document_title: Literacy in India

question_text: according to 2011 census the literacy rate of india is

root

text: Literacy in India

text: Comparative literacy statistics on country[edit]

text: The table below shows the adult and youth literacy rates for India and some neighbouring countries in 2015.[11] Adult literacy rate is based on the 15+ years age group, while the youth literacy rate is for the 15–24 years age group (i.e. youth is a subset of adults).

tag: p

text:
Country
Adult literacy rate
Youth literacy rate
ages 15–24

China
96.4% (2015)[11]
99.7% (2015)[12]

Sri Lanka
92.6% (2015)[13]
98.8% (2015)[14]

Myanmar
93.1% (2015)[15]
96.3% (2015)[16]

World Average
86.3% (2015)[17]
91.3% (2015)[11]

India
72.1% (2015)[18]
90.2% (2015)[18]

Nepal
64.7% (2015)
86.9%(2015)[19]

Bangladesh
61.5% (2015)
83.2% (2015)[20]

Pakistan
58.5% (2015)[21]
74.8% (2015)[22]

tag: table

text: Literacy rate disparity[edit]

text: One of the main factors contributing to this relatively low literacy rate is usefulness of education and availability of schools in vicinity in rural areas. There is a shortage of classrooms to accommodate all the students in 2006–2007.[23] In addition, there is no proper sanitation in most schools. The study of 188 government-run primary schools in central and northern India revealed that 59% of the schools had no drinking water facility and 89% no toilets.[24] In 600,000 villages and multiplying urban slum habitats, 'free and compulsory education' is the basic literacy instruction dispensed by barely qualified 'para teachers'.[25] The average Pupil Teacher Ratio for All India is 42:1, implying teacher shortage.[26] Such inadequacies resulted in a non-standardized school system where literacy rates may differ.[25] Furthermore, the expenditure allocated to education was never above 4.3% of the GDP from 1951 to 2002 despite the target of 6% by the Kothari Commission.[27] This further complicates the literacy problem in India.

text: Severe caste disparities also exist.[25] Discrimination of lower castes has resulted in high dropout rates and low enrollment rates. The National Sample Survey Organisation and the National Family Health Survey collected data in India on the percentage of children completing primary school which are reported to be only 36.8% and 37.7% respectively.[28] On 21 February 2005, the Prime Minister of India said that he was pained to note that "only 47 out of 100 children enrolled in class I reach class VIII, putting the dropout rate at 52.78 per cent."[26] It is estimated that at least 35 million, and possibly as many as 60 million, children aged 6–14 years are not in school.[25]

text: Absolute poverty in India has also deterred the pursuit of formal education as education is not deemed of as the highest priority among the poor as compared to other basic necessities. The MRP-based (mixed recall period) poverty estimates of about 22% of poverty in 2004–05 which translated to 22 out of per 100 people are not meeting their basic needs, much less than meeting the need for education.[29]

text: The large proportion of illiterate females is another reason for the low literacy rate in India. Inequality based on gender differences resulted in female literacy rates being lower at 65.46% than that of their male counterparts at 82.14%.[30] Due to strong stereotyping of female and male roles, Sons are thought of to be more useful and hence are educated. Females are pulled to help out on agricultural farms at home as they are increasingly replacing the males on such activities which require no formal education.[31] Fewer than 2% of girls who engaged in agriculture work attended school.[31]

text: Growth of literacy[edit]

text: The British period[edit]

text: Prior to the British era, education in Indian commenced under the supervision of a guru in traditional schools called gurukuls. The gurukuls were supported by public donation and were one of the earliest forms of public school offices. However these Gurukuls catered only to the Upper castes males of the Indian society and the overwhelming masses were denied any formal education. In the colonial era, the gurukul system began to decline as the system promoted by the British began to gradually take over. Between 1881–82 and 1946–47, the number of English primary schools grew from 82,916 to 134,866 and the number of students in English Schools grew from 2,061,541 to 10,525,943. Literacy rates in accordance to British in India rose from 3.2 per cent in 1881 to 7.2 per cent in 1931 and 12.2 per cent in 1947.[4]

text: In 2000–01, there were 60,840 pre-primary and pre-basic schools, and 664,041 primary and junior basic schools.[32] Total enrolment at the primary level has increased from 19,200,000 in 1950–51 to 109,800,000 in 2001–02.[33] The number of high schools in 2000–01 was higher than the number of primary schools at the time of independence.[4][32]

text: In 1944, the Government of British India presented a plan, called the Sergeant Scheme for the educational reconstruction of India, with a goal of producing 100% literacy in the country within 40 years, i.e. by 1984.[34] Although the 40-year time-frame was derided at the time by leaders of the Indian independence movement as being too long a period to achieve universal literacy,[34] India had only just crossed the 74% level by the 2011 census.

text: It should also be noted that the British India censuses identify a significant difference in literacy rates, by: sex, religion, caste and state of residence,[35] e.g.:

text:
1901 census – literacy rate
Male %
Female %

Madras
11.9
0.9

Bombay
11.6
0.9

Bengal
10.4
0.5

Berar
8.5
0.3

Assam
6.7
0.4

Punjab
6.4
0.3

United Provinces
5.7
0.2

Central Provinces
5.4
0.2

text: Post-Independence[edit]

text: The provision of universal and compulsory education for all children in the age group of 6–14 was a cherished national ideal and had been given overriding priority by incorporation as a Directive Policy in Article 45 of the Constitution, but it is still to be achieved more than half a century since the Constitution was adopted in 1949. Parliament has passed the Constitution 86th Amendment Act, 2002, to make elementary education a Fundamental Right for children in the age group of 6–14 years.[36] In order to provide more funds for education, an education cess of 2 per cent has been imposed on all direct and indirect central taxes through the Finance (No. 2) Act, 2004.[37]

text: The literacy rate grew from 18.33 per cent in 1951, to 28.30 per cent in 1961, 34.45 per cent in 1971, 43.57 per cent in 1981, 52.21 per cent in 1991, 64.84 per cent in 2001 and 74.04 per cent in 2011.[38] During the same period, the population grew from 361 million to 1,210 million.

text: Literacy rate variations between states[edit]

text: India's literacy rate is at 74.04%. Tripura is the most literate state in India with a literacy of 94.65%[39]. Bihar is the least literate state in India, with a literacy of 63.82%.[40] Several other social indicators of the two states are correlated with these rates, such as life expectancy at birth (71.61 for males and 75 for females in Kerala, 65.66 for males and 64.79 for females in Bihar), infant mortality per 1,000 live births (10 in Kerala, 61 in Bihar), birth rate per 1,000 people (16.9 in Kerala, 30.9 in Bihar) and death rate per 1,000 people (6.4 in Kerala, 7.9 in Bihar).[41]

text: Every census since 1881 had indicated rising literacy in the country, but the population growth rate had been high enough that the absolute number of illiterates rose with every decade. The 2001–2011 decade is the second census period (after the 1991–2001 census period) when the absolute number of Indian illiterates declined (by 31,196,847 people), indicting that the literacy growth rate is now outstripping the population growth rate.[42]

text: Six Indian states account for about 70% of all illiterates in India: Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Andhra Pradesh and West Bengal.[43] Slightly less than half of all Indian illiterates (48.12%) are in the six Hindi-speaking states of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh.[43]

text: Large variations in literacy exist even between contiguous states. While there are few states at the top and bottom, most states are just above or below the national average.

text: Lessons from state literacy efforts in India[edit]

text: Several states in India have executed successful programs to boost literacy rates. Over time, a set of factors have emerged as being key to success: official will to succeed, deliberate steps to engage the community in administering the programme, adequate funding for infrastructure and teachers, and provisioning additional services which are considered valuable by the community (such as free school lunches).

text: Bihar literacy challenges[edit]

text: Bihar has significantly raised the literacy rate as per the 2011 census. The literacy rate has risen from 39% in 1991 to 47% in 2001 to 63.8% in 2011.[42] The Government of Bihar has launched several programs to boost literacy, and its Department of Adult Education even won a UNESCO award in 1981.[44]

text: Extensive impoverishment, entrenched hierarchical social divisions and the lack of correlation between educational attainment and job opportunities are often cited in studies of the hurdles literacy programs face in Bihar. Children from "lower castes" are frequently denied school attendance and harassed when they do attend.[45] In areas where there is no discrimination, poor funding and impoverished families means that children often cannot afford textbooks and stationery.[45]

text: When children do get educated, the general lack of economic progress in the state means that government jobs are the only alternative to farming labor, yet these jobs, in practice, require bribes to secure – which poorer families cannot afford.[45] This leads to educated youths working on the farms, much as uneducated ones do, and leads parents to question the investment of sending children to school in the first place.[45] Bihar's government schools have also faced teacher absenteeism, leading the state government to threaten to withhold of salaries of teachers who failed to conduct classes on a regular basis.[46] To incentivise students to attend, the government announced a Rupee 1 per school-day grant to poor children who show up at school.[46]

text: Tripura literacy success[edit]

text: Presently Tripura has the highest literacy rate in India,94.65 percent.[47] According to the 2011 census, literacy level was 93.91 percent in Kerala and 91.58 percent in Mizoram, among the most literate states in the country. The national literacy rate, according to the 2011 census, was 74.04 percent. The Tripura success story is attributed to the involvement of local government bodies, including gram panchayats, NGOs and local clubs under the close supervision of the State Literacy Mission Authority (SLMA) headed by the chief minister. Tripura attained 87.75 percent literacy in the 2011 census, from the 12th position in the 2001 census to the 4th position in the 2011 census.[48] The Tripura Chief Minister said that efforts were underway to literate leftover 5.35 percent people and achieve complete success in a state of about 3.8 million people.[49] The programmes were not just implemented to make the state literate but as long-term education programmes to ensure all citizens have a certain basic minimum level of education. Tripura has 45 blocks and 23 subdivisions that are served by 68 government-run schools and 30-40 private schools.[50] Among projects implemented by the state government to increase literacy in the state are

text:
Total literacy drive for people aged between 15 and 50 who have lost the chance of entering formal education fold. A special program – titled improved pace and content learning (IPCL) – has been designed to provide basic education to such people.
10,000 aa gan wadi centers have 100 percent enrollment.
Policy of no fail till class VIII to prevent children from dropping out.
Midday meals in all schools with an eclectic menu for all days of the week to attract more students.
No tuition fee in government colleges.

tag: ul

text: The holistic education system, implemented with equal interest in Agartala, remote areas and the tribal autonomic areas makes sure that people in Tripura do not just become literate but educated, officials emphasized. One pointer to the government's interest in education is the near-total absence of child labor in Tripura.[citation needed]

text: Kerala literacy success[edit]

text: Kerala has the second highest literacy rate(93.91 Percent) among the states of India just after Tripura (94.65%).[51] Kerala topped the Education Development Index (EDI) among 21 major states in India in the year 2006–2007.[143] More than 94% of the rural population has access to a primary school within 1 km, while 98% of the population benefits one school within a distance of 2 km. An upper primary school within a distance of 3 km is available for more than 96% of the people, whose 98% benefit the facility for secondary education within 8 km. The access for rural students to higher educational institutions in cities is facilitated by widely subsidized transport fares. Kerala's educational system has been developed by institutions owned or aided by the government. In the educational system prevailed in the state, schooling is for 10 years which is subdivided into lower primary, upper primary and high school. After 10 years of secondary schooling, students typically enroll in Higher Secondary Schooling in one of the three major streams—liberal arts, commerce or science. Upon completing the required coursework, students can enroll in general or professional undergraduate programs. Kerala undertook a "campaign for total literacy" in Ernakulam district in the late 1980s, with a "fusion between the district administration headed by its Collector on one side and, on the other side, voluntary groups, social activists and others".[52] On 4 February 1990, the Government of Kerala endeavoured to replicate the initiative on a statewide level, launching the Kerala State Literacy Campaign.[52] First, households were surveyed with door-to-door, multistage survey visits to form an accurate picture of the literacy landscape and areas that needed special focus. Then, Kala Jāthas (cultural troupes) and Sāksharata Pada Yātras (Literacy Foot Marches) were organized to generate awareness of the campaign and create a receptive social atmosphere for the program.[52] An integrated management system was created involving state officials, prominent social figures, local -officials and senior voluntary workers to oversee the execution of the campaign.[52]

text: Himachal literacy success[edit]

text: Himachal Pradesh underwent a "Schooling Revolution" in the 1961–2001 period that has been called "even more impressive than Kerala's."[53] Kerala has led the nation in literacy rates since the 19th century and seen sustained initiatives for over 150 years, whereas Himachal Pradesh's literacy rates in 1961 were below the national average in every age group.[53] In the three decadal 1961–1991 period, female literacy in the 15–19 years age group went from 11% to 86%.[53] School attendance for both boys and girls in the 6–14-year age group stood at over 97% each when measured in the 1998–99 school year.[53]

text: A key factor that has been credited for these advances is Himachal's cultural background. Himachal Pradesh is a Himalayan state with lower social stratification than many other states, which enables social programmes to be carried out more smoothly. Once the Government of Himachal Pradesh was able to establish a social norm that "schooling is an essential part of every child's upbringing," literacy as a normal attribute of life was adopted very rapidly.[53] Government efforts in expanding schools and providing teachers were sustained after the 1960s and communities often responded very collaboratively, including with constructing school rooms and providing firewood essential during the Himalayan winters.[53]

text: Mizoram literacy success[edit]

text: Mizoram is the third most literate state in India (91.58 Percent),next to Tripura and Kerala[54] with Serchhip and Aizawl districts being the two most literate districts in India (literacy rate is 98.76% and 98.50%), both in Mizoram[42] Mizoram's literacy rate rose rapidly after independence: from 31.14% in 1951 to 88.80% in 2001.[55] As in Himachal Pradesh, Mizoram has a social structure that is relatively free of hierarchy and strong official intent to produce total literacy.[56] The government identified illiterates and organised an administrative structure that engaged officials and community leaders, and manned by "animators" who were responsible for teaching five illiterates each.[57] Mizoram established 360 continuing education centres to handle continued education beyond the initial literacy teaching and to provide an educational safety net for school drop-outs.[57]

text: Tamil Nadu literacy success[edit]

text: One of the pioneers of the scheme is the Madras that started providing cooked meals to children in corporation schools in the Madras city in 1923. The programme was introduced in a large scale in 1960s under the Chief Ministership of K. Kamaraj. The first major thrust came in 1982 when Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, Dr. M. G. Ramachandran, decided to universalise the scheme for all children up to class 10. Tamil Nadu's midday meal programme is among the best-known in the country.[58] Starting in 1982, Tamil Nadu took an approach to promoting literacy based on free lunches for schoolchildren, "ignoring cynics who said it was an electoral gimmick and economists who said it made little fiscal sense."[59] The then chief minister of Tamil Nadu, MGR launched the programme, which resembled a similar initiative in 19th century Japan, because "he had experienced as a child what it was like to go hungry to school with the family having no money to buy food".[59]

text: Eventually, the programme covered all children under the age of 15, as well as pregnant women for the first four months of their pregnancy. Tamil Nadu's literacy rate rose from 54.4% in 1981 to 80.3% in 2011.[59] In 2001, the Supreme Court of India instructed all state governments to implement free school lunches in all government-funded schools, but implementation has been patchy due to corruption and social issues.[59] Despite these hurdles, 120 million receive free lunches in Indian schools every day, making it the largest school meal program in the world.[60]

text: Rajasthan literacy success[edit]

text: Although the decadal rise from 2001–11 was only 7% (60.4% in 2001 to 67.1% in 2011) Rajasthan had the biggest percentage decadal (1991–2001) increase in literacy of all Indian states, from about 38% to about 61%, a leapfrog that has been termed "spectacular" by some observers.[61] Aggressive state government action, in the form of the District Primary Education Programme, the Shiksha Karmi initiative and the Lok Jumbish programme, are credited with the rapid improvement.[62] Virtually every village in Rajasthan now has primary school coverage.[61] When statehood was granted to Rajasthan in 1956, it was the least literate state in India with a literacy rate of 18%.[62]

text: Social commentary[edit]

text: Apart from above, the corporate sector in India has pitched in with the aim of improving literacy, primarily in villages around their factories. For example, J K group has helped so far 29,000 plus citizens of India, mostly village women, to move towards literacy – which means being able to sign their name / read sign boards & handle money, in local languages in eight different states. TATA group claims to have added approximately 250,000 literates using their Computer Based Functional Literacy (CBFL) method.

text: Literacy efforts[edit]

text: The right to education is a fundamental right,[63] and UNESCO aims at education for all by 2015.[63] India, along with the Arab states and sub-Saharan Africa, has a literacy level below the threshold level of 75%, but efforts are on to achieve that level. The campaign to achieve at least the threshold literacy level represents the largest ever civil and military mobilisation in the country.[64] International Literacy Day is celebrated each year on 8 September with the aim to highlight the importance of literacy to individuals, communities and societies.

text: Government efforts[edit]

text: National Literacy Mission[edit]

text: The National Literacy Mission, launched in 1988, aimed at attaining a literacy rate of 75 per cent by 2007[65]. Its charter is to impart functional literacy to non-literates in the age group of 35–75 years. The Total Literacy Campaign is their principal strategy for the eradication of illiteracy. The Continuing Education Scheme provides a learning continuum to the efforts of the Total Literacy and Post Literacy programmes.[36]

text: Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan[edit]

text: The Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (Hindi for Total Literacy Campaign) was launched in 2001 to ensure that all children in the 6–14-year age-group attend school and complete eight years of schooling by 2010. An important component of the scheme is the Education Guarantee Scheme and Alternative and Innovative Education, meant primarily for children in areas with no formal school within a one kilometre radius. The centrally sponsored District Primary Education Programme, launched in 1994, had opened more than 160,000 new schools by 2005, including almost 84,000 alternative schools.[36]

text: Non-governmental efforts[edit]

text: The bulk of Indian illiterates live in the country's rural areas, where social and economic barriers play an important role in keeping the lowest strata of society illiterate. Government programmes alone, however well-intentioned, may not be able to dismantle barriers built over centuries. Major social reformation efforts are sometimes required to bring about a change in the rural scenario. Specific mention is to be made regarding the role of the People's Science Movements (PSMs) in the Literacy Mission in India during the early 1990s.[66] Several non-governmental organisations such as Pratham, ITC, Rotary Club, Lions Club have worked to improve the literacy rate in India.

text: Manthan Sampoorna Vikas Kendra

text: Manthan SVK is a holistic education programme initiated by Divya Jyoti Jagriti Sansthan under the guidance of His Holiness Shri Ashutosh Maharajji. This initiative, started in 2008, has since then reached and spread education to over 5000 underprivileged children across India, with its centres spread in Delhi - NCR, Punjab and Bihar. The main aim of Manthan is to provide not just academic but also mental, physical and emotional education. Manthan has also been working for adult literacy through its Adult Literacy Centres for illiterate women. Vocational education is also given attention to, with Sewing and Stitching Centres for women.

text: The motto of Manthan being Saakshar Bharat, Sashakt Bharat, it has been providing quality education selflessly.

text: Mamidipudi Venkatarangaiya Foundation[edit]

text: Shantha Sinha won a Magsaysay Award in 2003 in recognition of "Her guiding the people of Andhra Pradesh to end the scourge of child labour and send all of their children to school." As head of an extension programme at the University of Hyderabad in 1987, she organised a three-month-long camp to prepare children rescued from bonded labour to attend school. Later, in 1991, she guided her family's Mamidipudi Venkatarangaiya Foundation to take up this idea as part of its overriding mission in Andhra Pradesh. Her original transition camps grew into full-fledged residential "bridge schools." The foundation's aim is to create a social climate hostile to child labour, child marriage and other practices that deny children the right to a normal childhood. Today the MV Foundation's bridge schools and programmes extend to 4,300 villages.[67]

text: Definition of literacy[edit]

text: The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) has drafted a definition of literacy as the "ability to identify, understand, interpret, create, communicate, compute and use printed and written materials associated with varying contexts. Literacy involves a continuum of learning in enabling individuals to achieve their goals, to develop their knowledge and potential, and to participate fully in their community and wider society."[68]

text: The National Literacy Mission defines literacy as acquiring the skills of reading, writing and arithmetic and the ability to apply them to one's day-to-day life. The achievement of functional literacy implies (i) self-reliance in 3 R's, (ii) awareness of the causes of deprivation and the ability to move towards amelioration of their condition by participating in the process of development, (iii) acquiring skills to improve economic status and general well being, and (iv) imbibing values such as national integration, conservation of environment, women's equality, observance of small family norms.

text: The working definition of literacy in the Indian census since 1991 is as follows:[69]


document_title: Florin (British coin)

question_text: when did the florin cease to be legal tender

text: Florin (British coin)

text: History[edit]

text: Background[edit]

text: The drive for decimalisation of the currency in Britain dates as far back as 1682. Although nothing was done regarding early proposals, the adoption of a decimal currency in the United States, France and other nations in the late 18th and early 19th centuries renewed the call, and commissions in 1841 and 1843 called for its adoption.[1] In 1847, a motion was introduced in Parliament by Sir John Bowring calling for the introduction of a decimal currency and the striking of coins of one-tenth and one-hundredth of a pound. Bowring obtained surprisingly strong support for his motion,[2] and the Russell government promised that a coin valued at one-tenth of a pound (two shillings) would be produced to test public opinion, with consideration in future to be given to the introduction of other decimal coins.[3]

text: There was much discussion about what the coin should be called—centum, decade, and dime being among the suggestions[4]—before florin was eventually settled upon, not because of the old English coin of that name, but because the Netherlands had a florin, or gulden, of about that size and value.[5]

text: Victorian issues (1849–1901)[edit]

text: The first florins were struck in 1849. They were in the Gothic style, and featured a portrait of Queen Victoria as a very young woman,[6] with the crowned cruciform shields of the United Kingdom shown on the reverse, and the nations' emblems in the angles. The new florin closely resembles the Gothic crown of 1847;[5][7] the obverse for both was designed by the Chief Engraver of the Royal Mint, William Wyon, while the reverse of both was designed by William Dyce.[4] Unlike the crown's Gothic script, the 1849 florin has Roman lettering.[8] The 1849 florin, issued in silver, weighed 11.3 grams and had a diameter of 28 millimetres.[4] The new coin made clear its value with the inscription ONE FLORIN ONE TENTH OF A POUND on the reverse.[9] To aid in the decimal experiment, the half crown (two shillings and sixpence, or one-eighth of a pound), near to the florin in size and value, was not issued between 1850 and 1874, when it was struck again at the request of the banks, and surveys found that both coins played useful parts in commerce. Each would continue to be struck, and would circulate together, until decimalisation.[9][10]

text: These first coins were probably a shock to the public, as for the first time in nearly 200 years a British coin featured a portrait of the monarch wearing a crown. Even more of a shock, including (allegedly) to Queen Victoria herself, was the inscription on the obverse, VICTORIA REGINA 1849,[a] omitting the usual D G for Dei Gratia (By the Grace of God) from the coin's inscription.[4] This resulted in it being known as the "Godless florin". Further controversy was caused by the omission of the usual abbreviation F D for Fidei Defensor (Defender of the Faith): the Master of the Mint, Richard Lalor Sheil, an Irishman and a Roman Catholic, was suspected by some of plotting to overthrow the Protestant regime. The inscription had in fact been suggested by Albert, Prince Consort, Victoria's husband. Sheil stated in the House of Commons that the inscription had been a mistake, and the florin was redesigned for its next issue in 1851.[6]

text: The revised florin's diameter was increased to 30 millimetres (the weight was unchanged), and all the lettering on the coin was in Gothic script, resulting in it being known as the Gothic florin. The coin was by the same designers; its date was rendered in Roman numerals. The bust of Victoria and the heraldry on the reverse were largely unchanged. The Latin inscription on the obverse read VICTORIA D G BRIT REG F D[b] with the date, while the reverse read ONE FLORIN ONE TENTH OF A POUND. Despite a Royal Commission, the drive for decimalisation soon died out; there was only lukewarm support for an 1855 motion in the Commons applauding the issuance of the florin and seeking further decimal coins.[11] The Gothic Florin was produced each year until 1887, excepting 1861 and 1882.[12] From 1864 until 1879, many florins were struck with die numbers on the obverse (found to the right of Victoria's brooch,[13] possibly part of a Mint investigation into how long it took coinage dies to wear out.[14] Beginning with some 1867 issues, BRIT on the obverse was rendered BRITT, following the Latin practice in abbreviations of doubling a final consonant for a plural. Thus, Victoria's title changed from "Queen of Britain" to "Queen of the Britains", including the colonies and other territories.[9]

text: In 1887, as part of a coinage redesign for Victoria's Golden Jubilee, a new obverse design, showing the queen as an older woman, debuted on the gold and silver coinage. This was dubbed the "Jubilee Head" and was by Sir Joseph Boehm. The various flora were removed from the florin's reverse and were replaced by sceptres between the shields with a Garter Star in the centre.[15] The Jubilee Head quickly proved unpopular, due in part to the crown worn by the Queen, which was deemed ridiculously small.[16] The Jubilee florin shared its reverse with the short-lived double florin, which Gertrude Rawlings in 1898 described as "radiating kitchen pokers and tea trays".[17] The reverse design was created and engraved by Leonard Charles Wyon (who also engraved the obverse), though it was probably influenced by the gold coinage of Charles II designed by John Roettier.[4] The diameter was reduced to 29.5 millimetres. All the inscriptions were in Latin letters and Arabic numerals. The inscription on the obverse read VICTORIA DEI GRATIA, while the reverse read FID DEF BRITT REG,[c] with no indication of the value. The Jubilee florin was struck each year between 1887 and 1892.[18]

text: Given the unpopularity of the Jubilee bust, a committee was set up in February 1891 to recommend new designs. An obverse designed by Thomas Brock was selected, and the committee also recommended some new reverses.[19] This advisory committee recommended a different bust (also by Brock) be used on the florin to distinguish it from the half crown. The recommendation was not accepted, and the florin used the same "Veiled Head" or "Old Head" obverse that was introduced to the silver and gold coinage in 1893. To better distinguish it from the half crown, the diameter was reduced from 29 to 28.5 mm.[4][10] The obverse was inscribed VICTORIA DEI GRA BRITT REGINA FID DEF IND IMP,[d] together with a new reverse showing three shields separated by a rose, shamrock, and thistle (symbolising England, Scotland and Ireland) under a crown, and the inscription ONE FLORIN TWO SHILLINGS.[20][21] This reverse was created by Sir Edward Poynter, and was issued each year between 1893 and 1901, the year of Victoria's death.[18]

text: Edward VII (1901–1910)[edit]

text: Both sides of the florin were redesigned following the accession of Victoria's son, Edward VII, each design being created by the Chief Engraver of the Royal Mint, George William de Saulles. The florin of King Edward VII was minted every year from 1902 to 1910. Its specifications remained at 11.3 grams weight and 28.5 millimetres diameter. The obverse shows the right-facing head of the King, inscribed EDWARDVS VII DEI GRA BRITT OMN REX FD IND IMP,[e], while the other side features what Coincraft's Standard Catalogue of English and UK Coins deems "a most unusual and original reverse".[22] It shows a windswept figure of Britannia standing holding a shield with her left hand and a trident with her right, and inscribed ONE FLORIN TWO SHILLINGS, with the date below.[22] Peter Seaby, in his history of British coinage, described the figure of Britannia as "standing on some mythical ancient ship which could hardly be sea-worthy under her weight", but "a pleasing composition".[23]

text: De Saulles created the new florin in this manner to distinguish the coin from the half crown, as there had been complaints of confusion. He probably based the design on his British trade dollar (1895).[24] The sitter for the design was Susan Hicks-Beach, the daughter of Michael Hicks-Beach, 1st Earl St Aldwyn who had served as Chancellor of the Exchequer and ex officio Master of the Mint.[23] The modern-day Britannia coinage, bullion pieces struck by the Royal Mint for investors and collectors, has a reverse that strongly resembles that of the Edwardian florin.[25]

text: George V (1910–1936)[edit]

text: Florins bearing a left-facing effigy of George V by Sir Bertram Mackennal were minted in each year of the King's reign (1910–1936) except 1910 and 1934.[26] The initial reverse design (1911–1926) was developed internally at the Royal Mint, and is intended to be that of the 1887 double florin, to which the Jubilee florin is very similar.[27] The weight and diameter of the coin were unchanged but, because of rises in the price of silver, the metallic composition was changed in 1920 from 0.925 silver to 50% silver, 40% copper, 10% nickel, then again in 1922 to 50% silver, 50% copper, and again in 1927 to 50% silver, 40% copper, 5% nickel, 5% zinc.[28] The changes in alloy after 1920 were due to the Mint trying to find a silver alloy that would remain attractive as it wore.[29] The inscriptions on the obverse of the original version of the George V florin were GEORGIVS V D G BRITT OMN REX F D IND IMP[f] and on the reverse were ONE FLORIN and the year of striking.[28]

text: The modified florin, dated 1927 to 1936, was designed by George Kruger Gray and did not greatly alter the design of shields and sceptres, but removed the crowns from the shields and placed them on the sceptres. A "G", the King's initial, is at the centre of the design. The obverse inscription became GEORGIVS V DEI GRA BRITT OMN REX[g] and the reverse one was FID DEF IND IMP[h] with the date and denomination ONE FLORIN. The bust of the King on the obverse was slightly modified in 1927.[26]

text: Edward VIII (1936)[edit]

text: Throughout 1936, the year in which Edward VIII reigned, coins of all denominations continued to be struck using the designs of George V, pending preparation of the new monarch's coinage. No coins depicting Edward VIII were officially released to circulation. A pattern florin exists for King Edward, which would have been due to receive approval around the time that the King abdicated in December 1936. Although there is a tradition of alternating the direction the monarch faces with each reign, and George V had faced left, Edward believed that side more flattering. Thus, the obverse depicts the left-facing effigy of the King by Thomas Humphrey Paget inscribed EDWARDVS VIII D G BR OMN REX.[i] The reverse, by Kruger Gray, shows a crowned rose flanked by a thistle and shamrock, with E below the thistle and R below the shamrock, and the inscription FID DEF IND IMP[j] and TWO SHILLINGS 1937.[30][31]

text: George VI (1936–1952)[edit]

text: King George VI's florin, produced each year between 1937 and 1951, looks very much like the one planned for his brother Edward VIII. Like on the patterns for King Edward, the words ONE FLORIN are omitted; they would remain absent for the coin's remaining existence.[26] The obverse, by Thomas Humphrey Paget, shows the left-facing effigy of the King inscribed GEORGIVS VI D G BR OMN REX. The reverse, by Kruger Gray, depicts a crowned rose with a thistle and shamrock on either side. There is a G below the thistle and R below the shamrock, and the inscription FID DEF IND IMP TWO SHILLINGS date until 1948. From 1949, the coins were struck without the IND IMP, in acknowledgement of India's independence. From 1947, the metal content was changed, as for all British silver circulating coins, to 75% copper, 25% nickel.[32][33] This was due to the need for Britain to return Lend-Lease silver to the United States.[34] The florin's diameter and weight remained unchanged at 11.3 grams and 28.5 millimetres, despite the change of alloy.[32]

text: Elizabeth II (struck 1953–1970)[edit]

text: Florins were produced for Queen Elizabeth II each year between 1953 and 1967, with proof coins struck that were dated 1970. The obverse shows the Mary Gillick head of Queen Elizabeth, inscribed ELIZABETH II DEI GRATIA BRITT OMN REGINA[k] (1953 only) or ELIZABETH II DEI GRATIA REGINA[l] (all other years).[35] This change was made to acknowledge the evolving British Commonwealth, which by then contained some republics.[36] The reverse, by Edgar Fuller and Cecil Thomas, depicts a Tudor rose in the centre surrounded by thistles, shamrocks and leeks, with the Latin phrase FID DEF, the denomination and the date.[35] The designs were selected by the Royal Mint Advisory Committee following a public competition.[37] The artists' initials appear either side of the Welsh leek at the bottom of the reverse. When the reverse of the new coin was illustrated in the press, there was no consensus as to which way was up; numismatist H.W.A. Linecar has noted that the second L in SHILLINGS marks the bottom of the coin.[38]

text: In accordance with the plan for decimalisation of the currency (120 years after this denomination was first introduced in the initial plan to introduce a decimal currency), from 1968 the ten pence coin was introduced of the same size, weight and metal composition as the florin. Thus, the florin ceased to be struck for circulation after the 1967-dated pieces. The new and the old circulated side by side as florins prior to Decimal Day (15 February 1971) and as ten pence pieces after.[39]

text: Florins (usually dated 1947 or later) remained in circulation after Decimal Day. In 1987, following a study of the currency, the Thatcher government announced its intent to issue a new ten pence piece, reduced in size.[39] A smaller ten pence piece was issued in 1992, after which the old florin was demonetised on 30 June 1993. The florin, the first decimal coin, was the last coin in general circulation just prior to decimalisation to be withdrawn.[40]

text: Notes[edit]

text:
Jump up ^ Victoria, Queen
Jump up ^ Victoria Dei Gratia Britanniar Regina Fidei Defensor, or Victoria by the Grace of God Queen of Britain Defender of the Faith
Jump up ^ Victoria Dei Gratia Britanniarum Regina Fidei Defensor, or Victoria by the Grace of God Queen of the Britains, Defender of the Faith
Jump up ^ Victoria Dei Gratia Britanniarum Regina Fidei Defensor Indiae Imperatrix, or Victoria, by the Grace of God Queen of the Britains, Defender of the Faith, Empress of India
Jump up ^ Edwardus VII Dei Gratia Britanniarum Omnium Rex Fidei Defensor Indiae Imperator, or Edward VII, by the Grace of God King of All the Britains, Defender of the Faith, Emperor of India
Jump up ^ Georgius V Dei Gratia Brittaniarum Omnium Rex Fidei Defensor Indiae Imperator or George V, by the Grace of God King of All the Britains, Defender of the Faith, Emperor of India
Jump up ^ Georgius V Dei Gratia Brittaniarum Omnium Rex or George V, by the Grace of God King of All the Britains ...
Jump up ^ Fidei Defensor Indiae Imperator, or ...Defender of the Faith, Emperor of India
Jump up ^ Edward VIII Dei Gratia Brittaniarum Omnium Rex or George V, by the Grace of God King of All the Britains ...
Jump up ^ Fidei Defensor Indiae Imperator, or ...Defender of the Faith, Emperor of India
Jump up ^ Elizabeth II Dei Gratia Britanniarum Omnium Regina Fidei Defensor Indiae Imperatrix, or Elizabeth II, by the Grace of God Queen of All the Britains, Defender of the Faith
Jump up ^ Elizabeth II Dei Gratia Britanniarum Omnium Regina Fidei Defensor Indiae Imperatrix, or Elizabeth II, by the Grace of God Queen, Defender of the Faith

tag: ol


document_title: The Karate Kid (2010 film)

question_text: who played the girl in the karate kid 2010

text: The Karate Kid (2010 film)

text: Plot[edit]

text: Dre Parker and his mother Sherry Parker move from Detroit to Beijing after Sherry gets a job transfer at her car factory. After a day in a park, Dre develops a crush on a young violinist, Meiying, who reciprocates his attention, but another boy Cheng, a rebellious kung fu prodigy whose family is close to Meiying's, attempts to keep them apart by violently attacking Dre, and later bullies him at school. During an attack, the maintenance man, Mr. Han comes to Dre's aid, and when Cheng and his friends try to interfere, Han defeats each of them in close combat, revealing himself as a kung fu master.

text: After Han mends Dre's injuries using fire cupping, Dre asks if Mr. Han could teach him kung fu. Han refuses, but meets Cheng's teacher, Master Li, to make peace. Li, who teaches his students to show no mercy to their enemies, challenges Dre to a fight with Cheng. Han instead proposes that Dre compete against Li's students at an open martial arts tournament, and also requests the students leave Dre alone to train in time for the tournament. Li accepts the offer, but warns Han that if Dre does not show up during the tournament, he will personally bring pain to Han and Dre.

text: Han promises to teach Dre kung fu and begins to train Dre by emphasizing movements that apply to life in general, and that serenity and maturity, not punches and power, are the true keys to mastering the martial art. He teaches this by having Dre go through various actions with his jacket, which teaches Dre muscle memory moves. Han then takes Dre to a Taoist temple in the Wudang Mountains where he trained with his father, and Dre witnesses a woman making a cobra reflect her movements and drinks the water from an ancient Taoist well.

text: As Dre's friendship with Meiying continues, they share a kiss at the festival. Dre persuades Meiying to cut school for a day of fun, but when she is nearly late for her violin audition which was brought forward a day without their knowledge, her parents deem him a bad influence and forbid her from spending more time with him.

text: During the course of their training, Han gives Dre a day off. Dre goes to Han that night and finds Han, apparently drunk, smashing a car he was working on. Han tells Dre that he crashed the same car years ago, and that his wife and ten-year-old son were with him and died in the car crash. Han fixes the car every year but smashes it to remind himself of what happened, which makes Dre work much harder in his training in order to help Han forget about the incident. Han assists Dre in writing a note of apology to Meiying's father in Chinese; he accepts and promises that Meiying will attend the tournament to support Dre.

text: At the tournament, the under-confident Dre is slow to achieve parity with his opponents, but soon begins beating them and advances to the semifinals, as does Cheng, who violently finishes off his opponents. Dre comes up against Liang, one of Li's more sympathetic students and the least vicious of Dre's tormentors, who (under Li's goading) severely hurts Dre's leg and Liang is disqualified as a result, while Dre is taken to the infirmary.

text: Despite Han's insistence that he has earned respect for his performance, Dre convinces Han to mend his leg by using fire cupping in order to continue. Dre returns to the arena, facing Cheng in the final. Dre delivers impressive blows, but Li orders Cheng to break Dre's leg. Cheng is horrified at the order, but obeys under Li's intimidation. As the match continues, Cheng seizes Dre's leg and delivers a vicious blow, doing further damage. Dre struggles to get up, and attempts the reflection technique to manipulate Cheng into changing his attack stance. Cheng begins reflecting Dre's movements and it goads him into charging Dre, but Dre flips and catches Cheng with a kick to his head, winning the tournament along with the respect of Cheng and his classmates. Cheng, instead of the presenter, awards Dre the trophy, and the Fighting Dragon students bow to Mr. Han in respect, accepting him as their new master.

text: Alternate ending[edit]

text: Li attempts to strike Cheng out of anger for Cheng's failure in the ring, but Han appears and prevents Li from doing so, resulting in a vicious fight with Li. While Li momentarily bests Han, Han pins Li down with a leg to head lock, and angrily reminds him his own rule; no mercy. Before Han attacks his nemesis, Dre appears, and discourages Han from his intentions, the Fighting Dragons students bow to Mr. Han, and the two leave. As a defeated and humiliated Li rises, Sherry and Meiying leave. However, Sherry stops to turn around briefly and punches Li in the jaw, presumably from finding out that he ordered his students to brutally attack her son.

text: Cast[edit]

text:
Jackie Chan as Mr. Han (S: 韩先生, T: 韓先生, P: Hán-xiānsheng)
The maintenance man who teaches Dre kung-fu.
Jaden Smith as Dre Parker (德瑞∙帕克 Déruì Pàkè)
A young boy from Detroit, Michigan who is bullied by another student, and learns to stand up to him in a kung-fu tournament.
Taraji P. Henson as Sherry Parker (雪莉∙帕克 Xuělì Pàkè)
Dre's mother, who is very protective of him.
Wenwen Han (韩雯雯) as Meiying (美莹 Měiyíng)
Dre's crush who quickly befriends him, and eventually becomes his girlfriend.
Zhenwei Wang as Cheng (陆伟程 Lù Wěichéng[5])
The primary antagonist; the school bully and top student of Master Li.
Yu Rongguang as Master Li (李师傅 Lǐ-shīfu)
A kung-fu teacher who instructs his students to be merciless towards their enemies.
Luke Carberry as Harry (哈里 Hālǐ)
A boy who also befriends Dre.
Shijia Lü (吕世佳) as Liang (梁子浩 Liáng Zǐhào)
A friend and classmate of Cheng's who is the least savage of Cheng's group. However, he is instructed by Master Li to cripple Dre during the tournament.
Ji Wang (王 姬) as Mrs. Po (博太太 Bó-tàitai)
The principal of Dre's new school.
Zhensu Wu (武振素) as Meiying's father
Zhiheng Wang (王志恒) as Meiying's mother
Yi Zhao (赵 毅) as Zhuang (秦壮壮 Qín Zhuàngzhuàng)
Cameron Hillman as Mark (马克)
Ghye Samuel Brown as Oz (奥兹)
Bo Zhang (张 博) as Song (宋)

text: Production[edit]

text: Development[edit]

text: On November 10, 2008, Variety reported that work on a Karate Kid remake had begun.[6][7] Variety stated that the new film, to be produced by Will Smith, "has been refashioned as a star vehicle for Jaden Smith" and that it would "borrow elements from the original plot, wherein a bullied youth learns to stand up for himself with the help of an eccentric mentor."[8] On June 22, 2009, Jackie Chan told a Los Angeles Chinatown concert crowd that he was leaving for Beijing to film the remake as Jaden Smith's teacher.[7]

text: Despite maintaining the original title, the 2010 remake does not feature karate, which is from Okinawa, but focuses on the main character learning kung fu in China. Chan told interviewers that film cast members generally referred to the film as The Kung Fu Kid, and he believed the film would only be called The Karate Kid in America, and The Kung Fu Kid in China.[9] This theory held true in the People's Republic of China, where the film is titled The Kung Fu Dream (Chinese: 功夫梦),[10] and in Japan[11] and South Korea,[12] where the film is titled Best Kid (Japanese: ベスト・キッド; Korean: 베스트 키드) after the local title of the 1984 film in both countries.

text: Sony had considered changing the title of the film, but Jerry Weintraub, one of the producers, rejected the idea. Weintraub was also the producer of the original Karate Kid.[13]

text: Filming[edit]

text: The Chinese government granted the filmmakers access to the Forbidden City, the Great Wall of China, and the Wudang Mountains. On some occasions, the filmmakers had to negotiate with residents who were not accustomed to filming activity.[14]

text: Music[edit]

text: Icelandic composer Atli Örvarsson was originally hired to score the film, but he was replaced by American composer James Horner. The Karate Kid marked Horner's return to scoring after his work on the 2009 film Avatar.[15] The score was released on June 15, 2010.[16]

text: The official theme song to the film is "Never Say Never", a song written by Adam Messinger, Justin Bieber, Travis Garland, Omarr Rambert, and others, and produced by The Messengers (Adam Messinger and Nasri Atweh). It is performed by Bieber and Jaden Smith. The music video was released on May 31, 2010.[17]

text: The film started with "Do You Remember" by Jay Sean. "Remember the Name" by Fort Minor was used in the trailer to promote the movie. Parts of the song, "Back in Black" by AC/DC and "Higher Ground" by the Red Hot Chili Peppers, were also used in the movie. The song "Hip Song" by Rain is used for promotion in the Asian countries and it appeared in the trailer. The music video was released on May 22, 2010.[18] "Bang Bang" by K'naan featuring Adam Levine and "Say" by John Mayer are also featured in the movie.[19] It also features Lady Gaga's "Poker Face", Flo Rida's "Low" and Gorillaz' "Dirty Harry" (being performed in Chinese). An abbreviated form of Frédéric Chopin's Nocturne No. 20 is featured, arranged for strings, in Meiying's violin audition scene, along with Sergei Rachmaninoff's piano transcription of "Flight of the Bumblebee" by Rimsky-Korsakov.

text: Release[edit]

text: The film premiered May 26 in Chicago, with appearances by Jackie Chan and Jaden Smith, and a brief surprise appearance from Will Smith.[20]

text: The United Kingdom premiere was held July 15. It was attended by Chan and Smith, as well as producers Will and Jada Pinkett Smith.[21]

text: In the Mainland China version of the film, scenes of bullying were shortened by the censors, and a kissing scene is removed. John Horn said that the editing ultimately resulted in "two slightly different movies".[14]

text: Home media[edit]

text: The Karate Kid was released on DVD and Blu-ray on October 5, 2010 by Sony Pictures Home Entertainment, and it was released on Mastered in 4K Blu-ray on May 14, 2013.

text: Reception[edit]

text: Critical response[edit]

text: The Karate Kid received mixed reviews.[22] Review aggregation website Rotten Tomatoes gives the film a score of 65% based on 205 reviews, and the average rating is 6.2/10. The site's consensus reads: "It may not be as powerful as the 1984 edition, but the 2010 Karate Kid delivers a surprisingly satisfying update on the original."[23] Metacritic, another review aggregator, rated the film 61/100 based on 37 reviews from mainstream critics, indicating "generally favorable reviews".[24]

text: Ann Hornaday described Jaden Smith as a revelation, and that he "proves that he's no mere beneficiary of dynastic largesse. Somber, self-contained and somehow believable as a kid for whom things don't come easily, he never conveys the sense that he's desperate to be liked. 'The Karate Kid' winds up being so likable itself."[25] Roger Ebert of the Chicago Sun-Times gave it a positive review, rating the film three and a half out of four stars, and calling it "a lovely and well-made film that stands on its own feet".[26] Claudia Puig of USA Today and Owen Gleiberman of Entertainment Weekly each rated the film a 'B', stating "the chemistry between Jaden Smith and Jackie Chan grounds the movie, imbuing it with sincerity and poignance" and that the film is "fun and believable".[27][28]

text: Simon Abrams of Slant Magazine gave the film one and a half stars and noted "The characters just aren't old enough to be convincing in their hormone-driven need to prove themselves" and "This age gap is also a huge problem when it comes to the range that these kids bring to the project" and noted the portrayal of the child antagonist Cheng includes an "overblown and overused grimace, which looks like it might have originally belonged to Dolph Lundgren, looks especially silly on a kid that hasn't learned how to shave yet." Finally, Abrams noted "What's most upsetting is Dre's budding romance with Meiying. These kids have yet to hit puberty and already they're swooning for each other."[29]

text: Box office[edit]

text: The film was released on June 11, 2010 by Columbia Pictures to 3,663 theaters across the United States. The Karate Kid topped the box office on its opening day, grossing $18.8 million, and in its opening weekend, grossing $56 million[4] in North America, beating The A-Team, which grossed an estimated $9.6 million on the same opening day, and $26 million in its opening weekend.[30] It closed on September 18, 2010, after 101 days of release, grossing $176.7 million in the US and Canada along with an additional $182 million overseas for a worldwide total of $358 million, on a moderate budget of $40 million.[4]

text: Awards and nominations[edit]

text: People's Choice Awards 2011[31]

text:
Favorite Family Movie (Nominated)
Favorite On-Screen Team – Jaden Smith & Jackie Chan (Nominated)
Favorite Action Star – Jackie Chan (Won)

text: 2011 Kids' Choice Awards[32]

text:
Favorite Movie (Won)
Favorite Buttkicker (Jackie Chan) (Won)
Favorite Movie Actor (Jaden Smith) (Nominated)

text: 2011 MTV Video Music Aid Japan[33]

text: Best Song from a Movie ("Never Say Never" by Justin Bieber featuring Jaden Smith) (Nominated)

text: 2011 MTV Movie Awards[34]

text: Biggest Badass Star (Jaden Smith) (Nominated)

text: 32nd Young Artist Awards[35]

text: Best Leading Young Actor in a Feature Film (Jaden Smith) (Won)

text: 2010 Teen Choice Awards[36]

text: Choice Summer: Movie (Nominated)


document_title: Temples of modern India

question_text: who said that dams are temples of modern india

text: Temples of modern India

text: Temples of modern India was a term coined by India's first Prime Minister Jawahar Lal Nehru while inaugurating Bhakra Nangal Dam to describe scientific research institutes, steel plants, power plants, dams being launched in India after independence to jumpstart scientific and industrial progress.Dams are known as temples of modern India . [1][2] These projects were part of his vision of development of modern India with a mix of heavy industries and scientific research institutes.[3]

text: Most of the PSUs and scientific institutions such as the IITs were created by him as part of his vision of modern India.[4]


document_title: Princely state

question_text: who played the dominant role in the inclusion of native states into indian territory

text: Princely state

text: History[edit]

text: Though principalities and chiefdoms existed on the Indian subcontinent from at least the Iron Age, the history of princely states on the Indian subcontinent dates to at least the 5th–6th centuries C.E., during the rise of the middle kingdoms of India following the collapse of the Gupta Empire.[12][13] Many of the future ruling clan groups – notably the Rajputs – began to emerge during this period; by the 13th–14th centuries, many of the Rajput clans had firmly established semi-independent principalities in the north-west, along with several in the north-east. The widespread expansion of Islam during this time brought many principalities into tributary relations with Islamic sultanates, notably the Delhi Sultanate and Bahmani Sultanate. In the south, however, the Hindu Vijayanagara Empire remained dominant until the mid-17th century; among its tributaries was the future Mysore Kingdom.

text: The Turco-Mongol Mughal Empire brought a majority of the existing Indian kingdoms and principalities under its suzerainty by the 17th century, beginning with its foundation in the early 16th century. The advent of Sikhism resulted in the creation of the Sikh Empire in the north by the early 18th century, by which time the Mughal Empire was in full decline. At the same time, the Marathas carved out their own states to form the Maratha Empire. Through the 18th century, former Mughal governors formed their own independent states. In the north-west, some of those – such as Tonk – allied themselves with various groups, including the Marathas and the Durrani Empire, itself formed in 1747 from a loose agglomeration of tribal chiefdoms that composed former Mughal territories. In 1768, Prithvi Narayan Shah, ruler of a small principality in Gorkha likewise established the Kingdom of Nepal from a federation of small states, expanding its influence over much of north-eastern India; in the south, the principalities of Hyderabad and Arcot were fully established by the 1760s, though they nominally remained vassals of the Mughal Emperor.

text: British relationship with the princely states[edit]

text: India under the British Raj (the "Indian Empire") consisted of two types of territory: British India and the Native states or Princely states. In its Interpretation Act 1889, the British Parliament adopted the following definitions:

text:
(4.) The expression "British India" shall mean all territories and places within Her Majesty's dominions which are for the time being governed by Her Majesty through the Governor-General of India or through any governor or other officer subordinate to the Governor-General of India.
(5.) The expression "India" shall mean British India together with any territories of any native prince or chief under the suzerainty of Her Majesty exercised through the Governor-General of India, or through any governor or other officer subordinate to the Governor-General of India.[14]

text: In general the term "British India" had been used (and is still used) also to refer to the regions under the rule of the East India Company in India from 1774 to 1858.[15][16] The term has also been used to refer to the "British in India".[citation needed]

text: The British Crown's suzerainty over 175 princely states, generally the largest and most important, was exercised in the name of the British Crown by the central government of British India under the Viceroy; the remaining approximately 400 states were influenced by Agents answerable to the provincial governments of British India under a Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, or Chief Commissioner.[17] A clear distinction between "dominion" and "suzerainty" was supplied by the jurisdiction of the courts of law: the law of British India rested upon the legislation enacted by the British Parliament, and the legislative powers those laws vested in the various governments of British India, both central and local; in contrast, the courts of the princely states existed under the authority of the respective rulers of those states.[17]

text: Princely status and titles[edit]

text: The Indian rulers bore various titles – including Chhatrapati (exclusively used by the 3 Bhonsle dynasty of the Marathas) ("emperor"), Maharaja or Raja ("king"), Sultan, Raje, Nizam, Wadiyar (by the Maharajas of Mysore), Agniraj Maharaj for the rulers of Bhaddaiyan Raj, Nawab ("governor"), Nayak, Wāli, Inamdar,[18] Saranjamdar[19] and many others. Whatever the literal meaning and traditional prestige of the ruler's actual title, the British government translated them all as "prince," to avoid the implication that the native rulers could be "kings" with status equal to that of the British monarch.

text: More prestigious Hindu rulers (mostly existing before the Mughal Empire, or having split from such old states) often used the title "Raja,"Raje" or a variant such as Rai, "Rana," "Rao," "Rawat" or Rawal. Also in this 'class' were several Thakurs or Thai ores and a few particular titles, such as Sardar, Mankari (or Mānkari/Maankari), Deshmukh, Sar Desai, Raja Inamdar, Saranjamdar.

text: The most prestigious Hindu rulers usually had the prefix "maha" ("great", compare for example Grand Duke) in their titles, as in Maharaja, Maharana, Maharao, etc. The states of Travancore and Cochin had queens regnant styled Maharani, generally the female forms applied only to sisters, spouses and widows, who could however act as regents.

text: There were also compound titles, such as (Maha)rajadhiraj, Raj-i-rajgan, often relics from an elaborate system of hierarchical titles under the Mughal emperors. For example, the addition of the adjective Bahadur raised the status of the titleholder one level.

text: Furthermore, most dynasties used a variety of additional titles, such as Varma in South India. This should not be confused with various titles and suffixes not specific to princes but used by entire (sub)castes.

text: The Sikh princes concentrated at Punjab usually adopted Hindu type titles when attaining princely rank; at a lower level Sardar was used.

text: Muslim rulers almost all used the title "Nawab" (the Arabic honorific of naib, "deputy," used of the Mughal governors, who became de facto autonomous with the decline of the Mughal Empire), with the prominent exceptions of the Nizam of Hyderabad & Berar, the Wāli/Khan of Kalat and the Wāli of Swat. Other less usual titles included Darbar Sahib, Dewan, Jam, Mehtar (unique to Chitral) and Mir (from Emir).

text: Precedence and prestige[edit]

text: However, the actual importance of a princely state cannot be read from the title of its ruler, which was usually granted (or at least recognised) as a favour, often in recognition for loyalty and services rendered to the Mughal Empire. Although some titles were raised once or even repeatedly, there was no automatic updating when a state gained or lost real power. In fact, princely titles were even awarded to holders of domains (mainly jagirs) and even taluqars and zamindars (tax collectors), which were not states at all. Various sources give significantly different numbers of states and domains of the various types. Even in general, the definition of titles and domains are clearly not well-established.

text: In addition to their titles all princely rulers were eligible to be appointed to certain British orders of chivalry associated with India, the Most Exalted Order of the Star of India and the Most Eminent Order of the Indian Empire. Women could be appointed as "Knights" (instead of Dames) of these orders. Rulers entitled to 21-gun and 19-gun salutes were normally appointed to the highest rank, Knight Grand Commander of the Order of the Star of India.

text: Many Indian princes served in the British Army, the Indian Army, or in local guard or police forces, often rising to high ranks; some even served while on the throne. Many of these were appointed as an Aide de camp, either to the ruling prince of their own house (in the case of relatives of such rulers) or indeed to the British King-Emperor. Many saw active service, both on the subcontinent and on other fronts, during both World Wars.

text: Apart from those members of the princely houses who entered military service and who distinguished themselves, a good number of princes received honorary ranks as officers in the British and Indian Armed Forces. Those ranks were conferred based on several factors, including their heritage, lineage, gun-salute (or lack of one) as well as personal character or martial traditions. After the First and Second World Wars, the princely rulers of several of the major states, including Gwalior, Patiala, Bikaner, Jaipur, Jodhpur, Jammu and Kashmir and Hyderabad, were given honorary general officer ranks as a result of their states' contributions to the war effort.

text:
Lieutenant/Captain/Flight Lieutenant or Lieutenant-Commander/Major/Squadron Leader (for junior members of princely houses or for minor princes)
Commander/Lieutenant-Colonel/Wing Commander or Captain/Colonel/Group Captain (granted to princes of salute states, often to those entitled to 15-guns or more)
Commodore/Brigadier/Air Commodore (conferred upon princes of salute states entitled to gun salutes of 15-guns or more)
Major-General/Air Vice-Marshal (conferred upon princes of salute states entitled to 15-guns or more; conferred upon rulers of the major princely states, including Baroda, Kapurthala, Travancore, Bhopal and Mysore)
Lieutenant-General (conferred upon the rulers of the largest and most prominent princely houses after the First and Second World Wars for their states' contributions to the war effort.)
General (very rarely awarded; the Maharajas of Gwalior and Jammu & Kashmir were created honorary Generals in the British Army in 1877, the Maharaja of Bikaner was made one in 1937, and the Nizam of Hyderabad in 1941)[20]

text: It was also not unusual for members of princely houses to be appointed to various colonial offices, often far from their native state, or to enter the diplomatic corps.

text: Salute states[edit]

text: The gun salute system was used to set unambiguously the precedence of the major rulers in the area in which the British East India Company was active, or generally of the states and their dynasties. As heads of a state, certain princely rulers were entitled to be saluted by the firing of an odd number of guns between three and 21, with a greater number of guns indicating greater prestige. Generally, the number of guns remained the same for all successive rulers of a particular state, but individual princes were sometimes granted additional guns on a personal basis. Furthermore, rulers were sometimes granted additional gun salutes within their own territories only, constituting a semi-promotion. The states of all these rulers (about 120) were known as salute states.

text: After Indian Independence, the Maharana of Udaipur displaced the Nizam of Hyderabad as the most senior prince in India, because Hyderabad State had not acceded to the new Dominion of India, and the style Highness was extended to all rulers entitled to 9-gun salutes. When the princely states had been integrated into the Indian Union their rulers were promised continued privileges and an income (known as the Privy Purse) for their upkeep. Subsequently, when the Indian government abolished the Privy Purse in 1971, the whole princely order ceased to be recognised under Indian law, although many families continue to retain their social prestige informally; some descendants of the rulers are still prominent in regional or national politics, diplomacy, business and high society.

text: At the time of Indian independence, only five rulers – the Nizam of Hyderabad, the Maharaja of Mysore, the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir state, the Maharaja Gaekwad of Baroda and the Maharaja Scindia of Gwalior – were entitled to a 21-gun salute. Five more – the Nawab of Bhopal, the Maharaja Holkar of Indore, the Maharana of Udaipur, the Maharaja of Kolhapur and the Maharaja of Travancore – were entitled to 19-gun salutes. The most senior princely ruler was the Nizam of Hyderabad, who was entitled to the unique style Exalted Highness. Other princely rulers entitled to salutes of 11 guns (soon 9 guns too) or more were entitled to the style Highness. No special style was used by rulers entitled to lesser gun salutes.

text: As paramount ruler, and successor to the Mughals, the British King-Emperor of India, for whom the style of Majesty was reserved, was entitled to an 'imperial' 101-gun salute—in the European tradition also the number of guns fired to announce the birth of an heir (male) to the throne.

text: Non salute states[edit]

text: There was no strict correlation between the levels of the titles and the classes of gun salutes, the real measure of precedence, but merely a growing percentage of higher titles in classes with more guns. As a rule the majority of gun-salute princes had at least nine, with numbers below that usually the prerogative of Arab Sheikhs of the Aden protectorate, also under British protection.

text: There were many so-called non-salute states of lower prestige. Since the total of salute states was 117 and there were more than 500 princely states, most rulers were not entitled to any gun salute. Not all of these were minor rulers – Surguja State, for example, was both larger and more populous than Karauli State, but the Maharaja of Karauli was entitled to a 17-gun salute and the Maharaja of Surguja was not entitled to any gun salute at all.

text: A number of princes, in the broadest sense of the term, were not even acknowledged as such.[example needed] On the other hand, the dynasties of certain defunct states were allowed to keep their princely status – they were known as political pensioners, such as the Nawab of Oudh. There were also certain estates of British India which were rendered as political saranjams, having equal princely status.[21] Though none of these princes were awarded gun salutes, princely titles in this category were recognised as a form of vassals of salute states, and were not even in direct relation with the paramount power.

text: Doctrine of lapse[edit]

text: A controversial aspect of East India Company rule was the doctrine of lapse, a policy under which lands whose feudal ruler died (or otherwise became unfit to rule) without a male biological heir (as opposed to an adopted son) would become directly controlled by the Company and an adopted son would not become the ruler of the princely state. This policy went counter to Indian tradition where, unlike Europe, it was far more the accepted norm for a ruler to appoint his own heir.

text: The doctrine of lapse was pursued most vigorously by the Governor-General Sir James Ramsay, 10th Earl (later 1st Marquess) of Dalhousie. Dalhousie annexed seven states, including Awadh (Oudh), whose Nawabs he had accused of misrule, and the Maratha states of Nagpur, Jhansi and Satara and Sambalpur and Thanjavur. Resentment over the annexation of these states turned to indignation when the heirlooms of the Maharajas of Nagpur were auctioned off in Calcutta. Dalhousie's actions contributed to the rising discontent amongst the upper castes which played a large part in the outbreak of the Indian mutiny of 1857. The last Mughal Badshah (emperor), whom many of the mutineers saw as a figurehead to rally around, was deposed following its suppression.

text: In response to the unpopularity of the doctrine, it was discontinued with the end of Company rule and the British Parliament's assumption of direct power over India.

text: Imperial governance[edit]

text: By treaty, the British controlled the external affairs of the princely states absolutely. As the states were not British possessions, they retained control over their own internal affairs, subject to a degree of British influence which in many states was substantial.

text: By the beginning of the 20th century, relations between the British and the four largest states – Hyderabad, Mysore, Jammu and Kashmir, and Baroda – were directly under the control of the Governor-General of India, in the person of a British Resident. Two agencies, for Rajputana and Central India, oversaw twenty and 148 princely states respectively. The remaining princely states had their own British political officers, or Agents, who answered to the administrators of India's provinces. The Agents of five princely states were then under the authority of Madras, 354 under Bombay, 26 of Bengal, two under Assam, 34 under Punjab, fifteen under Central Provinces and Berar and two under United Provinces.

text: The Chamber of Princes (Narender Mandal or Narendra Mandal) was an institution established in 1920 by a Royal Proclamation of the King-Emperor to provide a forum in which the rulers could voice their needs and aspirations to the government. It survived until the end of the British Raj in 1947.[22]

text: By the early 1930s, most of the princely states whose Agencies were under the authority of India's provinces were organised into new Agencies, answerable directly to the Governor-general, on the model of the Central India and Rajputana agencies: the Eastern States Agency, Punjab States Agency, Baluchistan Agency, Deccan States Agency, Madras States Agency and the Northwest Frontier States Agency. The Baroda Residency was combined with the princely states of northern Bombay Presidency into the Baroda, Western India and Gujarat States Agency. Gwalior was separated from the Central India Agency and given its own Resident, and the states of Rampur and Benares, formerly with Agents under the authority of the United Provinces, were placed under the Gwalior Residency in 1936. The princely states of Sandur and Banganapalle in Mysore Presidency were transferred to the agency of the Mysore Resident in 1939.

text: Principal princely states in 1947[edit]

text: The native states in 1947 included five large states that were in "direct political relations" with the Government of India. For the complete list of princely states in 1947, see List of princely states of India.

text: In direct relations with the Central Government[edit]

text:
Five large Princely states in direct political relations with the Central Government in India[23][24][25][26]

Name of Princely state
Area in square miles
Population in 1941
Approximate revenue of the state (in hundred thousand Rupees)
Title, ethnicity, and religion of ruler
Gun-Salute for ruler
Designation of local political officer

Baroda
13,866
3,343,477 (chiefly Hindu)
323.26
Maharaja, Maratha, Hindu
21
Resident at Baroda

Hyderabad
82,698
16,338,534 (mostly Hindu with a sizeable Muslim minority)
1582.43
Nizam, Turkic, Sunni Muslim
21
Resident in Hyderabad

Jammu and Kashmir
84,471
4,021,616 including Gilgit, Baltistan (Skardu), Ladakh, and Punch (mostly Muslim, with sizeable Hindu and Buddhist populations)
463.95
Maharaja, Dogra, Hindu
21
Resident in Jammu & Kashmir

Mysore
29,458
7,328,896 (chiefly Hindu)
1001.38
Maharaja, Kannadiga, Hindu
21
Resident in Mysore

Gwalior
26,397
4,006,159 (chiefly Hindu)
356.75
Maharaja, Maratha, Hindu
21
Resident at Gwalior

Total
236,890
35,038,682
3727.77

text:
[show]Please expand to view the tables for the Agencies under the Central government

88 Princely states forming the Central India Agency[27][28]

Name of Princely state
Area in square miles
Population in 1941
Approximate revenue of the state (in hundred thousand Rupees)
Title, ethnicity, and religion of ruler
Gun-Salute for ruler
Designation of local political officer

Indore State
9,341
1,513,966 (mainly Hindu)
304.9
Maharaja, Maratha, Hindu
19 (plus 2 local)
Resident at Indore

Bhopal
6,924
785,322 (mostly Hindu)
119.82
Nawab(m)/Begum(f), Afghan, Muslim
19 (plus 2 local)
Political Agent in Bhopal

Rewah
13,000
1,820,445 (chiefly Hindu)
65
Maharaja, Baghel Rajput, Hindu
17
Political agent in Baghelkhand

85 smaller and minor states (1941)
22,995 (1901)
2.74 million (Chiefly Hindu, 1901)
129 (1901)

Total
77,395 (1901)
8.51 million (1901)
421 (1901)

42 Princely states forming the Eastern States Agency[27][29]

Name of Princely state
Area in square miles
Population in 1941
Approximate revenue of the state (in hundred thousand Rupees)
Title, ethnicity, and religion of ruler
Gun-Salute for ruler
Designation of local political officer

Cooch Behar
1,318
639,898 (chiefly Hindu and Muslim)
91
Maharaja, Kshattriya, Brahmo
13
Resident for the Eastern States

Tripura State
4,116
513,010 (chiefly Hindu)
54
Maharaja, Kshattriya, Hindu
13
Resident for the Eastern States

Mayurbhanj State
4,243
990,977 (chiefly Hindu)
49
Maharaja, Kshattriya, Hindu
9
Resident for the Eastern States

39 smaller and minor states (1941)
56,253
6,641,991
241.31

Total
65,930
8,785,876
435.31

Gwalior Residency (2 states)

Two states under the suzerainty of the Resident at Gwalior, Gwalior having direct relations with the central government.[23][30]

Name of Princely state
Area in square miles
Population in 1941
Approximate revenue of the state (in hundred thousand Rupees)
Title, ethnicity, and religion of ruler
Gun-Salute for ruler
Designation of local political officer

Rampur
893
464,919 (chiefly Hindu and Muslim, in 1931)
51
Nawab, Pathan, Muslim
15
Political Agent at Rampur

Benares State
875
391,165 (chiefly Hindu, 1931)
19
Maharaja, Bhumihar, Hindu
13 (plus 2 local)
Political Agent at Benares

Total
1,768
856,084 (1941, approx.)
70

23 Princely states forming the Rajputana Agency, with the Resident for Rajputana at Abu[31][32]

Name of Princely state
Area in square miles
Population in 1941
Approximate revenue of the state (in hundred thousand Rupees)
Title, ethnicity, and religion of ruler
Gun-Salute for ruler
Designation of local political officer

Udaipur (Mewar)
13,170
1,926,698 (chiefly Hindu and Bhil)
107
Maharana, Sisodia Rajput, Hindu
19 (plus 2 personal)
Political Agent for the Mewar and Southern Rajputana States

Jaipur
15,610
3,040,876 (chiefly Hindu)
188.6
Maharaja, Kachwaha Rajput, Hindu
17 (plus 2 personal)
Political Agent at Jaipur

Jodhpur (Marwar)
36,120
2,555,904 (chiefly Hindu)
208.65
Maharaja, Rathor Rajput, Hindu
17
Political Agent for the Western States of Rajputana

Bikaner
23,181
1,292,938 (chiefly Hindu)
185.5
Maharaja, Rathor Rajput, Hindu
17
Political agent for the Western States of Rajputana

17 salute states, 1 chiefship, 1 zamindari
42,374
3.64 million (chiefly Hindu, 1901)
155 (1901)

Total
128,918 (1901)
9.84 million (1901)
320 (1901)

3 Princely states forming the Baluchistan Agency[33][34]

Name of Princely state
Area in square miles
Population in 1941
Approximate revenue of the state (in hundred thousand Rupees)
Title, ethnicity, and religion of ruler
Gun-Salute for ruler
Designation of local political officer

Kalat
73,278
250,211 (chiefly Sunni Muslim)
21.3
Khan or Wali, Brahui, Sunni Muslim
19
Political Agent in Kalat

Las Bela
7,132
68,972 (chiefly Sunni Muslim)
6.1
Jam, Kureshi Arab, Sunni Muslim

Political Agent in Kalat

Kharan
14,210
33,763 (chiefly Sunni Muslim)
2
Nawab, Sunni Muslim

Political Agent in Kalat

Total
94,620
352,946
29.4

text:
Sikkim, as a Protectorate of the British Government[35]

Name of Princely state
Area in square miles
Population in 1941
Approximate revenue of the state (in hundred thousand Rupees)
Title, ethnicity, and religion of ruler
Gun-Salute for ruler
Designation of local political officer

Sikkim
2,818
121,520 (chiefly Buddhist and Hindu)
5
Maharaja, Tibetan, Buddhist
15
Political Officer, Sikkim

text:
[show]Please expand to view the tables for other states under Provincial Governments

Madras (5 States)

5 States under the suzerainty of the Provincial Government of Madras[33]

Name of Princely state
Area in square miles
Population in 1901
Approximate revenue of the state (in hundred thousand) Rupees
Title, ethnicity, and religion of ruler
Gun-Salute for ruler
Designation of local political officer

Travancore
7,091
2,952,157 (chiefly Hindu and Christian)
100
Maharaja, Kshatriya-Samanthan, Hindu
21 (including two guns personal to the then ruler)
Resident in Travancore and Cochin

Cochin
1,362
812,025 (chiefly Hindu and Christian)
27
Raja, Samanta-Kshatriya, Hindu
17
Resident in Travancore and Cochin

Padukkottai
1,100
380,440 (chiefly Hindu)
11
Raja, Kallar, Hindu
11
Collector of Trichinopoly (ex officio Political Agent)

2 minor states (Banganapalle and Sandur)
416
43,464
3

Total
9,969
4,188,086
141

Bombay (354 States)

354 states under the suzerainty of the Provincial Government of Bombay[36]

Name of Princely state
Area in square miles
Population in 1901
Approximate revenue of the state (in hundred thousand Rupees)
Title, ethnicity, and religion of ruler
Gun-Salute for ruler
Designation of local political officer

Kolhapur
2,855
910,011 (chiefly Hindus)
48
Maharaja, Kshatriya, Hindu
19
Political Agent for Kolhapur

Cutch
7,616
488,022 (chiefly Hindu)
20
Maharao, Jadeja Rajput, Hindu
17
Political Agent in Cutch

Junagarh
3,284
395,428 (chiefly Hindu)
27
Nawab, Pathan, Muslim
11
Agent to the Governor in Kathiawar

Navanagar
3,791
336,779 (chiefly Hindu)
31
Jam Sahib, Jadeja Rajput, Hindu
11
Agent to the Governor in Kathiawar

349 other states
42,165
4,579,095
281

Total
65,761
6,908,648
420

Central Provinces (15 States)

15 States under the suzerainty of the Provincial Government of the Central Provinces[37]

Name of Princely state
Area in square miles
Population in 1901
Approximate revenue of the state (in hundred thousand Rupees)
Title, ethnicity, and religion of ruler
Gun-Salute for ruler
Designation of local political officer

Kalahandi
3,745
284,465 (chiefly Hindu)
4
Raja, Rajput, Hindu
9
Political Agent for the Chhattisgarh Feudatories

Bastar
13,062
306,501 (chiefly Animist)
3
Raja, Kshatriya, Hindu

Political Agent for the Chhattisgarh Feudatories

13 other states
12,628
1,339,353 (chiefly Hindu)
16

11

Total
29,435
1,996,383
21

Punjab (45 States)

45 states under the suzerainty of the Provincial Government of the Punjab[38][39]

Name of Princely state
Area in square miles
Population in 1941
Approximate revenue of the State (in hundred thousand Rupees)
Title, ethnicity, and religion of ruler
Gun-Salute for ruler
Designation of local political officer

Bahawalpur
16,434
1,341,209 (chiefly Muslim)
335
Nawab, Daudputra, Muslim
17
Political Agent for Phulkian States and Bahawalpur

Patiala
5,942
1,936,259 (chiefly Hindu and Sikh)
302.6
Maharaja, Sidhu Jat, Sikh
17 (and 2 personal)
Political Agent for Phulkian States and Bahawalpur

Nabha
947
340,044 (chiefly Hindu and Sikh)
38.7
Maharaja, Sidhu Jat, Sikh
13 (and 2 local)
Political Agent for Phulkian States and Bahawalpur

Jind
1,299
361,812 (chiefly Hindu and Sikh)
37.4
Maharaja, Sidhu Jat, Sikh
13 (and 2 personal)
Political Agent for Phulkian States and Bahawalpur

Kapurthala
645
378,380 (chiefly Muslim and Hindu)
40.5
Maharaja, Ahluwalia Kolal, Sikh
13 (and 2 personal)
Commissioner of the Jullundur Division (ex officio Political Agent)

Faridkot
638
199,283 (Sikh, Hindu, and Muslim)
22.7
Raja, Barar Jat, Sikh
11
Commissioner of the Jullundur Division (ex officio Political Agent)

Tehri (Garhwal)
4,500
397,369 (chiefly Hindu)
26.9
Maharaja, Rajput Hindu
11
Commissioner of Kumaun (ex officio Political Agent)

Khairpur
6,050
305,387 (chiefly Muslim)
15 (plus 2 local)
Mir, Talpur Baloch, Muslim
37.8
Political Agent for Khairpur

25 other states
12,661 (in 1901)
1,087,614 (in 1901)
30 (in 1901)

Total
36,532 (in 1901)
4,424,398 (in 1901)
155 (in 1901)

Assam (26 states)

26 States under the suzerainty of the Provincial Government of Assam[40][41]

Name of Princely state
Area in square miles
Population in 1941
Approximate revenue of the state (in hundred thousand Rupees)
Title, ethnicity, and religion of ruler
Gun-Salute for ruler
Designation of local political officer

Manipur
8,638
512,069 (chiefly Hindu and Animist)
19
Raja, Kshatriya, Hindu
11
Political Agent in Manipur

25 Khasi States
3,778
213,586 (Khasi and Christian)
~1 (1941, approx.)

Deputy Commissioner, Khasi and Jaintia Hills

Total
12,416
725,655
20 (1941; approx.)

text: Burma[edit]

text:
52 States in Burma: all except Kantarawadi, one of the Karenni States, were included in British India until 1937[42]

Name of Princely state
Area in square miles
Population in 1901
Approximate revenue of the state (in hundred thousand Rupees)
Title, ethnicity, and religion of ruler
Gun-Salute for ruler
Designation of local political officer

Hsipaw (Thibaw)
5,086
105,000 (Buddhist)
3
Sawbwa, Shan, Buddhist
9
Superintendent, Northern Shan States

Kengtung
12,000
190,000 (Buddhist)
1
Sawbwa, Shan, Buddhist
9
Superintendent Southern Shan States

Yawnghwe
865
95,339 (Buddhist)
2.13
Sawbwa, Shan, Buddhist
9
Superintendent Southern Shan States

Mongnai
2,717
44,000 (Buddhist)
0.5
Sawbwa, Shan, Buddhist

Superintendent Southern Shan States

5 Karenni States
3,130
45,795 (Buddhist and Animist)
0,035
Sawbwa, Red Karen, Buddhist

Superintendent Southern Shan States

44 Other States
42,198
792,152 (Buddhist and Animist)
8.5

Total
67,011
1,177,987
13.5

text: State military forces[edit]

text: See article: Indian State Forces

text: The armies of the Native States were bound by many restrictions that were imposed by subsidiary alliances. They existed mainly for ceremonial use and for internal policing, although certain units designated as Imperial Service Troops, were available for service alongside the regular Indian Army upon request by the British government.[43]

text: According to the Imperial Gazetteer of India vol. IV 1907, p. 85,

text: Since a chief can neither attack his neighbour nor fall out with a foreign nation, it follows that he needs no military establishment which is not required either for police purposes or personal display, or for cooperation with the Imperial Government. The treaty made with Gwalior in 1844, and the instrument of transfer given to Mysore in 1881, alike base the restriction of the forces of the State upon the broad ground of protection. The former explained in detail that unnecessary armies were embarrassing to the State itself and the cause of disquietude to others: a few months later a striking proof of this was afforded by the army of the Sikh kingdom of Lahore. The British Government has undertaken to protect the dominions of the Native princes from invasion and even from rebellion within: its army is organised for the defence not merely of British India, but of all the possessions under the suzerainty of the King-Emperor.[44]

text: In addition, other restrictions were imposed:

text: The treaties with most of the larger States are clear on this point. Posts in the interior must not be fortified, factories for the production of guns and ammunition must not be constructed, nor may the subject of other States be enlisted in the local forces. ... They must allow the forces that defend them to obtain local supplies, to occupy cantonments or positions, and to arrest deserters; and in addition to these services they must recognise the Imperial control of the railways, telegraphs, and postal communications as essential not only to the common welfare but to the common defence.[45]

text: The Imperial Service Troops were routinely inspected by British army officers and generally had the same equipment as soldiers in the Indian Army.[46] Although their numbers were relatively small, the Imperial Service Troops were employed in China and British Somaliland in the first decade of the 20th century, and later saw action in the First World War and Second World War .[46]

text: Political integration of princely states in 1947 and after[edit]

text: The examples and perspective in this section deal primarily with India and do not represent a worldwide view of the subject. You may improve this article, discuss the issue on the talk page, or create a new article, as appropriate. (February 2014) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)

text: The examples and perspective in this section deal primarily with Pakistan and do not represent a worldwide view of the subject. You may improve this article, discuss the issue on the talk page, or create a new article, as appropriate. (June 2017) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)

text: India[edit]

text: At the time of Indian independence in August 1947, India was divided into two sets of territories, the first being the territories of "British India," which were under the direct control of the India Office in London and the Governor-General of India, and the second being the "Princely states," the territories over which the Crown had suzerainty, but which were under the control of their hereditary rulers. In addition, there were several colonial enclaves controlled by France and Portugal. The integration of these territories into Dominion of India, that had been created by the Indian Independence Act 1947 by the British parliament, was a declared objective of the Indian National Congress, which the Government of India pursued over the years 1947 to 1949. Through a combination of tactics, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel and V. P. Menon in the months immediately preceding and following the independence convinced the rulers of almost all of the hundreds of princely states to accede to India. In a speech in January 1948, Vallabhbhai Patel said:

text: As you are all aware, on the lapse of Paramountcy every Indian State became a separate independent entity and our first task of consolidating about 550 States was on the basis of accession to the Indian Dominion on three subjects. Barring Hyderabad and Junagadh all the states which are contiguous to India acceded to Indian Dominion. Subsequently, Kashmir also came in... Some Rulers who were quick to read the writing on the wall, gave responsible government to their people; Cochin being the most illustrious example. In Travancore, there was a short struggle, but there, too, the Ruler soon recognised the aspiration of his people and agreed to introduce a constitution in which all powers would be transferred to the people and he would function as a constitutional Ruler.[47]

text: Although this process successfully integrated the vast majority of princely states into India, it was not as successful in relation to a few states, notably the former princely state of Kashmir, whose Maharaja delayed signing the instrument of accession into India until his territories were under the threat of invasion by Pakistan, the state of Hyderabad, whose ruler decided to remain independent and was subsequently defeated by the Operation Polo invasion, and the states of Tripura and Manipur, whose rulers agreed to accession only in late 1949, after the Indian conquest of Hyderabad.

text: Having secured their accession, Sardar Patel and V. P. Menon then proceeded, in a step-by-step process, to secure and extend the central government's authority over these states and to transform their administrations until, by 1956, there was little difference between the territories that had formerly been part of British India and those that had been princely states. Simultaneously, the Government of India, through a combination of diplomatic and military means, acquired control over the remaining European colonial enclaves, such as Goa, which were also integrated into India.

text: As the final step, in 1971, the 26th amendment[48] to the Constitution of India withdrew official recognition of all official symbols of princely India, including titles and privileges, and abolished the remuneration of the princes by privy purses. As a result, even titular heads of the former princely states ceased to exist.[49]

text: Pakistan[edit]

text: During the period of the British Raj, there were four princely states in Balochistan: Makran, Kharan, Las Bela and Kalat. The first three acceded to Pakistan.[50][51][52][53] However, the ruler of the fourth princely state, the Khan of Kalat Ahmad Yar Khan, declared Kalat's independence as this was one of the options given to all princely states.[54] The state remained independent until it was acceded on 27 March 1948. The signing of the Instrument of Accession by Ahmad Yar Khan, led his brother, Prince Abdul Karim, to revolt against his brother's decision in July 1948, causing an ongoing and still unresolved insurgency.[55]

text: Bahawalpur from the Punjab Agency joined Pakistan on 5 October 1947. The Princely states of the North-West Frontier States Agencies. included the Dir Swat and Chitral Agency and the Deputy Commissioner of Hazara acting as the Political Agent for Amb and Phulra. These states joined Pakistan on independence from the British.[citation needed]