treaties tended to discredit Allied claims that Germany was the sole power with aggressive ambitions.[11]

text: On 8 January 1918, United States President Woodrow Wilson issued a statement that became known as the Fourteen Points. This speech outlined a policy of free trade, open agreements, democracy and self-determination. It also called for a diplomatic end to the war, international disarmament, the withdrawal of the Central Powers from occupied territories, the creation of a Polish state, the redrawing of Europe's borders along ethnic lines, and the formation of a League of Nations to afford "mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike".[12][13] Wilson's speech also responded to Vladimir Lenin's Decree on Peace of November 1917, which proposed an immediate withdrawal of Russia from the war and called for a just and democratic peace uncompromised by territorial annexations. The Fourteen Points were based on the research of the Inquiry, a team of about 150 advisors led by foreign-policy advisor Edward M. House, into the topics likely to arise in the anticipated peace conference. Europeans generally welcomed Wilson's intervention, but Allied colleagues Georges Clemenceau of France, David Lloyd George of the United Kingdom and Vittorio Emanuele Orlando of Italy were sceptical of Wilsonian idealism.[14]

text: Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, 1918

text: After the Central Powers launched Operation Faustschlag on the Eastern Front, the new Soviet Government of Russia signed the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk with Germany on 3 March 1918.[15] This treaty ended the war between Russia and the Central powers and annexed 1,300,000 square miles (3,400,000 km2) of territory and 62 million people.[16] This loss equated to a third of the Russian population, a quarter of its territory, around a third of the country's arable land, three-quarters of its coal and iron, a third of its factories (totalling 54 percent of the nation's industrial capacity), and a quarter of its railroads.[16][17]

text: Armistice

text: During the autumn of 1918, the Central Powers began to collapse.[18] Desertion rates within the German army began to increase, and civilian strikes drastically reduced war production.[19][20] On the Western Front, the Allied forces launched the Hundred Days Offensive and decisively defeated the German western armies.[21] Sailors of the Imperial German Navy at Kiel mutinied, which prompted uprisings in Germany, which became known as the German Revolution.[22][23] The German government tried to obtain a peace settlement based on the Fourteen Points, and maintained it was on this basis that they surrendered. Following negotiations, the Allied powers and Germany signed an armistice, which came into effect on 11 November while German forces were still positioned in France and Belgium.[24][25][26]

text: Occupation

text: The terms of the armistice called for an immediate evacuation of German troops from occupied Belgium, France, and Luxembourg within fifteen days.[27] In addition, it established that Allied forces would occupy the Rhineland. In late 1918, Allied troops entered Germany and began the occupation.[28]

text: Blockade

text: Both the German Empire and Great Britain were dependent on imports of food and raw materials, primarily from the Americas, which had to be shipped across the Atlantic Ocean. The Blockade of Germany (1914–1919) was a naval operation conducted by the Allied Powers to stop the supply of raw materials and foodstuffs reaching the Central Powers. The German Kaiserliche Marine was mainly restricted to the German Bight and used commerce raiders and unrestricted submarine warfare for a counter-blockade. The German Board of Public Health in December 1918 stated that 763,000 German civilians had died during the Allied blockade, although an academic study in 1928 put the death toll at 424,000 people.[29]

text: Polish uprising

text: In late 1918, a Polish government was formed and an independent Poland proclaimed. In December, Poles launched an uprising within the German province of Posen. Fighting lasted until February, when an armistice was signed that left the province in Polish hands, but technically still a German possession.[30]

text: Negotiations

text: Negotiations between the Allied powers started on 18 January in the Salle de l'Horloge at the French Foreign Ministry on the Quai d'Orsay in Paris. Initially, 70 delegates from 27 nations participated in the negotiations.[31] The defeated nations of Germany, Austria, and Hungary were excluded from the negotiations. Russia was also excluded because it had negotiated a separate peace (the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk) with Germany in 1918. The terms of this treaty awarded Germany a large proportion of Russia's land and resources. Its terms were extremely harsh, as the negotiators at Versailles later pointed out.

text: At first a "Council of Ten" comprising two delegates each from Britain, France, the United States, Italy and Japan met officially to decide the peace terms. It became the "Big Four" when Japan dropped out and the top person from each of the other four nations met in 145 closed sessions to make all the major decisions to be ratified by the entire assembly. Apart from Italian issues, the main conditions were determined at personal meetings among the leaders of the "Big Three" nations: British Prime Minister David Lloyd George, French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau, and American President Woodrow Wilson.

text: The minor nations attended a weekly "Plenary Conference" that discussed issues in a general forum, but made no decisions. These members formed over 50 commissions that made various recommendations, many of which were incorporated into the final treaty.[32][33]

text: French aims

text: As the only major allied power sharing a land border with Germany, France was chiefly concerned with weakening Germany as much as possible. The French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau described France's position best by telling Wilson: "America is far away, protected by the ocean. Not even Napoleon himself could touch England. You are both sheltered; we are not." [34] Clemenceau and his colleagues hoped at the very least to have Allied troops occupy bridges over the Rhine and proposed a plan to create a buffer state in the Rhineland in order to create a barrier between a revitalized Germany and France. However, their demands would not be met by the treaty. Instead, France obtained the demilitarization of the Rhineland, a mandate over the Saar and promises of Anglo-American support in case of a new German aggression (a commitment that could not be relied on after the United States failed to ratify the treaty).[35] Clemenceau's inability to procure the Rhineland state led to fierce criticism of him in France and contributed to his subsequent fall from power.[36]

text: British economist John Maynard Keynes argued,

text: So far as possible, therefore, it was the policy of France to set the clock back and undo what, since 1870, the progress of Germany had accomplished. By loss of territory and other measures her population was to be curtailed; but chiefly the economic system, upon which she depended for her new strength, the vast fabric built upon iron, coal, and transport must be destroyed. If France could seize, even in part, what Germany was compelled to drop, the inequality of strength between the two rivals for European hegemony might be remedied for generations.[37]

text: France, which suffered significant destruction in its northern territories (the worst damage sustained in areas that formed a so-called Red Zone) and the second heaviest (after the Russian empire) human losses among allies (see main article World War I casualties), was adamant on the payment of reparations. The failure of the government of the Weimar Republic to pay these reparations led to the Occupation of the Ruhr by French and Belgian forces.

text: British aims

text: Britain had suffered little land devastation during the war and Prime Minister David Lloyd George supported reparations to a lesser extent than the French. Britain began to look on a restored Germany as an important trading partner and worried about the effect of reparations on the British economy.[38]

text: American aims

text: Before the end of the war, President Woodrow Wilson put forward his Fourteen Points, which represented the liberal position at the Conference and helped shape world opinion. Wilson was concerned with rebuilding the European economy, encouraging self-determination, promoting free trade, creating appropriate mandates for former colonies, and above all, creating a powerful League of Nations that would ensure the peace. He opposed harsh treatment of Germany but was outmanoeuvered by Britain and France. He brought along top intellectuals as advisors, but his refusal to include prominent Republicans in the American delegation made his efforts seem partisan, and it contributed to a risk of political defeat at home.[39]

text: Treaty

text: In June 1919, the Allies declared that war would resume if the German government did not sign the treaty they had agreed to among themselves. The government headed by Philipp Scheidemann was unable to agree on a common position, and Scheidemann himself resigned rather than agree to sign the treaty. Gustav Bauer, the head of the new government, sent a telegram stating his intention to sign the treaty if certain articles were withdrawn, including Articles 227, 230 and 231.[nb 1] In response, the Allies issued an ultimatum stating that Germany would have to accept the treaty or face an invasion of Allied forces across the Rhine within 24 hours. On 23 June, Bauer capitulated and sent a second telegram with a confirmation that a German delegation would arrive shortly to sign the treaty.[40] On 28 June 1919, the fifth anniversary of the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand (the immediate impetus for the war), the peace treaty was signed.[2] The treaty had clauses ranging from war crimes, the prohibition on the merging of Austria with Germany without the consent of the League of Nations, freedom of navigation on major European rivers, to the returning of a Koran to the king of Hedjaz.[41][42][43][44]

text: Territorial changes

text: The treaty stripped Germany of 25,000 square miles (65,000 km2) of territory and 7 million people. It also required Germany to give up the gains made via the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk and grant independence to the protectorates that had been established.[17] In Western Europe Germany was required to recognize Belgian sovereignty over Moresnet and cede control of the Eupen-Malmedy area. Within six months of the transfer, Belgium was required to conduct a plebiscite on whether the citizens of the region wanted to remain under Belgian sovereignty or return to German control, communicate the results to the League of Nations and abide by the League's decision.[45] To compensate for the destruction of French coal mines, Germany was to cede the output of the Saar coalmines to France and control of the Saar to the League of Nations for 15 years; a plebiscite would then be held to decide sovereignty.[46] The treaty "restored" the provinces of Alsace-Lorraine to France by rescinding the treaties of Versailles and Frankfurt of 1871 as they pertained to this issue.[47] The sovereignty of Schleswig-Holstein was to be resolved by a plebiscite to be held at a future time (see Schleswig Plebiscites).[48]

text: In Eastern Europe, Germany was to recognize the independence of Czechoslovakia and cede parts of the province of Upper Silesia.[49] Germany had to recognize the independence of Poland and renounce "all rights and title over the territory". Portions of Upper Silesia were to be ceded to Poland, with the future of the rest of the province to be decided by plebiscite. The border would be fixed with regard to the vote and to the geographical and economic conditions of each locality.[50] The province of Posen (now Poznan), which had come under Polish control during the Greater Poland Uprising, was also to be ceded to Poland.[30][51] Pomerelia (Eastern Pomerania), on historical and ethnic grounds, was transferred to Poland so that the new state could have access to the sea and became known as the Polish Corridor.[52] The sovereignty of part of southern East Prussia was to be decided via plebiscite while the East Prussian Soldau area, which was astride the rail line between Warsaw and Danzig, was transferred to Poland outright without plebiscite.[53][54] An area of 51,800 square kilometres (20,000 square miles) was granted to Poland at the expense of Germany.[55] Memel was to be ceded to the Allied and Associated powers, for disposal according to their wishes.[56] Germany was to cede the city of Danzig and its hinterland, including the delta of the Vistula River on the Baltic Sea, for the League of Nations to establish the Free City of Danzig.[57]

text: Mandates

text: Article 119 of the treaty required Germany to renounce sovereignty over former colonies and Article 22 converted the territories into League of Nations mandates under the control of Allied states.[58] Togoland and German Kamerun (Cameroon) were transferred to France. Ruanda and Urundi were allocated to Belgium, whereas German South-West Africa went to South Africa and the United Kingdom obtained German East Africa.[59][60][61] As compensation for the German invasion of Portuguese Africa, Portugal was granted the Kionga Triangle, a sliver of German East Africa in northern Mozambique.[62] Article 156 of the treaty transferred German concessions in Shandong, China, to Japan, not to China. Japan was granted all German possessions in the Pacific north of the equator and those south of the equator went to Australia, except for German Samoa, which was taken by New Zealand.[60][63]

text: Military restrictions

text: The treaty was comprehensive and complex in the restrictions imposed upon the post-war German armed forces (the Reichswehr). The provisions were intended to make the Reichswehr incapable of offensive action and to encourage international disarmament.[64][65] Germany was to demobilize sufficient soldiers by 31 March 1920 to leave an army of no more than 100,000 men in a maximum of seven infantry and three cavalry divisions. The treaty laid down the organisation of the divisions and support units, and the General Staff was to be dissolved.[66] Military schools for officer training were limited to three, one school per arm, and conscription was abolished. Private soldiers and Non-commissioned officers were to be retained for at least twelve years and officers for a minimum of 25 years, with former officers being forbidden to attend military exercises. To prevent Germany from building up a large cadre of trained men, the number of men allowed to leave early was limited.[67]

text: The number of civilian staff supporting the army was reduced and the police force was reduced to its pre-war size, with increases limited to population increases; paramilitary forces were forbidden.[68] The Rhineland was to be demilitarized, all fortifications in the Rhineland and 50 kilometres (31 miles) east of the river were to be demolished and new construction was forbidden.[69] Military structures and fortifications on the islands of Heligoland and Düne were to be destroyed.[70] Germany was prohibited from the arms trade, limits were imposed on the type and quantity of weapons and prohibited from the manufacture or stockpile of chemical weapons, armoured cars, tanks and military aircraft.[71] The German navy was allowed six pre-dreadnought battleships and was limited to a maximum of six light cruisers (not exceeding 6,000 long tons (6,100 t)), twelve destroyers (not exceeding 800 long tons (810 t)) and twelve torpedo boats (not exceeding 200 long tons (200 t)) and was forbidden submarines.[72] The manpower of the navy was not to exceed 15,000 men, including manning for the fleet, coast defences, signal stations, administration, other land services, officers and men of all grades and corps. The number of officers and warrant officers was not allowed to exceed 1,500 men.[73] Germany surrendered eight battleships, eight light cruisers, forty-two destroyers, and fifty torpedo boats for decommissioning. Thirty-two auxiliary ships were to be disarmed and converted to merchant use.[74] Article 198 prohibited Germany from having an air force, including naval air forces, and required Germany to hand over all aerial related materials. In conjunction, Germany was forbidden to manufacture or import aircraft or related material for a period of six months following the signing of the treaty.[75]

text: Reparations

text: In Article 231 Germany accepted responsibility for the losses and damages caused by the war "as a consequence of the ... aggression of Germany and her allies."[76][nb 2] The treaty required Germany to compensate the Allied powers, and it also established an Allied "Reparation Commission" to determine the exact amount which Germany would pay and the form that such payment would take. The commission was required to "give to the German Government a just opportunity to be heard", and to submit its conclusions by 1 May 1921. In the interim, the treaty required Germany to pay an equivalent of 20 billion gold marks ($5 billion) in gold, commodities, ships, securities or other forms. The money would help to pay for Allied occupation costs and buy food and raw materials for Germany.[81][82]

text: Guarantees

text: To ensure compliance, the Rhineland and bridgeheads east of the Rhine were to be occupied by Allied troops for fifteen years.[83] If Germany had not committed aggression, a staged withdrawal would take place; after five years, the Cologne bridgehead and the territory north of a line along the Ruhr would be evacuated. After ten years, the bridgehead at Coblenz and the territories to the north would be evacuated and after fifteen years remaining Allied forces would be withdrawn.[84] If Germany reneged on the treaty obligations, the bridgeheads would be reoccupied immediately.[85]

text: International organizations

text: Part I of the treaty, as per all the treaties signed during the Paris Peace Conference,[nb 3] was the Covenant of the League of Nations, which provided for the creation of the League, an organization for the arbitration of international disputes.[86] Part XIII organized the establishment of the International Labour Officer, to regulate hours of work, including a maximum working day and week; the regulation of the labour supply; the prevention of unemployment; the provision of a living wage; the protection of the worker against sickness, disease and injury arising out of his employment; the protection of children, young persons and women; provision for old age and injury; protection of the interests of workers when employed abroad; recognition of the principle of freedom of association; the organization of vocational and technical education and other measures.[87] The treaty also called for the signatories to sign or ratify the International Opium Convention.[88]

text: Reactions

text: Among the allies

text: Britain

text: The surrender of the German High Seas Fleet following the Armistice and its internment (and eventual scuttling) in Scapa Flow meant that Britain had already accomplished her primary war goal even before the Paris Peace Conference opened. With the German naval threat removed, Britain began focusing on Germany as a bulwark against the threat posed by the new Soviet Union.

text: Thus, British policy towards Germany began diverging from France's almost from the moment the guns fell silent. British officials at the conference declared French policy to be "greedy" and "vindictive," with Ramsay MacDonald later announcing, after Hitler's re-militarisation of the Rhineland in 1936, that he was "pleased" that the treaty was "vanishing", expressing his hope that the French had been taught a "severe lesson".[89] In 1938, Lloyd George published a massive two-volume memoir titled The Truth About the Peace Treaties, in which he effectively repudiated the terms of the treaty that bore his signature.[90]

text: France

text: France signed the treaty and was active in the League. The French people rejoiced that Alsace and Lorraine had been returned to France and that Germany had agreed to pay reparations. But the perception that Clemenceau had failed to achieve all of France's demands damaged him politically. When he stood for election as President of France in January 1920, he was defeated. Through much of the 1920s, France was the most vigorous of the wartime Allies in seeking to enforce the treaty's harsher terms, especially with regard to reparations. Without strong British support, however, she was largely unsuccessful. French Marshal Ferdinand Foch—who felt the restrictions on Germany were too lenient—prophetically predicted that "this (treaty) is not peace. It is an Armistice for twenty years."[91]

text: Italy

text: Reaction in Italy to the treaty was extremely negative. The country had suffered high casualties, yet failed to achieve most of its major war goals, notably gaining control of the Dalmatian coast and Fiume. President Wilson rejected Italy's claims on the basis of "national self-determination." For their part, Britain and France—who had been forced in the war's latter stages to divert their own troops to the Italian front to stave off collapse—were disinclined to support Italy's position at the peace conference. Differences in negotiating strategy between Premier Vittorio Orlando and Foreign Minister Sidney Sonnino further undermined Italy's position at the conference. A furious Vittorio Orlando suffered a nervous collapse and at one point walked out of the conference (though he later returned). He lost his position as prime minister just a week before the treaty was scheduled to be signed, effectively ending his active political career. Anger and dismay over the treaty's provisions helped pave the way for the establishment of Benito Mussolini's dictatorship three years later.

text: Portugal

text: Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in 1916 primarily to ensure the security of its African colonies, which were threatened with seizure by both Britain and Germany. To this extent, she succeeded in her war aims. The treaty recognized Portuguese sovereignty over these areas and awarded her small portions of Germany's bordering overseas colonies. Otherwise, however, Portugal obtained little at the peace conference. Her promised share of German reparations never materialized, and a seat she coveted on the executive council of the new League of Nations went instead to Spain—which had remained neutral in the war. In the end, Portugal ratified the treaty, but got little out of the war, which cost more than 8,000 Portuguese troops and as many as 100,000 of her African colonial subjects their lives.[92]

text: United States

text: After the Versailles conference, Democratic President Woodrow Wilson claimed that "at last the world knows America as the savior of the world!"[93] However, the Republican Party, led by Henry Cabot Lodge, controlled the US Senate after the election of 1918, and the senators were divided into multiple positions on the Versailles question. It proved possible to build a majority coalition, but impossible to build a two-thirds coalition that was needed to pass a treaty.[94]

text: A discontent bloc of 12–18 "Irreconcilables", mostly Republicans but also representatives of the Irish and German Democrats, fiercely opposed the treaty. One block of Democrats strongly supported the Versailles Treaty, even with reservations added by Lodge. A second group of Democrats supported the treaty but followed Wilson in opposing any amendments or reservations. The largest bloc, led by Senator Lodge,[95] comprised a majority of the Republicans. They wanted a treaty with reservations, especially on Article 10, which involved the power of the League of Nations to make war without a vote by the US Congress.[96] All of the Irreconcilables were bitter enemies of President Wilson, and he launched a nationwide speaking tour in the summer of 1919 to refute them. However, Wilson collapsed midway with a serious stroke that effectively ruined his leadership skills.[97]

text: The closest the treaty came to passage was on 19 November 1919, as Lodge and his Republicans formed a coalition with the pro-Treaty Democrats, and were close to a two-thirds majority for a Treaty with reservations, but Wilson rejected this compromise and enough Democrats followed his lead to permanently end the chances for ratification. Among the American public as a whole, the Irish Catholics and the German Americans were intensely opposed to the treaty, saying it favored the British.[98]

text: After Wilson's presidency, his successor Republican President Warren G. Harding continued American opposition to the formation of the League of Nations. Congress subsequently passed the Knox–Porter Resolution bringing a formal end to hostilities between the United States and the Central Powers. It was signed into law by President Harding on 2 July 1921.[99][100] Soon after, the US–German Peace Treaty of 1921 was signed in Berlin on 25 August 1921, the US–Austrian Peace Treaty of 1921 was signed in Vienna on 24 August 1921, and the US–Hungarian Peace Treaty of 1921 was signed in Budapest on 29 August 1921.

text: China

text: China felt betrayed as the German territory in China was handed to Japan. The sense of betrayal led to great demonstrations in China and the fall of the nascent Chinese Republic's government and poisoned relations with the West. [101][102]

text: House's views

text: Wilson's former friend Edward Mandell House, present at the negotiations, wrote in his diary on 29 June 1919:

text: I am leaving Paris, after eight fateful months, with conflicting emotions. Looking at the conference in retrospect, there is much to approve and yet much to regret. It is easy to say what should have been done, but more difficult to have found a way of doing it. To those who are saying that the treaty is bad and should never have been made and that it will involve Europe in infinite difficulties in its enforcement, I feel like admitting it. But I would also say in reply that empires cannot be shattered, and new states raised upon their ruins without disturbance. To create new boundaries is to create new troubles. The one follows the other. While I should have preferred a different peace, I doubt very much whether it could have been made, for the ingredients required for such a peace as I would have were lacking at Paris.[103]

text: In Germany

text: On 29 April, the German delegation under the leadership of the Foreign Minister Ulrich Graf von Brockdorff-Rantzau arrived in Versailles. On 7 May, when faced with the conditions dictated by the victors, including the so-called "War Guilt Clause", von Brockdorff-Rantzau replied to Clemenceau, Wilson and Lloyd George: "We know the full brunt of hate that confronts us here. You demand from us to confess we were the only guilty party of war; such a confession in my mouth would be a lie."[104] Because Germany was not allowed to take part in the negotiations, the German government issued a protest against what it considered to be unfair demands, and a "violation of honour",[105] soon afterwards withdrawing from the proceedings of the peace conference.

text: Germans of all political shades denounced the treaty—particularly the provision that blamed Germany for starting the war—as an insult to the nation's honor. They referred to the treaty as "the Diktat" since its terms were presented to Germany on a take-it-or-leave-it basis. Germany′s first democratically elected head of government, Philipp Scheidemann, resigned rather than sign the treaty. In a passionate speech before the National Assembly on 21 March 1919, he called the treaty a "murderous plan" and exclaimed,

text: Which hand, trying to put us in chains like these, would not wither? The treaty is unacceptable.[106]

text: After Scheidemann′s resignation, a new coalition government was formed under Gustav Bauer. President Friedrich Ebert knew that Germany was in an impossible situation. Although he shared his countrymen's disgust with the treaty, he was sober enough to consider the possibility that the government would not be in a position to reject it. He believed that if Germany refused to sign the treaty, the Allies would invade Germany from the west—and there was no guarantee that the army would be able to make a stand in the event of an invasion. With this in mind, he asked Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg if the army was capable of any meaningful resistance in the event the Allies resumed the war. If there was even the slightest chance that the army could hold out, Ebert intended to recommend against ratifying the treaty. Hindenburg—after prodding from his chief of staff, Wilhelm Groener—concluded the army could not resume the war even on a limited scale. However, rather than inform Ebert himself, he had Groener inform the government that the army would be in an untenable position in the event of renewed hostilities. Upon receiving this, the new government recommended signing the treaty. The National Assembly voted in favour of signing the treaty by 237 to 138, with five abstentions (there were 421 delegates in total). This result was wired to Clemenceau just hours before the deadline. Foreign minister Hermann Müller and colonial minister Johannes Bell travelled to Versailles to sign the treaty on behalf of Germany. The treaty was signed on 28 June 1919 and ratified by the National Assembly on 9 July by a vote of 209 to 116.[107]

text: Conservatives, nationalists and ex-military leaders condemned the treaty. Politicians of the Weimar Republic who supported the treaty, socialists, communists, and Jews were viewed with suspicion as persons of questionable loyalty.[citation needed] It was rumored that Jews had not supported the war and had played a role in selling Germany out to its enemies. Those who seemed to benefit from a weakened Germany and the newly formed Weimar Republic were regarded as having "stabbed Germany in the back". Those who instigated unrest and strikes in the critical military industries on the home front or who opposed German nationalism were seen to have contributed to Germany's defeat.[citation needed] These theories were given credence by the fact that when Germany surrendered in November 1918, its armies were still on French and Belgian territory. Furthermore, on the Eastern Front, Germany had already won the war against Russia and concluded the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. In the West, Germany had seemed to have come close to winning the war with the Spring Offensive earlier in 1918.[citation needed] Its failure was blamed on strikes in the arms industry at a critical moment of the offensive, leaving soldiers with an inadequate supply of materiel. The strikes were regarded by nationalists as having been instigated by traitors, with the Jews taking most of the blame.[citation needed]

text: Violations

text: This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (June 2016) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)

text: The German economy was so weak that only a small percentage of reparations was paid in hard currency.[citation needed] Nonetheless, even the payment of this small percentage of the original reparations (132 billion gold marks) still placed a significant burden on the German economy.[citation needed] Although the causes of the devastating post-war hyperinflation are complex and disputed, Germans blamed the near-collapse of their economy on the treaty, and some economists estimated that the reparations accounted for as much as one-third of the hyper-inflation.[citation needed]

text: In March 1921, French and Belgian troops occupied Duisburg, which formed part of the demilitarized Rhineland, according to the Treaty of Versailles.[citation needed] In January 1923, French and Belgian forces occupied the rest of the Ruhr area as a reprisal after Germany failed to fulfill reparation payments demanded by the Versailles Treaty. The German government answered with "passive resistance", which meant that coal miners and railway workers refused to obey any instructions by the occupation forces.[citation needed] Production and transportation came to a standstill, but the financial consequences contributed to German hyperinflation and completely ruined public finances in Germany. Consequently, passive resistance was called off in late 1923.[citation needed] The end of passive resistance in the Ruhr allowed Germany to undertake a currency reform and to negotiate the Dawes Plan, which led to the withdrawal of French and Belgian troops from the Ruhr Area in 1925.[citation needed]

text: Some significant violations of the provisions of the treaty were:

text:
At the time of signing in 1919, the dissolution of the General Staff according to Article 160 appeared to happen; however, the core of the General Staff was reestablished and hidden in the Truppenamt.[108][109]
March 1935, under the government of Adolf Hitler, Germany violated the Part V of the Treaty of Versailles by introducing compulsory military conscription in Germany and rebuilding the armed forces.[110][111]
March 1936, Germany violated Article 43 of the treaty by reoccupying the demilitarized zone in the Rhineland.[69][112]
March 1938, Germany violated Article 80 of the treaty by annexing Austria in the Anschluss.[113][114]

tag: ul

text: Historical assessments

text: According to David Stevenson, since the opening of French archives, most commentators have remarked on French restraint and reasonableness at the conference, though Stevenson notes that "[t]he jury is still out", and that "there have been signs that the pendulum of judgement is swinging back the other way."[115]

text: In his book The Economic Consequences of the Peace, John Maynard Keynes referred to the Treaty of Versailles as a "Carthaginian peace", a misguided attempt to destroy Germany on behalf of French revanchism, rather than to follow the fairer principles for a lasting peace set out in President Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points, which Germany had accepted at the armistice. He stated: "I believe that the campaign for securing out of Germany the general costs of the war was one of the most serious acts of political unwisdom for which our statesmen have ever been responsible."[116] Keynes had been the principal representative of the British Treasury at the Paris Peace Conference, and used in his passionate book arguments that he and others (including some US officials) had used at Paris.[117] He believed the sums being asked of Germany in reparations were many times more than it was possible for Germany to pay, and that these would produce drastic instability.[118]

text: French economist Étienne Mantoux disputed that analysis. During the 1940s, Mantoux wrote a posthumously published book titled The Carthaginian Peace, or the Economic Consequences of Mr. Keynes in an attempt to rebut Keynes' claims. More recently economists have argued that the restriction of Germany to a small army saved it so much money it could afford the reparations payments.[119]

text: It has been argued (for instance by historian Gerhard Weinberg in his book A World At Arms[120]) that the treaty was in fact quite advantageous to Germany. The Bismarckian Reich was maintained as a political unit instead of being broken up, and Germany largely escaped post-war military occupation (in contrast to the situation following World War II). In a 1995 essay, Weinberg noted that with the disappearance of Austria-Hungary and with Russia withdrawn from Europe, that Germany was now the dominant power in Eastern Europe.[121]

text: The British military historian Correlli Barnett claimed that the Treaty of Versailles was "extremely lenient in comparison with the peace terms that Germany herself, when she was expecting to win the war, had had in mind to impose on the Allies". Furthermore, he claimed, it was "hardly a slap on the wrist" when contrasted with the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk that Germany had imposed on a defeated Russia in March 1918, which had taken away a third of Russia's population (albeit of non-Russian ethnicity), one-half of Russia's industrial undertakings and nine-tenths of Russia's coal mines, coupled with an indemnity of six billion marks.[122] Eventually, even under the "cruel" terms of the Treaty of Versailles, Germany′s economy had been restored to its pre-war status.

text: Barnett also claims that, in strategic terms, Germany was in fact in a superior position following the Treaty than she had been in 1914. Germany′s eastern frontiers faced Russia and Austria, who had both in the past balanced German power. Barnett asserts that its post-war eastern borders were safer, because the former Austrian Empire fractured after the war into smaller, weaker states, Russia was wracked by revolution and civil war, and the newly restored Poland was no match for even a defeated Germany. In the West, Germany was balanced only by France and Belgium, both of which were smaller in population and less economically vibrant than Germany. Barnett concludes by saying that instead of weakening Germany, the treaty "much enhanced" German power.[123] Britain and France should have (according to Barnett) "divided and permanently weakened" Germany by undoing Bismarck's work and partitioning Germany into smaller, weaker states so it could never have disrupted the peace of Europe again.[124] By failing to do this and therefore not solving the problem of German power and restoring the equilibrium of Europe, Britain "had failed in her main purpose in taking part in the Great War".[125]

text: The British historian of modern Germany, Richard J. Evans, wrote that during the war the German right was committed to an annexationist program which aimed at Germany annexing most of Europe and Africa. Consequently, any peace treaty that did not leave Germany as the conqueror would be unacceptable to them.[126] Short of allowing Germany to keep all the conquests of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, Evans argued that there was nothing that could have been done to persuade the German right to accept Versailles.[126] Evans further noted that the parties of the Weimar Coalition, namely the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), the social liberal German Democratic Party (DDP) and the Christian democratic Centre Party, were all equally opposed to Versailles, and it is false to claim as some historians have that opposition to Versailles also equalled opposition to the Weimar Republic.[126] Finally, Evans argued that it is untrue that Versailles caused the premature end of the Republic, instead contending that it was the Great Depression of the early 1930s that put an end to German democracy. He also argued that Versailles was not the "main cause" of National Socialism and the German economy was "only marginally influenced by the impact of reparations".[126]

text: Ewa Thompson points out that the treaty allowed numerous nations in Central and Eastern Europe to liberate themselves from oppressive German rule, a fact that is often neglected by Western historiography, more interested in understanding the German point of view. In nations that found themselves free as the result of the treaty—such as Poles or Czechs—it is seen as a symbol of recognition of wrongs committed against small nations by their much larger aggressive neighbours.[127]

text: Regardless of modern strategic or economic analysis, resentment caused by the treaty sowed fertile psychological ground for the eventual rise of the Nazi Party.[citation needed] The German historian Detlev Peukert wrote that Versailles was far from the impossible peace that most Germans claimed it was during the interwar period, and though not without flaws was actually quite reasonable to Germany.[128] Rather, Peukert argued that it was widely believed in Germany that Versailles was a totally unreasonable treaty, and it was this "perception" rather than the "reality" of the Versailles treaty that mattered.[128] Peukert noted that because of the "millenarian hopes" created in Germany during World War I when for a time it appeared that Germany was on the verge of conquering all of Europe, any peace treaty the Allies of World War I imposed on the defeated German Reich were bound to create a nationalist backlash, and there was nothing the Allies could have done to avoid that backlash.[128] Having noted that much, Peukert commented that the policy of rapprochement with the Western powers that Gustav Stresemann carried out between 1923 and 1929 were constructive policies that might have allowed Germany to play a more positive role in Europe, and that it was not true that German democracy was doomed to die in 1919 because of Versailles.[128] Finally, Peukert argued that it was the Great Depression and the turn to a nationalist policy of autarky within Germany at the same time that finished off the Weimar Republic, not the Treaty of Versailles.[128]

text: French historian Raymond Cartier states that millions of Germans in the Sudetenland and in Posen-West Prussia were placed under foreign rule in a hostile environment, where harassment and violation of rights by authorities are documented.[129] Cartier asserts that, out of 1,058,000 Germans in Posen-West Prussia in 1921, 758,867 fled their homelands within five years due to Polish harassment.[129] In 1926, the Polish Ministry of the Interior estimated the remaining number of Germans at fewer than 300,000.[citation needed] These sharpening ethnic conflicts would lead to public demands to reattach the annexed territory in 1938 and become a pretext for Hitler′s annexations of Czechoslovakia and parts of Poland.[129]


document_title: Restrictor plate

question_text: how fast would nascar cars go without restrictor plates

text: Restrictor plate

text: Racing series[edit]

text: A few top classes like Formula One limit only the displacement and air intake mouth dimension. However, in 2006 air restrictors (as well as rev limiters) were used by Scuderia Toro Rosso to facilitate the transition to a new engine formula.

text: Many other racing series use additional air restrictors.

text:
Formula 3, 2000cc, 215 hp
Formula SAE, 710cc, 20 mm restrictor.
Deutsche Tourenwagen Masters, 4000cc, 470 hp
FIA GT Championship (now FIA GT1 World Championship) and other series using FIA GT regulations
Le Mans Prototypes used in American Le Mans Series and Le Mans Series have restrictors based on precalculated tables depending on the type and size of the engine and fuel

The ALMS in the 2010 season combines both LMP1 and LMP2 into a single LMP class on all races except 12 Hours of Sebring and Petit Le Mans; LMP1-categorized cars use a 5% smaller air restrictor compared to LMP2- categorized cars to balance performance in the races[1]

text: Rallying[edit]

text: After Group B cars were outlawed from rallying because they were too powerful (rumored to have reached 600 hp), too fast and too dangerous, the FISA decided that rally cars should not have more than 300 hp (220 kW). For a while no special restrictions were needed for that (e.g. the Group A Lancia Delta HF 4WD had about 250 hp in 1987). But with development in the 1990s, Group A cars were rumored to have reached 405 hp or more. So the FIA mandated restrictors for supercharged and turbocharged engines in all categories (World Rally Car, Group A and Group N).

text: This means that the rally version of a car like the Mitsubishi Lancer Evolution can have less power than the street version (the "280" hp Evo VII was believed to have more than 300 hp, and in some markets the FQ-320, FQ-340, FQ-360, FQ-400 versions were sold, with the number representing the total horsepower).

text: It also means that the torque and power curves of the engine are unusual. The engine produces peak torque and almost maximum power at a relatively low RPM, and from there to the rev limiter the torque drops and the power does not increase much.

text: In 1995 Toyota Team Europe used an illegal device to bypass the restrictor (allowing an estimated extra 50 hp). Due to this the team lost their results in the 1995 season and was banned from rallying until the end of 1996.

text: NASCAR[edit]

text: NASCAR's Monster Energy NASCAR Cup Series and Xfinity Series have used restrictor plates at Daytona International Speedway and Talladega Superspeedway since 1988. They are still in use with the 2012 season introduction of McLaren Electronics engine control unit providing electronic engine management for all NASCAR races and cars with carburetors finally being phased out.

text: The device limits the power output of the motor, hence slowing both the acceleration and the overall top speed obtainable on the tracks where the cars are so equipped. NASCAR routinely stated that the Monster Energy Cup restrictor plate reduces engine power from approximately 750 hp to approximately 430 hp.[citation needed]

text: A major effect, however, is that all drivers tend to form very large "packs" of cars that run closely together for the majority of the race. In these packs drivers often run three abreast across the track, consequently there may be as little as one second separating the entire field. These large packs reduce air resistance which allows the cars to run faster and makes drafting easier.

text: The restrictions are in the interest of driver and fan safety because higher speeds are closer to out-of-control than the 190 MPH range used for Daytona and Talladega; the severity of crashes at higher speeds is also much greater, shown by telemetry readings of wrecks such as Jerry Nadeau at Richmond and Michael McDowell at Texas that were far higher than registered on restrictor plate tracks. Drivers such as Rusty Wallace have also cited data showing that the sport's roof flaps cannot keep cars on the ground above 204 MPH.

text: At Daytona and Talladega, most races are marred by at least one multi-car crash as cars rarely become separated. Talladega has been considered the more likely track for these instances to occur as the track is wide enough to have three to four distinct lines of racing. With the new pavement at Daytona, three-wide racing is now possible and multi-car wrecks could become more common. The 2011 Daytona 500 saw a record number of cautions including an early 17-car pile-up. These wrecks tend to be singled out for criticism despite multicar crashes at other tracks and the generally greater severity of impact on non-restricted tracks. In addition, the packs were far smaller in 1988 through 1990 until more teams mastered the nuances of this kind of racing and improved their cars (and drivers) accordingly.

text: The 2011 Sprint Cup season was the last complete Cup season with carbureted engines. NASCAR announced that it would change to fuel injection for the 2012 season.[2] The injection system used by NASCAR is a different system from that used in IndyCar Racing and other motorsports series and restrictor plates are usable with the NASCAR system; they were used for January 2012 testing at Daytona. The current restrictor plates are bolted beneath a throttle body that sits in the same place as the former carburetors.[3]

text: Reason for restrictor plates[edit]

text: There have been three reasons that NASCAR used restrictor plates.[citation needed]

text: The first use came in 1970 in response to escalating speeds. Following testing and input from drivers such as David Pearson, Bobby Isaac, and Bobby Allison, NASCAR mandated the use of a restrictor plate. Smaller engines, in the 358 cubic inch range, were exempt from the plates; the first car to race with a small block engine was Dick Brooks at the 1971 Daytona 500, where he ran a 1969 Dodge Daytona with a 305 CID engine. The transition period lasted until 1974, when the current 358 cubic inch (5870cc) limit was imposed and NASCAR eliminated the 427 cubic inch (7000cc) engine. As the early 1970s use of restrictor plates was considered a transitional process, and as not every car used restrictor plates, this is not what most fans call "restrictor plate racing."[citation needed]

text: The second use came following the crash of Bobby Allison at the 1987 Winston 500 at Talladega Superspeedway. Allison's Buick LeSabre blew a tire going into the tri-oval at 200 mph (320 km/h), spun around and became airborne, flying tail-first into the catch fencing.[4] While the car did not enter the grandstands it tore down nearly 100 feet of fencing and flying debris injured several spectators. After a summer where the two subsequent superspeedway races were run with smaller carburetors (390 cubic feet per minute (cfm) instead of 830 cfm) proved to be inadequate to sufficiently slow the cars, NASCAR imposed restrictor plates again, this time at the two fastest circuits, both superspeedways: Daytona for all NASCAR-sanctioned races and Talladega for Cup races. The Automobile Racing Club of America also enforced restrictor plates at their events at the two tracks. In 1992, when the Busch Grand National series began racing at Talladega, the plates were implemented, in keeping with their use at Daytona.[citation needed]

text: NASCAR's concerns with speeds because of power-to-weight ratios result in restrictor plates at other tracks. The Goody's Dash Series (known now as the ISCARS series with its new ownership) used restrictor plates at Bristol during at least the last years of the series' existence when the cars were using six-cylinder engines (compared to the traditional four cylinder engines), in addition to their Daytona races.[citation needed]

text: However, restrictor plates initially were not used for Camping World Truck Series trucks. Rather, aerodynamic, air intake reduction through the use of a 390 cfm carburetor, and eventually a tapered carburetor spacer were implemented for those races. Combined with the aerodynamic disadvantage of the trucks, this allowed NASCAR to avoid the use of such equipment for the trucks until 2008.[citation needed] In 2008, the Nationwide Series (now known as Xfinity Series) and Truck Series began implementation of tapered spacers in the engines to restrict power compared to Sprint Cup cars at all 35 (NNS) and 25 (NCTS) races. Both these NASCAR series now use a restrictor plate and tapered spacer at the two tracks.

text: The third use came in 2000. Following fatal crashes of Adam Petty and Kenny Irwin, Jr. at the New Hampshire International Speedway during the May Busch Series and July Winston Cup Series races, respectively, NASCAR adopted a one-inch (2.54 cm) restrictor plate to slow the cars headed towards the tight turns as part of a series of reforms to alleviate stuck throttle problems which were alleged to have caused both fatal crashes. For the Winston Cup race, it was used just once at the 2000 Dura Lube 300. Jeff Burton led all 300 laps in the ensuing race, despite a 23-car two-abreast battle in the first ten laps, a dramatic charge past 22 cars in 100 laps by John Andretti (who finished seventh), and two charges by Bobby Labonte in the final 50 laps where he took the lead but Burton beat him back to the stripe. The use of restrictor plates, intended as an emergency measure pending a more permanent replacement in any event, was discontinued at New Hampshire for the following race for Cup only. However, the Modifieds still use a restrictor plate because the speeds are too great for that class of racecar without them. The track has since been changed with soft walls to improve racing safety.[citation needed] Restrictor plates remain a permanent fixture to the Modifieds and the racing has often broken 20 official lead changes for 100–125 laps of competition.

text: Rusty Wallace tested a car at Talladega Superspeedway without a restrictor plate in 2004, reaching a top speed of 228 mph (367 km/h) in the backstretch and a one-lap average of 221 mph (356 km/h).[5] While admitting excitement at the achievement, Wallace also conceded, "There's no way we could be out there racing at those speeds... it would be insane to think we could have a pack of cars out there doing that."[5]

text: The competitive quality of restrictor plate racing[edit]

text: A frequent criticism of restrictor plates is the enormousness of packs in the racing, with "Big One" wrecks as noted above singled out for condemnation despite the greater violence of "smaller" crashes on unrestricted tracks. In restrictor plate racing the packs have brought about an often-enormous increase in positional passing; at Talladega Superspeedway the Sprint Cup cars have broken 40 official lead changes sixteen times from 1988 onward, including both 2010 Sprint Cup races at Talladega, which had 87 official lead changes in the regulation 188 laps. (The 2010 Aaron's 499 had 88 lead changes, but the 88th – the race-winning pass by Kevin Harvick – was on the last lap of the third attempt at a green-white-checkered finish). Daytona International Speedway has generally been less competitive because the age of the asphalt (the track was repaved in 1978 and again in 2010) has reduced grip for the cars and thus handling has impeded passing ability to a significant extent. The 2000 New Hampshire race was condemned because Jeff Burton led wire to wire; the plates were singled out as impeding ability to pass, a criticism contradicted by the use of restrictor plates in a Busch North support race the day before where the lead changed seven times in 100 laps and by the highly competitive nature of restrictor plated Modified races; as noted above the 300 also saw a 23-car battle for third in the first ten laps and a burst by 22 cars from John Andretti.

text: The criticism stems from reduction in throttle response brought by the restriction. The reduction in throttle response, however, has never been shown to have impeded ability to pass; the criticism was shot down in the first "modern" plate race, the 1988 Daytona 500, as the lead changed 25 times officially and saw several bursts where the lead changed several times a lap and also several bursts of sustained side-by-side racing, notably in the final 50 laps between Bobby Allison, Darrell Waltrip, Neil Bonnett, and Buddy Baker.

text: Said Waltrip before the race, "I feel, as a driver, now I can do more than I could before (the plates). Now, instead of a car just blasting by me with a burst of speed and a lot of horsepower, he's got to think his way, he got to DRIVE his way around me."

text: In the transitional years (1971–74) where the seven-litre engines (427ci) had restrictor plates, Daytona and Talladega broke 40 official lead changes six times, while Michigan International Speedway broke 35 official lead changes in both of its 1971 races.