document_title: Twelve Olympians

question_text: who was considered chief among the greek gods

root

text: Twelve Olympians

text: Olympians[edit]

text: The Olympians were the principal deities of the Greek pantheon, so named because of their residency atop Mount Olympus. They gained their supremacy in a ten-year-long war of gods, in which Zeus led his siblings to victory over the previous generation of ruling gods, the Titans. They were a family of gods, the most important consisting of the first generation of Olympians, offspring of the Titans Cronus and Rhea: Zeus, Poseidon, Hera, Demeter and Hestia, along with the principal offspring of Zeus: Athena, Apollo, Artemis, Ares, Aphrodite,[3] Hephaestus, Hermes, and Dionysus. Although Hades was a major deity in the Greek pantheon, and was the brother of Zeus and the other first generation of Olympians, his realm was far away from Olympus in the underworld, and thus he was not usually considered to be one of the Olympians.[4] Olympic gods can be contrasted to chthonic gods[5] including Hades, by mode of sacrifice, the latter receiving sacrifices in a bothros (βόθρος, "pit") or megaron (μέγαρον, "sunken chamber")[6] rather than an altar.

tag: p

text: The canonical number of Olympian gods was twelve, but besides the (thirteen) principal Olympians listed above, there were many other residents of Olympus, who thus might be called Olympians.[7] Heracles became a resident of Olympus after his apotheosis and married another Olympian resident Hebe.[8] Some others who might be considered Olympians, include: the Muses, the Graces, Iris, Dione, Eileithyia, the Horae, and Ganymede.[9]

text: Twelve gods[edit]

text: Besides the twelve Olympians, there were many other various cultic groupings of twelve gods throughout ancient Greece. The earliest evidence of Greek religious practice involving twelve gods (Greek: δωδεκάθεον, dodekatheon, from δώδεκα dōdeka, "twelve" and θεοί theoi, "gods") comes no earlier than the late sixth century BC.[10] According to Thucydides, an altar of the twelve gods was established in the agora of Athens by the archon Pisistratus (son of Hippias, and the grandson of the tyrant Pisistratus), in c. 522 BC.[11] The altar became the central point from which distances from Athens were measured and a place of supplication and refuge.[12]

text: Olympia apparently also had an early tradition of twelve gods.[13] The Homeric Hymn to Hermes (c. 500 BC) has the god Hermes divide a sacrifice of two cows he has stolen from Apollo, into twelve parts, on the banks of the river Alpheius (presumably at Olympia):

text: Pindar, in an ode written to be sung at Olympia c. 480 BC, has Heracles sacrificing, alongside the Alpheius, to the "twelve ruling gods":[15]

text: Another of Pindar's Olympian odes, mentions "six double altars".[17] Herodorus of Heraclea (c. 400 BC) also has Heracles founding a shrine at Olympia, with six pairs of gods, each pair sharing a single altar.[18]

text: Many other places had cults of the twelve gods, including Delos, Chalcedon, Magnesia on the Maeander, and Leontinoi in Sicily.[19] As with the twelve Olympians, although the number of gods was fixed at twelve, the membership varied.[20] While the majority of the gods included as members of these other cults of twelve gods were Olympians, non-Olympians were also sometimes included. For example, Herodorus of Heraclea identified the six pairs of gods at Olympia as: Zeus and Poseidon, Hera and Athena, Hermes and Apollo, the Graces and Dionysus, Artemis and Alpheus, and Cronus and Rhea.[21] Thus while this list includes the eight Olympians: Zeus, Poseidon, Hera, Athena, Hermes, Apollo, Artemis, and Dionysus, it also contains three clear non-Olympians: the Titan parents of the first generation of Olympians, Cronus and Rhea, and the river god Alpheius, with the status of the Graces (here apparently counted as one god) being unclear.

text: Plato connected "twelve gods" with the twelve months, and implies that he considered Pluto one of the twelve in proposing that the final month be devoted to him and the spirits of the dead.[22]

text: The Roman poet Ennius gives the Roman equivalents (the Dii Consentes) as six male-female complements,[23] preserving the place of Vesta (Greek Hestia), who played a crucial role in Roman religion as a state goddess maintained by the Vestals.

text: List[edit]

text: There is no single canonical list of the twelve Olympian gods. The thirteen gods and goddesses most commonly considered to be one of the twelve Olympians are listed below.

text:
Greek
Roman
Image
Functions and attributes

Zeus
Jupiter

King of the gods and ruler of Mount Olympus; god of the sky, lightning, thunder, law, order and justice. Youngest child of the Titans Cronus and Rhea. Symbols include the thunderbolt, eagle, oak tree, lion, scepter, and scales. Brother and husband of Hera, although he had many lovers, also brother of Poseidon, Hades, Demeter, and Hestia.

Hera
Juno

Queen of the gods and the goddess of marriage, women, childbirth and family. Symbols include the peacock, cuckoo, and cow. Youngest daughter of Cronus and Rhea. Wife and sister of Zeus. Being the goddess of marriage, she frequently tried to get revenge on Zeus' lovers and their children.

Poseidon
Neptune

God of the seas, water, storms, hurricanes, earthquakes and horses. Symbols include the horse, bull, dolphin, and trident. Middle son of Cronus and Rhea. Brother of Zeus and Hades. Married to the Nereid Amphitrite, although, like most male Greek gods, he had many lovers.

Demeter
Ceres

Goddess of the harvest, fertility, agriculture, nature and the seasons. Who presided over grains and the fertility of the earth. Symbols include the poppy, wheat, torch, cornucopia, and pig. Middle daughter of Cronus and Rhea. Also the lover of Zeus and Poseidon, and the mother of Persephone.

Athena
Minerva

Goddess of wisdom, knowledge, reason, intelligent activity, literature, handicrafts, science, defense and strategic warfare. Symbols include the owl and the olive tree. Daughter of Zeus and the Oceanid Metis, she rose from her father's head fully grown and in full battle armor.

Apollo/
Apollon[A]
Apollo[A]

God of light, the sun, prophecy, philosophy, truth, inspiration, poetry, music, arts, medicine, healing, and plague. Symbols include the sun, lyre, swan, and mouse. Son of Zeus and Leto, and twin brother of Artemis.

Artemis
Diana

Goddess of the hunt, the wilderness, virginity, the moon, archery, childbirth, protection and plaque. Symbols include the moon, horse, deer, hound, she-bear, snake, cypress tree, and bow and arrow. Daughter of Zeus and Leto and twin sister of Apollo.

Ares
Mars

God of war, violence, bloodshed and manly virtues. Symbols include the boar, serpent, dog, vulture, spear, and shield. Son of Zeus and Hera, all the other gods despised him. His Latin name, Mars, gave us the word "martial."

Aphrodite
Venus

Goddess of love, pleasure, passion, procreation, fertility, beauty and desire. Symbols include the dove, bird, apple, bee, swan, myrtle, and rose. Daughter of Zeus and the Oceanid Dione, or perhaps born from the sea foam after Uranus' semen dripped into the sea after being castrated by his youngest son, Cronus, who then threw his father's genitals into the sea. Married to Hephaestus, although she had many adulterous affairs, most notably with Ares. Her name gave us the word "aphrodisiac", while her Latin name, Venus, gave us the word "venereal".[B]

Hephaestus
Vulcan

Master blacksmith and craftsman of the gods; god of the forge, craftsmanship, invention, fire and volcanoes. Symbols include fire, anvil, axe, donkey, hammer, tongs, and quail. Son of Hera, either by Zeus or alone. Married to Aphrodite, though unlike most divine husbands, he was rarely ever licentious. His Latin name, Vulcan, gave us the word "volcano."

Hermes
Mercury

Messenger of the gods; god of travel, commerce, communication, borders, eloquence, diplomacy, thieves and games. Symbols include the caduceus (staff entwined with two snakes), winged sandals and cap, stork, and tortoise (whose shell he used to invent the lyre). Son of Zeus and the nymph Maia. The second-youngest Olympian, just older than Dionysus.

tag: table

text: Most listings include either one or the other of the following deities as one of the twelve Olympians.

text:
Greek
Roman
Image
Functions and attributes

Hestia
Vesta

Goddess of the hearth, fire and of the right ordering of domesticity and the family; she was born into the first Olympian generation and was one of the original twelve Olympians. Some lists of the Twelve Olympians omit her in favor of Dionysus, but the speculation that she gave her throne to him in order to keep the peace seems to be modern invention. She is the first child of Cronus and Rhea, eldest sister of Hades, Demeter, Poseidon, Hera, and Zeus.

Dionysus (or
Bacchus)
Bacchus

God of wine, the grape vine, fertility, festivity, ecstasy, madness and resurrection. Patron god of the art of theatre. Symbols include the grapevine, ivy, cup, tiger, panther, leopard, dolphin, goat, and pinecone. Son of Zeus and the mortal Theban princess Semele. Married to the Cretan princess Ariadne. The youngest Olympian god, as well as the only one to have a mortal mother.

text:
Notes

^ Romans also associated Phoebus with Helios and the sun itself,[24][25] however, they also used the Greek name Apollon in a Latinized form Apollo.[26]
^ According to an alternate version of her birth, Aphrodite was born of Uranus, Zeus' grandfather, after Cronus threw his castrated genitals into the sea. This supports the etymology of her name, "foam-born". As such, Aphrodite would belong to the same generation as Cronus, Zeus' father, and would be Zeus' aunt. See the birth of Aphrodite

tag: ol

text: Genealogy[edit]

text:
[hide]Major Olympians' family tree [27]

Uranus

Gaia

Uranus' genitals

Cronus

Rhea

ZEUS

HERA

POSEIDON

Hades

DEMETER

HESTIA

    a [28]

     b [29]

ARES

HEPHAESTUS

Metis

ATHENA [30]

Leto

APOLLO

ARTEMIS

Maia

HERMES

Semele

DIONYSUS

Dione

    a [31]

     b [32]

APHRODITE


document_title: Derek Shepherd

question_text: when do meredith grey and derek get married

text: Derek Shepherd

text: Storyline[edit]

text: Derek arrives at Seattle Grace Hospital as the new Head of Neurosurgery from New York City. He is a Bowdoin College graduate[2] and attended Columbia University College of Physicians and Surgeons alongside his childhood best friend Mark Sloan and ex-wife Addison Montgomery and Private Practice characters Naomi Bennett and Sam Bennett. Derek was a student of Dr. Richard Webber and was enticed to come with an "offer he couldn’t refuse"[3] – the position of Chief of Surgery, which he eventually turned down. He specializes in highly complex tumors and conditions of the brain and spine[4][5][6] and came to Seattle Grace with a reputation for taking on "lost causes" and "impossible" cases[7] that most of his peers would turn down. As an attending he is both well-liked and feared — well-liked by patients and his scrub nurses for his compassion and gentlemanly bedside manner and feared by interns and residents who are intimidated by his reputation and high standards.[4][8] He is passionate about his job and has been known to expel staff or remove interns and residents (or at least threaten them) from his service for being disrespectful about patients or if he deems their attitude to be detrimental to his patient's well-being.[9][10][11][8]

text: Derek first meets Meredith Grey at a bar, and soon finds out that she is an intern at Seattle Grace. They begin to have feelings for one another and it causes some awkwardness at work, particularly after her supervising resident Dr. Miranda Bailey discovers their relationship. Meredith's housemates and fellow interns George O'Malley and Izzie Stevens both antagonized her for some time as they felt she was using her relationship with Derek to further her career. He generally tolerated them despite his dislike of sharing his living space with the interns who worked under him. While most of his family members accepted Meredith, his sister, Nancy, particularly disliked her and repeatedly called her "the slutty intern";[12] as of season nine she still refuses to speak to Meredith or acknowledge her as her sister-in-law.[13] His mother Carolyn approved as she felt Meredith's gray perspective of life complemented Derek's tendency to see everything in black and white.[14]

text: Derek's background was generally a mystery for the first season and source of speculation amongst his colleagues due to his sudden departure from an established and highly respected practice in New York. In the season one finale, his past eventually catches up with him when his estranged wife Addison moves to Seattle and is offered a position by Dr. Webber. Shortly thereafter, his childhood best friend Mark joins Seattle Grace as the new head of plastic surgery. Derek and Addison attempt to repair their marriage but attempts were futile. Since their divorce they have remained on amicable terms, with Addison even admonishing Meredith for breaking up with Derek in season three. In the Private Practice episode "Ex-Life" Derek finally tells Addison that his mother never liked her in the first place. He admits to Meredith that Addison cheating on him with Mark was partly his fault as an absentee husband.[15] Addison eventually leaves Seattle for a private practice in Los Angeles, spawning the spin-off Private Practice. In the season eight episode "If/Then", Meredith dreams of an alternate universe where her mother never had Alzheimer's; Derek and Addison are still married but their strained relationship and Shepherd's disillusionment causes his career to stagnate, earning him the nicknames "Bad Shepherd" and "McDreary".

text:
When Derek is offered the Chief of Surgery position for the second time, he persuades the board to keep Dr. Webber on the staff.
During the merger of Seattle Grace with Mercy West their relationship sours when Derek disagreed with Richard's handling of the merger and Richard begins to display uncharacteristic behavior, not unnoticed by his fellow surgeons. Derek learns from Meredith that Richard has since resumed drinking and feels forced to have him removed as Chief of Surgery. With mixed feelings, Derek offers him an ultimatum: go into rehab and possibly pick up where he left off after, or quit completely.

text: In seasons three and four, Meredith and Derek's relationship becomes rocky and they each take time to date other people. Derek's plans to propose were ruined by a series of unfortunate events in season five. In the season finale, they decide to give their planned wedding to Alex and Izzie. Due to their tight schedule, they instead informally marry and Derek writes down their "promises" on a post-it note. They legalize their marriage in season seven in order to adopt Zola, a young African orphan treated for spina bifida.[16] They briefly separate after Meredith tampers with their Alzheimer's trial, jeopardizing her career and tarnishing Derek's reputation. Zola is taken away from Meredith after a social worker finds out she and Derek are living separately. In later seasons, Derek often griped about how his subsequent interns and residents – mainly Lexie Grey, Shane Ross and Heather Brooks – did not quite measure up to Meredith.[4][10] The social worker comes back and announces they are the official parents of Zola. As Meredith nears the end of her fifth year of residency, she and Derek are torn between staying at Seattle Grace Mercy West or leaving for Boston where Derek would work at Harvard while Meredith would be at the Brigham and Women's Hospital.

text: Following his rescue from the plane crash that killed Mark and Lexie, Derek learns that he may only regain 80 percent of his hand's function. He comes to terms with the fact that his career as a surgeon may be over and is grateful that he is alive. When Callie Torres (Sara Ramirez), head of orthopedic surgery, tells him a more risky surgery could give him back full function of his hand or reduce its function if it goes wrong, he agrees, accepting the possibility of never again holding a scalpel. Derek recovers well and Callie clears him to return to work, but it is still weeks later that he feels ready to operate. Derek, Callie and fellow resident Jackson Avery decide to do nerve transplant for his hand. Meredith, newly pregnant with their second child, goes behind his back and calls his sisters so they can donate a nerve to him. Lizzie (Neve Campbell), Derek's younger sister, agrees to donate a nerve and the surgery is a success.

text: Derek and Meredith's marriage is strained after he accepted an invitation from the President to participate in the Brain-Mapping Initiative. He went back on his promise to her that he would not add to his current workload in order to devote time to their two young children and allow her the chance to establish her career as a full-fledged attending. Eventually he was offered a position at the National Institutes of Health in Washington, D.C., but Meredith puts her foot down and refuses to leave her hometown and uproot their young family. His youngest sister Amelia (Caterina Scorsone) takes over his position at Grey Sloan. Meanwhile, he and Meredith fight bitterly on and off over whether they should move. After a bad argument, he accepts the job in the heat of the moment and leaves for Washington. While there, he and Meredith talk things out over the phone and come to a mutual conclusion that they both did not want to end their marriage. He tells her that just being with her, raising their children and operating on patients was more satisfying than "saving the world".

text: In season 11, Derek is involved in a fatal car  accident while driving to the airport for his final trip to Washington. He is able to hear and process auditory input, but unable to speak. He is recognized by Winnie, one of the victims of a crash he assisted in earlier, who tells the surgeons that their patient's name is Derek and that he is a surgeon as well. The hospital he was taken to was understaffed and his head injury was not detected quickly enough by the interns on duty that night. Although the neurosurgeon on call is paged multiple times, he takes too long to arrive and Derek is declared brain dead. Police arrive at Meredith's door and take her to see Derek, where she consents to removing him from life support. At the time of his death, Meredith was pregnant with their third child. She gives birth to a daughter whom she names Ellis after her mother.

text: Derek was mentioned or referenced to a number of times in season 12 as the other characters struggle to cope with his sudden death. In the episode "My Next Life", Meredith had a flashback of their first ever surgery together when a patient named Katie Bryce was admitted to the hospital with a brain aneurysm. Amelia took his death especially hard as he was the sibling she was closest to. At the end of the season, prior to her wedding to Derek's long-time colleague Owen Hunt, Amelia goes on a nervous rant about how Derek was supposed to be the one to give her away, him having given away their three other sisters at their weddings.

text: Development[edit]

text: Casting and creation[edit]

text: When Patrick Dempsey auditioned for the role of Derek Shepherd, he was afraid that he was not going to get the part. Creator Shonda Rhimes' first reaction was: "The very first time I met him, I was absolutely sure that he was my guy. Reading the lines of Derek Shepherd, Patrick had a vulnerable charm that I just fell for. And he had amazing chemistry with Ellen Pompeo." Rhimes admitted that Dempsey's dyslexia threw her at first, particularly at the first few table readings: "I did not know about Patrick's dyslexia in the beginning. I actually thought that he didn't like the scripts from the way he approached the readings. When I found out, I completely understood his hesitation. Now that we all know, if he is struggling with a word, the other actors are quick to step up and help him out. Everyone is very respectful."[citation needed] Isaiah Washington also auditioned for the part and when he did not get it, he said his reaction was like "I'd been kicked in the stomach by 14 mules." Washington was, however, later cast as Preston Burke.[17] Rob Lowe was also considered to portray Shepherd but turned the role down.[18] Some of the character's medical cases were inspired by real-life patients of Steve Giannotta, Chair of Neurological Surgery at the University of Southern California Keck School of Medicine, whom Rhimes had consulted in writing for Shepherd's storylines and patients.[19]

text:
In January 2014, Dempsey signed a two-year contract to remain on Grey's Anatomy (then in its tenth season) that would ensure his presence for potential 11th and 12th seasons.[20] However, in April 2015, Dempsey's character was killed off[21] while his contract was not over yet. Dempsey explained: "it just sort of evolved. It’s just kind of happened. It really was something that was kind of surprising that unfolded, and it just naturally came to be. Which was pretty good. I like the way it has all played out."[22]
In August 2015, Rhimes commented:

text:
“

The decision to have the character die the way that he did was not a difficult one in the sense of what were the options? Either Derek was going to walk out on Meredith, and leave her high and dry, and what was that going to mean? That was going to suggest that the love was not true, the thing we had said for 11 years was a lie and McDreamy wasn't McDreamy. For me, that was untenable. Meredith and Derek's love had to remain Meredith and Derek's love. As painful as it was for me as a storyteller, because I had never really thought that was going to happen, it preserved what felt true to me, was that Derek was going to have to die in order for that love to remain honest. Because I really couldn't have the idea that he just turned out to be a bad guy who walked out on his wife and kids be a true story. To me, it felt like that was the only way to make Meredith and Derek's magic remain true and forever frozen in time.[23]

”

text: The character was later written to be a graduate of Bowdoin College, a liberal arts college in Brunswick, Maine, after an alumnus led a petition signed by over 450 students to "adopt" the character as an alumnus.[24] Dempsey is from Lewiston, about 18 miles (29 km) away from Brunswick, and was awarded an honorary doctorate by Bowdoin in 2013.[2]

text: Characterization[edit]

text: Rhimes describes Shepherd as typical "Prince Charming". He was planned to be a doctor who doesn't really care about anything, who lives in his "own" universe and has a big sex appeal. A man who is charming, devilishly handsome and the type of guy every girl dreams of, and a man that often makes the wrong decisions, and is often known as a jerk or the ultimate heartbreaker. Rhimes planned to have this kind of character from the beginning, because he was the kind of guy whom girls fall in love with and a character whose storylines could easily be changed.[citation needed] USA Today writer Robert Bianco said: "Derek could, at times, seem like two people, warm and funny one minute, cold and self-involved the next. Dempsey's gift was in making those two sides seem like part of the same person, while keeping us rooting for that person as a whole."[25]

text: Reception[edit]

text: With the show concluding its second season, Robert Bianco of USA Today said that Emmy voters could consider him because of the "seemingly effortless way he humanizes Derek's 'dreamy' appeal with ego and vanity".[26] In the third season, Alan Sepinwall of The Star-Ledger wrote that "the attempt to give the moral high ground back to McDreamy was bad. Dude, whatever happened in New York ceased to count in any kind of grievance tally once you agreed to take Addison back and give things another try. You're the dick who cheated on her, you're the one who knew that she found the panties, and still you act like her getting back together with Mark justifies what you did? Wow. I didn't think it was possible for me to dislike anyone on this show more than Meredith, but congratulations, big guy."[27]

text: Debbie Chang of BuddyTV noted the character's immaturity in the fourth season, saying: "The only character who did not make me love him was Derek Shepherd (Patrick Dempsey). How this character is still Shonda's golden child is beyond me. Yes, we get it. He's tormented by his love for Meredith, but that does not give him the right to lash out at her when his clinical trial patients are dying. If things don't go absolutely the way he wants them to, then he refuses to cooperate. How immature can this man possibly be? No amount of heavily styled hair or blue-blue-blue eyes is going to make me warm up to him unless he admits to being the needy, desperate one in the relationship."[28]

text: Entertainment Weekly placed Shepherd in its list of the "30 Great TV Doctors and Nurses".[29] The character was also listed in Wetpaint's "10 Hottest Male Doctors on TV" and in BuzzFeed's "16 Hottest Doctors On Television".[30][31] His relationship with Meredith was included in TV Guide's list of "The Best TV Couples of All Time".[32]

text: Victor Balta of Today listed Shepherd and Sloan's friendship in its "TV's best bromances". He called them "the most exciting couple on Grey’s," explaining "they’ve demonstrated an easy chemistry that makes for some of the great comic relief around Seattle Grace Hospital with their banter, sage wisdom on each other’s lives, and locker room-style teasing."[33] Their bromance was furthermore included in lists by About.com, BuddyTV, Cosmopolitan, Wetpaint.[34][35][36][37] However, following the announcement of Dane's upcoming departure from the show, Mark Perigard of the Boston Herald felt he and Derek "never clicked like you’d expect friends would. Any scene they had together ranged from uncomfortable to forced."[38]


document_title: Mohenjo-daro

question_text: why is mohenjo daro considered one of the most advanced cities of its time

text: Mohenjo-daro

text: Etymology[edit]

text: Mohenjo-daro, the modern name for the site, has been variously interpreted as "Mound of the Dead Men" in Sindhi, and as "Mound of Mohan" (where Mohan is Krishna).[2][5] The city's original name is unknown. Based on his analysis of a Mohenjo-daro seal, Iravatham Mahadevan speculates that the city's ancient name could have been Kukkutarma ("the city [-rma] of the cockerel [kukkuta]").[6] Cock-fighting may have had ritual and religious significance for the city, with domesticated chickens bred there for sacred purposes, rather than as a food source. Mohenjo-daro may also have been a point of diffusion for the eventual worldwide domestication of chickens.[7]

text: Location[edit]

text: Mohenjo-daro is located west of the Indus River in Larkana District, Sindh, Pakistan, in a central position between the Indus River and the Ghaggar-Hakra River. It is sited on a Pleistocene ridge in the middle of the flood plain of the Indus River Valley, around 28 kilometres (17 mi) from the town of Larkana.[8] The ridge was prominent during the time of the Indus Valley Civilization, allowing the city to stand above the surrounding flood, but subsequent flooding has since buried most of the ridge in silt deposits. The Indus still flows east of the site, but the Ghaggar-Hakra riverbed on the western side is now dry.[9]

text: Historical context[edit]

text: Mohenjo-daro was built in the 26th century BCE.[10] It was one of the largest cities of the ancient Indus Valley Civilization, also known as the Harappan Civilization,[11] which developed around 3,000 BCE from the prehistoric Indus culture. At its height, the Indus Civilization spanned much of what is now Pakistan and North India, extending westwards to the Iranian border, south to Gujarat in India and northwards to an outpost in Bactria, with major urban centers at Harappa, Mohenjo-daro, Lothal, Kalibangan, Dholavira and Rakhigarhi. Mohenjo-daro was the most advanced city of its time, with remarkably sophisticated civil engineering and urban planning.[12] When the Indus civilization went into sudden decline around 1900 BCE, Mohenjo-daro was abandoned.[10][13]

text: Rediscovery and excavation[edit]

text: The ruins of the city remained undocumented for around 3,700 years until R. D. Banerji, an officer of the Archaeological Survey of India, visited the site in 1919–20, identifying the Buddhist stupa (150–500 CE) known to be there and finding a flint scraper which convinced him of the site's antiquity. This led to large-scale excavations of Mohenjo-daro led by Kashinath Narayan Dikshit in 1924–25, and John Marshall in 1925–26.[14] In the 1930s, major excavations were conducted at the site under the leadership of Marshall, D. K. Dikshitar and Ernest Mackay. Further excavations were carried out in 1945 by Ahmad Hasan Dani and Mortimer Wheeler. The last major series of excavations were conducted in 1964 and 1965 by Dr. George F. Dales. After 1965 excavations were banned due to weathering damage to the exposed structures, and the only projects allowed at the site since have been salvage excavations, surface surveys, and conservation projects. However, in the 1980s, German and Italian survey groups led by Dr. Michael Jansen and Dr. Maurizio Tosi used less invasive archeological techniques, such as architectural documentation, surface surveys, and localized probing, to gather further information about Mohenjo-daro.[3] A dry core drilling conducted in 2015 by Pakistan's National Fund for Mohenjo-daro revealed that the site is larger than the unearthed area.[15]

text: Architecture and urban infrastructure[edit]

text: Mohenjo-daro has a planned layout with rectilinear buildings arranged on a grid plan.[16] Most were built of fired and mortared brick; some incorporated sun-dried mud-brick and wooden superstructures. The covered area of Mohenjo-daro is estimated at 300 hectares.[17] The Oxford Handbook of Cities in World History offers a "weak" estimate of a peak population of around 40,000.[18]

text: The sheer size of the city, and its provision of public buildings and facilities, suggests a high level of social organization.[19] The city is divided into two parts, the so-called Citadel and the Lower City. The Citadel – a mud-brick mound around 12 metres (39 ft) high – is known to have supported public baths, a large residential structure designed to house about 5,000 citizens, and two large assembly halls. The city had a central marketplace, with a large central well. Individual households or groups of households obtained their water from smaller wells. Waste water was channeled to covered drains that lined the major streets. Some houses, presumably those of more prestigious inhabitants, include rooms that appear to have been set aside for bathing, and one building had an underground furnace (known as a hypocaust), possibly for heated bathing. Most houses had inner courtyards, with doors that opened onto side-lanes. Some buildings had two stories.[citation needed]

text: Major buildings[edit]

text: In 1950, Sir Mortimer Wheeler identified one large building in Mohenjo-daro as a "Great Granary". Certain wall-divisions in its massive wooden superstructure appeared to be grain storage-bays, complete with air-ducts to dry the grain. According to Wheeler, carts would have brought grain from the countryside and unloaded them directly into the bays. However, Jonathan Mark Kenoyer noted the complete lack of evidence for grain at the "granary", which, he argued, might therefore be better termed a "Great Hall" of uncertain function.[13] Close to the "Great Granary" is a large and elaborate public bath, sometimes called the Great Bath. From a colonnaded courtyard, steps lead down to the brick-built pool, which was waterproofed by a lining of bitumen. The pool measures 12 metres (39 ft) long, 7 metres (23 ft) wide and 2.4 metres (7.9 ft) deep. It may have been used for religious purification. Other large buildings include a "Pillared Hall", thought to be an assembly hall of some kind, and the so-called "College Hall", a complex of buildings comprising 78 rooms, thought to have been a priestly residence.[citation needed]

text: Fortifications[edit]

text: Mohenjo-daro had no series of city walls, but was fortified with guard towers to the west of the main settlement, and defensive fortifications to the south. Considering these fortifications and the structure of other major Indus valley cities like Harappa, it is postulated that Mohenjo-daro was an administrative center. Both Harappa and Mohenjo-daro share relatively the same architectural layout, and were generally not heavily fortified like other Indus Valley sites. It is obvious from the identical city layouts of all Indus sites that there was some kind of political or administrative centrality, but the extent and functioning of an administrative center remains unclear.

text: Flooding and rebuilding[edit]

text: The city also had large platforms perhaps intended as defense against flooding.[19] According to a theory first advanced by Wheeler, the city could have been flooded and silted over, perhaps six times, and later rebuilt in the same location.[21]

text: Notable artefacts[edit]

text: Numerous objects found in excavation include seated and standing figures, copper and stone tools, carved seals, balance-scales and weights, gold and jasper jewellery, and children's toys.[22] Many important objects from Mohenjo-daro are conserved at the National Museum of India in Delhi and the National Museum of Pakistan in Karachi. In 1939, a representative collection of artefacts excavated at the site was transferred to the British Museum by the Director-General of the Archaeological Survey of India.[23]

text: Dancing Girl[edit]

text: A bronze statuette dubbed the "Dancing Girl", 10.5 centimetres (4.1 in) high[24] and about 4,500 years old, was found in 'HR area' of Mohenjo-daro in 1926.[24] In 1973, British archaeologist Mortimer Wheeler described the item as his favorite statuette:

text: "She's about fifteen years old I should think, not more, but she stands there with bangles all the way up her arm and nothing else on. A girl perfectly, for the moment, perfectly confident of herself and the world. There's nothing like her, I think, in the world."

text: John Marshall, another archeologist at Mohenjo-daro, described the figure as "a young girl, her hand on her hip in a half-impudent posture, and legs slightly forward as she beats time to the music with her legs and feet."[25] The archaeologist Gregory Possehl said of the statuette, "We may not be certain that she was a dancer, but she was good at what she did and she knew it". The statue led to two important discoveries about the civilization: first, that they knew metal blending, casting and other sophisticated methods of working with ore, and secondly that entertainment, especially dance, was part of the culture.[24]

text: Priest-King[edit]

text: In 1927, a seated male soapstone figure was found in a building with unusually ornamental brickwork and a wall-niche. Though there is no evidence that priests or monarchs ruled Mohenjo-daro, archaeologists dubbed this dignified figure a "Priest-King." The sculpture is 17.5 centimetres (6.9 in) tall, and shows a neatly bearded man with pierced earlobes and a fillet around his head, possibly all that is left of a once-elaborate hairstyle or head-dress; his hair is combed back. He wears an armband, and a cloak with drilled trefoil, single circle and double circle motifs, which show traces of red. His eyes might have originally been inlaid.[26]

text: Pashupati seal[edit]

text: A seal discovered at the site bears the image of a seated, cross-legged and possibly ithyphallic figure surrounded by animals. The figure has been interpreted by some scholars as a yogi, and by others as a three-headed "proto-Shiva" as "Lord of Animals".

text: Seven-stranded necklace[edit]

text: Sir Mortimer Wheeler was especially fascinated with this artifact, which he believed to be at least 4,500 years old. The necklace has an S-shaped clasp with seven strands, each over 4 ft long, of bronze-metal bead-like nuggets which connect each arm of the "S" in filigree. Each strand has between 220 and 230 of the many-faceted nuggets, and there are about 1,600 nuggets in total. The necklace weighs about 250 grams in total, and is presently held in a private collection in India.[citation needed]

text: Conservation and current state[edit]

text: An initial agreement to fund restoration was agreed through the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in Paris on 27 May 1980. Contributions were made by a number of other countries to the project:

text:
Country
Contribution US$

 Australia
$62,650.00

 Bahrain
$3,000.00

 Cameroon
$1,000.00

 Egypt
$63,889.60

 Germany
$375,939.85

 India
$49,494.95

 Iraq
$9,781.00

 Japan
$200,000.00

 Kuwait
$3,000.00

 Malta
$275.82

 Mauritius
$2,072.50

 Nigeria
$8,130.00

 Saudi Arabia
$58,993.63

 Sri Lanka
$1,562.50

 Tanzania
$1,000.00

text: Preservation work for Mohenjo-daro was suspended in December 1996 after funding from the Pakistani government and international organizations stopped. Site conservation work resumed in April 1997, using funds made available by the UNESCO. The 20-year funding plan provided $10 million to protect the site and standing structures from flooding. In 2011, responsibility for the preservation of the site was transferred to the government of Sindh.[27]

text: Currently the site is threatened by groundwater salinity and improper restoration. Many walls have already collapsed, while others are crumbling from the ground up. In 2012, Pakistani archaeologists warned that, without improved conservation measures, the site could disappear by 2030.[4][28]

text: 2014 Sindh Festival[edit]

text: The Mohenjo-daro site was further threatened in January 2014, when Bilawal Bhutto Zardari of the Pakistan People's Party chose the site for Sindh Festival's inauguration ceremony. This would have exposed the site to mechanical operations, including excavation and drilling. Farzand Masih, head of the Department of Archaeology at Punjab University warned that such activity was banned under the Antiquity Act, saying "You cannot even hammer a nail at an archaeological site." On 31 January 2014, a case was filed in the Sindh High Court to bar the Sindh government from continuing with the event.[29][30]The festival was held by PPP at the historic site, despite all the protest by both national and international historians and educators.


document_title: Ethnography

question_text: a cross-cultural comparison of two or more different cultures rooted in ethnography is called

text: Ethnography

text: History and meaning[edit]

text: This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (April 2015) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)

text: The word 'ethnography' is derived from the Greek ἔθνος (ethnos), meaning "a company, later a people, nation" and -graphy meaning "field of study". Ethnographic studies focus on large cultural groups of people who interact over time. Ethnography is a set of qualitative methods that are used in social sciences that focus on the observation of social practices and interactions.[9] Its aim is to observe a situation without imposing any deductive structure or framework upon it and to view everything as strange or unique.[10]

text: The field of anthropology originated from Europe and England designed in late 19th century. It spread its roots to the United States at the beginning of the 20th century. Some of the main contributors like EB Tylor (1832-1917) from Britain and Lewis H Morgan (1818-1881), an American scientist were considered as founders of cultural and social dimensions. Franz Boas (1858-1942), Bronislaw Malinowski (1858—1942), Ruth Benedict and Margaret Mead (1901-1978), were a group of researchers from the United States who contributed the idea of cultural relativism to the literature. Boas's approach focused on the use of documents and informants, whereas, Malinowski stated that a researcher should be engrossed with the work for long periods in the field and do a participant observation by living with the informant and experiencing their way of life. He gives the viewpoint of the native and this became the origin of field work and field methods.

text: Since Malinowski was very firm with his approach he applied it practically and traveled to Trobriand Island which was located off the eastern coast of New Guinea. He was interested in learning the language of the islanders and stayed there for a long time doing his field work. The field of ethnography became very popular in the late 19th century, as many social scientists gained an interest in studying modern society. Again, in the latter part of the 19th century, the field of anthropology became a good support for scientific formation. Though the field was flourishing it had a lot of threat to encounter. Postcolonialism, the research climate shifted towards post-modernism and feminism. Therefore, the field of anthropology moved into a discipline of social science.

text: Origins[edit]

text: Gerhard Friedrich Müller developed the concept of ethnography as a separate discipline whilst participating in the Second Kamchatka Expedition (1733–43) as a professor of history and geography. Whilst involved in the expedition, he differentiated Völker-Beschreibung as a distinct area of study. This became known as "ethnography," following the introduction of the Greek neologism ethnographia by Johann Friedrich Schöpperlin and the German variant by A. F. Thilo in 1767.[11] August Ludwig von Schlözer and Christoph Wilhelm Jacob Gatterer of the University of Göttingen introduced the term into the academic discourse in an attempt to reform the contemporary understanding of world history.[11][12]

text: Herodotus known as the Father of History had significant works on the cultures of various peoples beyond the Hellenic realm such as nations in Scythia, which earned him the title "Barbarian Lover" and may have produced the first ethnographic works.

text: Forms of ethnography[edit]

text: There are different forms of ethnography: confessional ethnography; life history; feminist ethnography etc. Two popular forms of ethnography are realist ethnography and critical ethnography. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 93)

text: Realist ethnography: is a traditional approach used by cultural anthropologists. Characterized by Van Maanen (1988), it reflects a particular instance taken by the researcher toward the individual being studied. It's an objective study of the situation. It's composed from a third person's perspective by getting the data from the members on the site. The ethnographer stays as omniscient correspondent of actualities out of sight. The realist reports information in a measured style ostensibly uncontaminated by individual predisposition, political objectives, and judgment. The analyst will give a detailed report of the everyday life of the individuals under study. The ethnographer also uses standard categories for cultural description (e.g., family life, communication network). The ethnographer produces the participant's views through closely edited quotations and has the final work on how the culture is to be interpreted and presented. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 93)

text: Critical ethnography: is a kind of ethnographic research in which the creators advocate for the liberation of groups which are marginalized in society. Critical researchers typically are politically minded people who look to take a stand of opposition to inequality and domination. For example, a critical ethnographer might study schools that provide privileges to certain types of students, or counseling practices that serve to overlook the needs of underrepresented groups. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 94). The important components of a critical ethnographer are to incorporate a value- laden introduction, empower people by giving them more authority, challenging the status quo, and addressing concerns about power and control. A critical ethnographer will study issues of power, empowerment, inequality inequity, dominance, repression, hegemony, and victimization. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 94)

text: Features of ethnographic research[edit]

text: This section does not cite any sources. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (April 2015) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)

text:
Involves investigation of very few cases, maybe just one case, in detail.
Often involves working with primarily unconstructed data. This data had not been coded at the point of data collection in terms of a closed set of analytic categories.
Emphasizes on exploring social phenomena rather than testing hypotheses.
Data analysis involves interpretation of the functions and meanings of human actions. The product of this is mainly verbal explanations, where statistical analysis and quantification play a subordinate role.
Methodological discussions focus more on questions about how to report findings in the field than on methods of data collection and interpretation.
Ethnographies focus on describing the culture of a group in very detailed and complex manner. The ethnography can be of the entire group or a subpart of it.
It involves engaging in extensive field work where data collection is mainly by interviews, symbols, artifacts, observations, and many other sources of data.
The researcher in ethnography type of research looks for patterns of the group's mental activities, that is their ideas and beliefs expressed through language or other activities, and how they behave in their groups as expressed through their actions that the researcher observed.
In ethnography, the researcher gathers what is available, what is normal, what it is that people do, what they say, and how they work.[10]

tag: ul

text: Procedures for conducting ethnography[edit]

text:
Determine if ethnography is the most appropriate design to use to study the research problem. Ethnography is suitable if the needs are to describe how a cultural group works and to explore their beliefs, language, behaviours and also issues faced by the group, such as power, resistance, and dominance. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 94)
Then identify and locate a culture-sharing group to study. This group is one whose members have been together for an extended period of time, so that their shared language, patterns of behaviour and attitudes have merged into discernible patterns. This group can also be a group that has been marginalized by society. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 94)
Select cultural themes, issues or theories to study about the group. These themes, issues, and theories provide an orienting framework for the study of the culture-sharing group. As discussed by Hammersley and Atkinson (2007), Wolcott (1987, 1994b, 2008-1), and Fetterman (2009). The ethnographer begins the study by examining people in interaction in ordinary settings and discerns pervasive patterns such as life cycles, events, and cultural themes. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 94-95)
For studying cultural concepts, determine which type of ethnography to use. Perhaps how the group works need to be described, or a critical ethnography can expose issues such as power, hegemony, and advocacy for certain groups (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 95)
Should collect information in the context or setting where the group works or lives. This is called fieldwork. Types of information typically needed in ethnography are collected by going to the research site, respecting the daily lives of individuals at the site and collecting a wide variety of materials. Field issues of respect, reciprocity, deciding who owns the data and others are central to Ethnography (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 95)
From the many sources collected, the ethnographer analyzes the data for a description of the culture-sharing group, themes that emerge from the group and an overall interpretation (Wolcott, 1994b). The researcher begins to compile a detailed description of the culture-sharing group, by focusing on a single event, on several activities, or on the group over a prolonged period of time.
Forge a working set of rules or generalizations as to how the culture-sharing group works as the final product of this analysis. The final product is a holistic cultural portrait of the group that incorporates the views of the participants (emic) as well as the views of the researcher (etic). It might also advocate for the needs of the group or suggest changes in society. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 96)

text: Ethnography as method[edit]

text: The ethnographic method is different from other ways of conducting social science approach due to the following reasons:

text:
It is field-based. It is conducted in the settings in which real people actually live, rather than in laboratories where the researcher controls the elements of the behaviors to be observed or measured.
It is personalized. It is conducted by researchers who are in the day-to-day, face-to-face contact with the people they are studying and who are thus both participants in and observers of the lives under study.
It is multifactorial. It is conducted through the use of two or more data collection techniques - which may be qualitative or quantitative in nature - in order to get a conclusion.
It requires a long-term commitment i.e. it is conducted by a researcher who intends to interact with people they are studying for an extended period of time. The exact time frame can vary from several weeks to a year or more.
It is inductive. It is conducted in such a way to use an accumulation of descriptive detail to build toward general patterns or explanatory theories rather than structured to test hypotheses derived from existing theories or models.
It is dialogic. It is conducted by a researcher whose interpretations and findings may be expounded on by the study’s participants while conclusions are still in the process of formulation.
It is holistic. It is conducted so as to yield the fullest possible portrait of the group under study.
It can also be used in other methodological frameworks, for instance, an action research program of study where one of the goals is to change and improve the situation.[10]

text: Data collection methods[edit]

text: According to the leading social scientist, John Brewer, data collection methods are meant to capture the "social meanings and ordinary activities"[13] of people (informants) in "naturally occurring settings"[13] that are commonly referred to as "the field." The goal is to collect data in such a way that the researcher imposes a minimal amount of personal bias in the data.[13] Multiple methods of data collection may be employed to facilitate a relationship that allows for a more personal and in-depth portrait of the informants and their community. These can include participant observation, field notes, interviews, and surveys.

text: Interviews are often taped and later transcribed, allowing the interview to proceed unimpaired of note-taking, but with all information available later for full analysis. Secondary research and document analysis are also used to provide insight into the research topic. In the past, kinship charts were commonly used to "discover logical patterns and social structure in non-Western societies".[14] In the 21st century, anthropology focuses more on the study of people in urban settings and the use of kinship charts is seldom employed.

text: In order to make the data collection and interpretation transparent, researchers creating ethnographies often attempt to be "reflexive". Reflexivity refers to the researcher's aim "to explore the ways in which [the] researcher's involvement with a particular study influences, acts upon and informs such research".[15] Despite these attempts of reflexivity, no researcher can be totally unbiased. This factor has provided a basis to criticize ethnography.

text: Traditionally, the ethnographer focuses attention on a community, selecting knowledgeable informants who know the activities of the community well.[16] These informants are typically asked to identify other informants who represent the community, often using snowball or chain sampling.[16] This process is often effective in revealing common cultural denominators connected to the topic being studied.[16] Ethnography relies greatly on up-close, personal experience. Participation, rather than just observation, is one of the keys to this process.[17] Ethnography is very useful in social research.

text: Ybema et al. (2010) examine the ontological and epistemological presuppositions underlying ethnography. Ethnographic research can range from a realist perspective, in which behavior is observed, to a constructivist perspective where understanding is socially constructed by the researcher and subjects. Research can range from an objectivist account of fixed, observable behaviors to an interpretive narrative describing "the interplay of individual agency and social structure."[18] Critical theory researchers address "issues of power within the researcher-researched relationships and the links between knowledge and power."

text: Another form of data collection is that of the "image." The image is the projection that an individual puts on an object or abstract idea. An image can be contained within the physical world through a particular individual's perspective, primarily based on that individual’s past experiences. One example of an image is how an individual views a novel after completing it. The physical entity that is the novel contains a specific image in the perspective of the interpreting individual and can only be expressed by the individual in the terms of "I can tell you what an image is by telling you what it feels like."[19] The idea of an image relies on the imagination and has been seen to be utilized by children in a very spontaneous and natural manner. Effectively, the idea of the image is a primary tool for ethnographers to collect data. The image presents the perspective, experiences, and influences of an individual as a single entity and in consequence, the individual will always contain this image in the group under study.

text: Differences across disciplines[edit]

text: The ethnographic method is used across a range of different disciplines, primarily by anthropologists but also occasionally by sociologists. Cultural studies, (European) ethnology, sociology, economics, social work, education, design, psychology, computer science, human factors and ergonomics, ethnomusicology, folkloristics, religious studies, geography, history, linguistics, communication studies, performance studies, advertising, nursing, urban planning, usability, political science,[20] social movement,[21] and criminology are other fields which have made use of ethnography.

text: Cultural and social anthropology[edit]

text: Cultural anthropology and social anthropology were developed around ethnographic research and their canonical texts, which are mostly ethnographies: e.g. Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922) by Bronisław Malinowski, Ethnologische Excursion in Johore (1875) by Nicholas Miklouho-Maclay, Coming of Age in Samoa (1928) by Margaret Mead, The Nuer (1940) by E. E. Evans-Pritchard, Naven (1936, 1958) by Gregory Bateson, or "The Lele of the Kasai" (1963) by Mary Douglas. Cultural and social anthropologists today place a high value on doing ethnographic research. The typical ethnography is a document written about a particular people, almost always based at least in part on emic views of where the culture begins and ends. Using language or community boundaries to bound the ethnography is common.[22] Ethnographies are also sometimes called "case studies."[23] Ethnographers study and interpret culture, its universalities, and its variations through the ethnographic study based on fieldwork. An ethnography is a specific kind of written observational science which provides an account of a particular culture, society, or community. The fieldwork usually involves spending a year or more in another society, living with the local people and learning about their ways of life. Neophyte Ethnographers are strongly encouraged to develop extensive familiarity with their subject prior to entering the field; otherwise, they may find themselves in difficult situations.[24]

text: Ethnographers are participant observers. They take part in events they study because it helps with understanding local behavior and thought. Classic examples are Carol B. Stack's All Our Kin,[25] Jean Briggs' Never in Anger, Richard Lee's Kalahari Hunter-Gatherers, Victor Turner's Forest of Symbols, David Maybry-Lewis' Akew-Shavante Society, E.E. Evans-Pritchard's The Nuer, and Claude Lévi-Strauss' Tristes Tropiques. Iterations of ethnographic representations in the classic, modernist camp include Joseph W. Bastien's "Drum and Stethoscope" (1992), Bartholomew Dean's recent (2009) contribution, Urarina Society, Cosmology, and History in Peruvian Amazonia.[26]

text: A typical ethnography attempts to be holistic[7][8] and typically follows an outline to include a brief history of the culture in question, an analysis of the physical geography or terrain inhabited by the people under study, including climate, and often including what biological anthropologists call habitat. Folk notions of botany and zoology are presented as ethnobotany and ethnozoology alongside references from the formal sciences. Material culture, technology, and means of subsistence are usually treated next, as they are typically bound up in physical geography and include descriptions of infrastructure. Kinship and social structure (including age grading, peer groups, gender, voluntary associations, clans, moieties, and so forth, if they exist) are typically included. Languages spoken, dialects, and the history of language change are another group of standard topics.[27] Practices of childrearing, acculturation, and emic views on personality and values usually follow after sections on social structure.[28] Rites, rituals, and other evidence of religion have long been an interest and are sometimes central to ethnographies, especially when conducted in public where visiting anthropologists can see them.[29]

text: As ethnography developed, anthropologists grew more interested in less tangible aspects of culture, such as values, worldview and what Clifford Geertz termed the "ethos" of the culture. In his fieldwork, Geertz used elements of a phenomenological approach, tracing not just the doings of people, but the cultural elements themselves. For example, if within a group of people, winking was a communicative gesture, he sought to first determine what kinds of things a wink might mean (it might mean several things). Then, he sought to determine in what contexts winks were used, and whether, as one moved about a region, winks remained meaningful in the same way. In this way, cultural boundaries of communication could be explored, as opposed to using linguistic boundaries or notions about the residence. Geertz, while still following something of a traditional ethnographic outline, moved outside that outline to talk about "webs" instead of "outlines"[30] of culture.

text: Within cultural anthropology, there are several subgenres of ethnography. Beginning in the 1950s and early 1960s, anthropologists began writing "bio-confessional" ethnographies that intentionally exposed the nature of ethnographic research. Famous examples include Tristes Tropiques (1955) by Lévi-Strauss, The High Valley by Kenneth Read, and The Savage and the Innocent by David Maybury-Lewis, as well as the mildly fictionalized Return to Laughter by Elenore Smith Bowen (Laura Bohannan).

text: Later "reflexive" ethnographies refined the technique to translate cultural differences by representing their effects on the ethnographer. Famous examples include Deep Play: Notes on a Balinese Cockfight by Clifford Geertz, Reflections on Fieldwork in Morocco by Paul Rabinow, The Headman and I by Jean-Paul Dumont, and Tuhami by Vincent Crapanzano. In the 1980s, the rhetoric of ethnography was subjected to intense scrutiny within the discipline, under the general influence of literary theory and post-colonial/post-structuralist thought. "Experimental" ethnographies that reveal the ferment of the discipline include Shamanism, Colonialism, and the Wild Man by Michael Taussig, Debating Muslims by Michael F. J. Fischer and Mehdi Abedi, A Space on the Side of the Road by Kathleen Stewart, and Advocacy after Bhopal by Kim Fortun.

text: This critical turn in sociocultural anthropology during the mid-1980s can be traced to the influence of the now classic (and often contested) text, Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography, (1986) edited by James Clifford and George Marcus. Writing Culture helped bring changes to both anthropology and ethnography often described in terms of being 'postmodern,' 'reflexive,' 'literary,' 'deconstructive,' or 'poststructural' in nature, in that the text helped to highlight the various epistemic and political predicaments that many practitioners saw as plaguing ethnographic representations and practices.[31]

text: Where Geertz's and Turner's interpretive anthropology recognized subjects as creative actors who constructed their sociocultural worlds out of symbols, postmodernists attempted to draw attention to the privileged status of the ethnographers themselves. That is, the ethnographer cannot escape the personal viewpoint in creating an ethnographic account, thus making any claims of objective neutrality highly problematic, if not altogether impossible.[32] In regards to this last point, Writing Culture became a focal point for looking at how ethnographers could describe different cultures and societies without denying the subjectivity of those individuals and groups being studied while simultaneously doing so without laying claim to absolute knowledge and objective authority.[33] Along with the development of experimental forms such as 'dialogic anthropology,' 'narrative ethnography,'[34] and 'literary ethnography',[35] Writing Culture helped to encourage the development of 'collaborative ethnography.'[36] This exploration of the relationship between writer, audience, and subject has become a central tenet of contemporary anthropological and ethnographic practice. In certain instances, active collaboration between the researcher(s) and subject(s) has helped blend the practice of collaboration in ethnographic fieldwork with the process of creating the ethnographic product resulting from the research.[36][37][38]

text: Sociology[edit]

text:
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text: Sociology is another field which prominently features ethnographies. Urban sociology, Atlanta University (now Clark-Atlanta University), and the Chicago School, in particular, are associated with ethnographic research, with some well-known early examples being The Philadelphia Negro (1899) by W. E. B. Du Bois, Street Corner Society by William Foote Whyte and Black Metropolis by St. Clair Drake and Horace R. Cayton, Jr.. Major influences on this development were anthropologist Lloyd Warner, on the Chicago sociology faculty, and to Robert Park's experience as a journalist. Symbolic interactionism developed from the same tradition and yielded such sociological ethnographies as Shared Fantasy by Gary Alan Fine, which documents the early history of fantasy role-playing games. Other important ethnographies in sociology include Pierre Bourdieu's work on Algeria and France.

text: Jaber F. Gubrium's series of organizational ethnographies focused on the everyday practices of illness, care, and recovery are notable. They include Living and Dying at Murray Manor, which describes the social worlds of a nursing home; Describing Care: Image and Practice in Rehabilitation, which documents the social organization of patient subjectivity in a physical rehabilitation hospital; Caretakers: Treating Emotionally Disturbed Children, which features the social construction of behavioral disorders in children; and Oldtimers and Alzheimer's: The Descriptive Organization of Senility, which describes how the Alzheimer's disease movement constructed a new subjectivity of senile dementia and how that is organized in a geriatric hospital. Another approach to ethnography in sociology comes in the form of institutional ethnography, developed by Dorothy E. Smith for studying the social relations which structure people's everyday lives.

text: Other notable ethnographies include Paul Willis's Learning to Labour, on working class youth; the work of Elijah Anderson, Mitchell Duneier, and Loïc Wacquant on black America, and Lai Olurode's Glimpses of Madrasa From Africa. But even though many sub-fields and theoretical perspectives within sociology use ethnographic methods, ethnography is not the sine qua non of the discipline, as it is in cultural anthropology.

text: Communication Studies[edit]

text: Beginning in the 1960s and 1970s, ethnographic research methods began to be widely used by communication scholars. As the purpose of ethnography is to describe and interpret the shared and learned patterns of values, behaviors, beliefs, and language of a culture-sharing group, Harris, (1968), also Agar (1980) note that ethnography is both a process and an outcome of the research. Studies such as Gerry Philipsen's analysis of cultural communication strategies in a blue-collar, working-class neighborhood on the south side of Chicago, Speaking 'Like a Man' in Teamsterville, paved the way for the expansion of ethnographic research in the study of communication.

text: Scholars of communication studies use ethnographic research methods to analyze communicative behaviors and phenomena. This is often characterized in the writing as attempts to understand taken-for-granted routines by which working definitions are socially produced. Ethnography as a method is a storied, careful, and systematic examination of the reality-generating mechanisms of everyday life (Coulon, 1995). Ethnographic work in communication studies seeks to explain "how" ordinary methods/practices/performances construct the ordinary actions used by ordinary people in the accomplishments of their identities. This often gives the perception of trying to answer the "why" and "how come" questions of human communication.[39] Often this type of research results in a case study or field study such as an analysis of speech patterns at a protest rally, or the way firemen communicate during "down time" at a fire station. Like anthropology scholars, communication scholars often immerse themselves, and participate in and/or directly observe the particular social group being studied.[40]

text: Other fields[edit]

text: The American anthropologist George Spindler was a pioneer in applying the ethnographic methodology to the classroom.

text: Anthropologists such as Daniel Miller and Mary Douglas have used ethnographic data to answer academic questions about consumers and consumption. In this sense, Tony Salvador, Genevieve Bell, and Ken Anderson describe design ethnography as being "a way of understanding the particulars of daily life in such a way as to increase the success probability of a new product or service or, more appropriately, to reduce the probability of failure specifically due to a lack of understanding of the basic behaviors and frameworks of consumers."[41] Sociologist Sam Ladner argues in her book,[42] that understanding consumers and their desires requires a shift in "standpoint," one that only ethnography provides. The results are products and services that respond to consumers' unmet needs.

text: Businesses, too, have found ethnographers helpful for understanding how people use products and services. Companies make increasing use of ethnographic methods to understand consumers and consumption, or for new product development (such as video ethnography). The Ethnographic Praxis in Industry (EPIC) conference is evidence of this. Ethnographers' systematic and holistic approach to real-life experience is valued by product developers, who use the method to understand unstated desires or cultural practices that surround products. Where focus groups fail to inform marketers about what people really do, ethnography links what people say to what they do—avoiding the pitfalls that come from relying only on self-reported, focus-group data.

text: Evaluating ethnography[edit]

text: The Ethnographic methodology is not usually evaluated in terms of philosophical standpoint (such as positivism and emotionalism). Ethnographic studies need to be evaluated in some manner. No consensus has been developed on evaluation standards, but Richardson (2000, p. 254)[43] provides five criteria that ethnographers might find helpful. Jaber F. Gubrium and James A. Holstein's (1997) monograph, The New Language of Qualitative Method, discusses forms of ethnography in terms of their "methods talk."

text:
Substantive contribution: "Does the piece contribute to our understanding of social life?"
Aesthetic merit: "Does this piece succeed aesthetically?"
Reflexivity: "How did the author come to write this text…Is there adequate self-awareness and self-exposure for the reader to make judgments about the point of view?"[44]
Impact: "Does this affect me? Emotionally? Intellectually?" Does it move me?
Expresses a reality: "Does it seem 'true'—a credible account of a cultural, social, individual, or communal sense of the 'real'?"

text: Challenges of ethnography[edit]

text: Ethnography, which is a method dedicated entirely to field work, is aimed at gaining a deeper insight of a certain people's knowledge and social culture.

text: Ethnography's advantages are:

text:
It can open up certain experiences during group research that other research methods fail to cover.
Notions that are taken for granted can be highlighted and confronted.
It can tap into intuitive and deep human understanding of and interpretations of (by the ethnographer) the accounts of informants (those who are being studied), which goes far beyond what quantitative research can do in terms of extracting meanings.
Ethnography allows people outside of a culture (whether of a primitive tribe or of a corporation's employees) to learn about its members' practices, motives, understandings, and values.

text: However, there are certain challenges or limitations for the ethnographic method:

text:
Deep expertise is required: Ethnographers must accumulate knowledge about the methods and domains of interest, which can take considerable training and time.
Sensitivity: The ethnographer is an outsider and must exercise discretion and caution to avoid offending, alienating or harming those being observed.
Access: Negotiating access to field sites and participants can be time-consuming and difficult. Secretive or guarded organizations may require different approaches in order for researchers to succeed.[45]
Duration and cost: Research can involve prolonged time in the field, particularly because building trust with participants is usually necessary for obtaining rich data.
Bias: Ethnographers bring their own experience to bear in pursuing questions to ask and reviewing data, which can lead to biases in directions of inquiry and analysis.
Descriptive approach: Ethnography relies heavily on storytelling and the presentation of critical incidents, which is inevitably selective and viewed as a weakness by those used to the scientific approaches of hypothesis testing, quantification and replication.

text: Ethics[edit]

text: Gary Alan Fine argues that the nature of ethnographic inquiry demands that researchers deviate from formal and idealistic rules or ethics that have come to be widely accepted in qualitative and quantitative approaches in research. Many of these ethical assumptions are rooted in positivist and post-positivist epistemologies that have adapted over time but are apparent and must be accounted for in all research paradigms. These ethical dilemmas are evident throughout the entire process of conducting ethnographies, including the design, implementation, and reporting of an ethnographic study. Essentially, Fine maintains that researchers are typically not as ethical as they claim or assume to be — and that "each job includes ways of doing things that would be inappropriate for others to know".[46]

text: Fine is not necessarily casting blame at ethnographic researchers but tries to show that researchers often make idealized ethical claims and standards which in are inherently based on partial truths and self-deceptions. Fine also acknowledges that many of these partial truths and self-deceptions are unavoidable. He maintains that "illusions" are essential to maintain an occupational reputation and avoid potentially more caustic consequences. He claims, "Ethnographers cannot help but lie, but in lying, we reveal truths that escape those who are not so bold".[47] Based on these assertions, Fine establishes three conceptual clusters in which ethnographic ethical dilemmas can be situated: "Classic Virtues", "Technical Skills", and "Ethnographic Self".

text: Much debate surrounding the issue of ethics arose following revelations about how the ethnographer Napoleon Chagnon conducted his ethnographic fieldwork with the Yanomani people of South America.

text: While there is no international standard on Ethnographic Ethics, many western anthropologists look to the American Anthropological Association for guidance when conducting ethnographic work.[48] In 2009 the Association adopted a code of ethics, stating: Anthropologists have "moral obligations as members of other groups, such as the family, religion, and community, as well as the profession".[49] The code of ethics notes that anthropologists are part of a wider scholarly and political network, as well as human and natural environment, which needs to be reported on respectfully.[49] The code of ethics recognizes that sometimes very close and personal relationship can sometimes develop from doing ethnographic work.[49] The Association acknowledges that the code is limited in scope; ethnographic work can sometimes be multidisciplinary, and anthropologists need to be familiar with ethics and perspectives of other disciplines as well.[50] The eight-page code of ethics outlines ethical considerations for those conducting Research, Teaching, Application and Dissemination of Results, which are briefly outlined below.[51]

text:
Conducting Research-When conducting research Anthropologists need to be aware of the potential impacts of the research on the people and animals they study.[52] If the seeking of new knowledge will negatively impact the people and animals they will be studying they may not undertake the study according to the code of ethics.[52]
Teaching-When teaching the discipline of anthropology, instructors are required to inform students of the ethical dilemmas of conducting ethnographies and field work.[53]
Application-When conducting an ethnography, Anthropologists must be "open with funders, colleagues, persons studied or providing information, and relevant parties affected by the work about the purpose(s), potential impacts, and source(s) of support for the work."[54]
Dissemination of Results-When disseminating results of an ethnography, "[a]nthropologists have an ethical obligation to consider the potential impact of both their research and the communication or dissemination of the results of their research on all directly or indirectly involved."[55] Research results of ethnographies should not be withheld from participants in the research if that research is being observed by other people.[54]

text: Classic virtues[edit]

text:
"The kindly ethnographer" – Most ethnographers present themselves as being more sympathetic than they are, which aids in the research process, but is also deceptive. The identity that we present to subjects is different from who we are in other circumstances.
"The friendly ethnographer" – Ethnographers operate under the assumption that they should not dislike anyone. When ethnographers find they intensely dislike individuals encountered in the research, they may crop them out of the findings.[56]
"The honest ethnographer" – If research participants know the research goals, their responses will likely be skewed. Therefore, ethnographers often conceal what they know in order to increase the likelihood of acceptance by participants.[56]

text: Technical skills[edit]

text:
"The Precise Ethnographer" – Ethnographers often create the illusion that field notes are data and reflect what "really" happened. They engage in the opposite of plagiarism, giving undeserved credit through loose interpretations and paraphrasing. Researchers take near-fictions and turn them into claims of fact. The closest ethnographers can ever really get to reality is an approximate truth.
"The Observant Ethnographer" – Readers of ethnography are often led to assume the report of a scene is complete – that little of importance was missed. In reality, an ethnographer will always miss some aspect because of lacking omniscience. Everything is open to multiple interpretations and misunderstandings. As ethnographers' skills in observation and collection of data vary by individual, what is depicted in ethnography can never be the whole picture.
"The Unobtrusive Ethnographer" – As a "participant" in the scene, the researcher will always have an effect on the communication that occurs within the research site. The degree to which one is an "active member" affects the extent to which sympathetic understanding is possible.[57]

text: Ethnographic Self[edit]

text: The following are commonly misconceived conceptions of ethnographers:

text:
"The Candid Ethnographer" – Where the researcher personally situates within the ethnography is ethically problematic. There is an illusion that everything reported was observed by the researcher.
"The Chaste Ethnographer" – When ethnographers participate within the field, they invariably develop relationships with research subjects/participants. These relationships are sometimes not accounted for within the reporting of the ethnography, although they may influence the research findings.
"The Fair Ethnographer" – Fine claims that objectivity is an illusion and that everything in ethnography is known from a perspective. Therefore, it is unethical for a researcher to report fairness in findings.
"The Literary Ethnographer" – Representation is a balancing act of determining what to "show" through poetic/prosaic language and style, versus what to "tell" via straightforward, 'factual' reporting. The individual skills of an ethnographer influence what appears to be the value of the research.[58]

text: According to Norman K. Denzin, ethnographers should consider the following eight principles when observing, recording, and sampling data:

text:
The groups should combine symbolic meanings with patterns of interaction.
Observe the world from the point of view of the subject, while maintaining the distinction between everyday and scientific perceptions of reality.
Link the group's symbols and their meanings with the social relationships.
Record all behavior.
The methodology should highlight phases of process, change, and stability.
The act should be a type of symbolic interactionism.
Use concepts that would avoid casual explanations.

text: Examples of studies that can use an ethnographic approach[edit]

text:
To study the behavior of workers at a store in a mall - when the manager is present, and when he is not.
To observe the kind of punishments children are given for not completing their homework at a particular school.
To follow hygiene patterns of adolescents in a particular dormitory.
To study altruistic behavior members of a particular church display for each other.
To examine health habits of sex workers from a particular locality.

text: Notable ethnographers[edit]

text:
Thor Heyerdahl (1914-2002)
Gerhard Friedrich Müller (1705-1783)
Adriaen Cornelissen van der Donck (c. 1618 – 1655)
Manuel Ancízar Basterra (1812-1882)
Franz Boas (1858–1942)
Sergey Oldenburg (1863-1934)
Edward Sapir (1884–1939)
Raymond Firth (1901–2002)
Margaret Mead (1901–1978)
Gregory Bateson (1904–1980)
Mary Douglas (1921–2007)
Napoleon Chagnon (born 1938)
Marilyn Strathern (born 1941)
Elijah Anderson (born 1943)
Veena Das (born 1945)
Kristen R. Ghodsee (born 1970)
Zuzana Beňušková (born 1960)
Zalpa Bersanova
Alice Goffman (born 1982)
Jaber F. Gubrium
Katrina Karkazis
Mary Kingsley (1862–1900)
Diamond Jenness
Ruth Landes
Edmund Leach
José Leite de Vasconcelos
Claude Lévi-Strauss
Bronisław Malinowski
David Maybury-Lewis
Nicholas Miklouho-Maclay
Nikolai Nadezhdin
Lubor Niederle
Dositej Obradović
Alexey Okladnikov
Richard Price
August Ludwig von Schlözer
Lila Abu-Lughod
Barrie Thorne
Sudhir Venkatesh
Susan Visvanathan
Paul Willis
James Spradley (1933-1982)


document_title: Menace II Society

question_text: who played o dog in menace to society

question_tokens: who played o dog in menace to society

text: Menace II Society

text: Plot[edit]

text: Caine Lawson and his best friend Kevin Anderson (who goes by the street name O-Dog) enter a local store to buy malt liquor, while a Korean storekeeper and his wife closely watch them and urge Caine and O-Dog to hurriedly choose their drinks, pay and leave. As they leave, the storekeeper insults and angers O-Dog by remarking about feeling sorry for his mother. A brief argument starts but ends deadly as O-Dog kills the couple. He then takes the store video surveillance tape, robs the dead storekeeper's wallet, and empties the cash register. In a flashback, it is revealed that Caine’s father was a drug dealer who was killed in a drug deal when Caine was 10, his mother was a heroin addict who later died of a drug overdose, and that he was raised by his grandparents.

text: In the days that follow, O-Dog proudly shows off the liquor store security tape of him shooting the storekeeper to his friends, who are impressed. Caine, however, is disgusted at O-Dog for being careless and tells him to stop showing off the videotape, fearing he and O-Dog will one day get caught. O-Dog ignores Caine's warning and tells Caine nothing will happen.

text: Caine and his cousin Harold are on their way to a party one night when they get carjacked. The carjackers kill Harold, wound Caine and steal Harold's car. O-Dog discovers who the carjackers are and where to find them. O-Dog and Caine avenge Harold's murder by killing the carjackers.

text: Caine and O-Dog are hired by a local hood, Chauncey, for a car theft insurance scheme but are caught and arrested by police. A detective attempts to link Caine to the store killings by matching fingerprints, but is unsuccessful and Caine is released. Caine's grandfather and Mr. Butler (who is Sharif's father and a school teacher) tell Caine to change his ways or he'll end up either in prison or dead. Stacy and Sharif also try to keep Caine out of trouble by convincing him to leave with them to Kansas, but Caine ignores everyone's advice.

text: Caine begins his hustler lifestyle by buying a new car from a chop shop and carjacking another young black man for his Dayton wheels. Caine then purchases a large quantity of cocaine to cook into crack cocaine in order to sell. Caine also meets a local girl named Ilena while with his crew at a BBQ and eventually has sex with her. Caine and Sharif are driving one night when the police stop and pull them over. The police brutally beat them and then dump them in alley in a Hispanic neighborhood; members of a Hispanic gang find Caine and Sharif, but instead of killing them as the police anticipated, the Hispanic gang members take them to a hospital.

text: While Caine is at the hospital, his friend, Ronnie, tells him that she has found a job in Atlanta and invites him to come with her. Caine is hesitant at first, but agrees to go with Ronnie to Atlanta. At a party, a drunken Chauncey makes sexual moves towards Ronnie. Caine comes to her rescue and starts pistol-whipping Chauncey. Stacy and Sharif intervene and restrain Caine. Back at home, Ilena calls to inform him that she is pregnant. Caine refuses to believe that the child is his and dogs her. Chauncey retaliates by sending a copy of the store video surveillance tape to the police.

text: When coming home from visiting Pernell in prison, Ilena's cousin approaches Caine outside his house and confronts Caine for dogging Ilena. Caine starts beating up Ilena's cousin, when Caine's grandfather comes outside to stop Caine and kick him out of the house shortly after. Ilena's cousin gets some of his friends together to get revenge on Caine.

text: As Caine and Ronnie are preparing to leave for Atlanta, Georgia, Ilena's cousin and his friends execute a drive by on the house. Sharif is killed and Caine is fatally wounded. As Caine slowly dies in Stacy's arms, he sees flashbacks of the events that led to this final moment, and recalls his grandfather asking him if he cares whether he lives or dies; he realizes he does, but now it's too late.

text: Cast[edit]

text:
Tyrin Turner – Kaydee "Caine" Lawson

Brandon Hammond – Five Year Old Caine

Jada Pinkett – Ronnie
Larenz Tate – Kevin "O-Dog" Anderson
Samuel L. Jackson – Tat Lawson
MC Eiht – A-Wax
Glenn Plummer – James "Pernell" Richards
Clifton Powell – Chauncey
Marilyn Coleman – Mrs. Lawson
Arnold Johnson – Thomas Lawson
Pooh-Man – Doc
Julian Roy Doster – Anthony
Too Short – Lew-Loc
Khandi Alexander – Karen Lawson
Vonte Sweet – Sharif Butler
Ryan Williams – Stacy
Bill Duke – Detective
Dwayne L. Barnes – Basehead
Charles S. Dutton – Mr. Butler
Martin Davis – Carjacking Victim
Garen Holoman – Junior
Saafir – Harold Lawson
Cynthia Calhoun – Jackee
Erin Leshawn Wiley – Ilena
Samuel Monroe Jr. – Ilena's Cousin
Clifton Collins, Jr. – Vato #2

text: Production[edit]

text: This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (December 2014) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)

text: Originally, MC Ren was set to play A-Wax, but later turned down the role when he joined the Nation of Islam in late 1992. Rapper Spice 1 was set to play Caine, and Tupac Shakur to play Sharif, but they were later fired with director Allen Hughes stating that Shakur was causing trouble on the set. Shakur was angry for not being told why Sharif would turn Muslim. Six months after the firing, Shakur assaulted the director, resulting in Shakur being found guilty of assault and battery.[3] Shakur did not want to play the role of Sharif, as he did not agree (in regards to the authenticity of such a role) that a Muslim could also be a gangbanger. He is quoted as saying the following in a video interview,[4]

text: "I said okay, cool... fire me from this $100,000 movie, because I ain't goin' play no gangbanger who's a Muslim. There ain't no such thing, I refuse to play parts that don't exist. I will be a young nigga, but will be a real young nigga."

text: Shakur wanted to play O-Dog. Shakur and Spice 1 were later replaced with Larenz Tate and Tyrin Turner, respectively.[5]

text: Reception[edit]

text: Menace II Society received generally positive reviews from critics.[6] The film scored an 85% 'fresh' rating on Rotten Tomatoes, based on 35 reviews. Chicago Reader critic Jonathan Rosenbaum stated, "This is a powerful, convincing, and terrifying look at teenage crime in contemporary Watts."[7] Owen Gleiberman from Entertainment Weekly gave it a positive review, stating, "Menace II Society is bleak, brilliant, and unsparing."[8] EmanuelLevy.com gave the film an A, saying it is "The most stunning feature debut in the new African American cinema, even more so than Boyz n the Hood to which the coming of age feature bears thematic resemblance."[9] The film was placed on both Gene Siskel and Roger Ebert's 10 best films of 1993 lists, with Ebert praising "the way the filmmakers tell Caine's story without making him seem either the hero or victim".[10][11]

text: However, the film has also received some negative reviews. Geoff Andrew of Time Out stated, "Regrettably, the Hughes Brothers' first feature is a compendium of cliches."[12] Stephen Holden of The New York Times stated, "If Menace II Society is terrific on ambiance, it is considerably less successful in revealing character."[13] At the 1994 MTV Movie Awards, the film was awarded Best Movie, beating out the likes of Philadelphia, Jurassic Park and Schindler's List.[14] The film also won an Independent Spirit Award for Best Cinematography.[15]

text: Soundtrack[edit]

text: Menace II Society (soundtrack)


document_title: List of rail tunnels in India by length

question_text: through which mountain range passes the konkan rail

text: List of rail tunnels in India by length

text: Location[edit]

text: Most of the tunnels listed below are located in the Western Ghats, the only mountain range in the country that has good railway connectivity. There are longer tunnels that are under construction in the Himalayas in Jammu & Kashmir, as part of the JUSBRL Project.Pir Panjal Railway Tunnel, the 11.2 km long railway tunnel, passes through the Pir Panjal Range of middle Himalayas in Jammu and Kashmir. It is a part of its Udhampur - Srinagar - Baramulla rail link project, India's longest railway tunnel and reduced the distance between Quazigund and Banihal .[1]

text: The list[edit]

text:
Rank
Name
Track length
(km)
Station
Station
State
Railway Division
Year of Opening
Coordination

1.
Pir Panjal Railway Tunnel
11,215 metres (36,795 ft)
Banihal
Hillar Shahabad
Jammu and Kashmir
Northern Railway
2013
33°33′42″N 75°11′56″E / 33.5617942°N 75.1988626°E / 33.5617942; 75.1988626

2.
Rohtang pass
8,000 metres (26,000 ft)
Manali
unknown
Jammu and Kashmir
enter here
enter here

3.
Karbude (T-35)
6,506 metres (21,345 ft)
Ukshi
Bhoke
Maharashtra
Konkan Railway
1997
17°6′9″N 73°24′59″E / 17.10250°N 73.41639°E / 17.10250; 73.41639

4.
Nathuwadi (T-6)
4,389 metres (14,400 ft)
Karanjadi
Diwan Khavati
Maharashtra
Konkan Railway
1997
17°53′37″N 73°23′14″E / 17.89361°N 73.38722°E / 17.89361; 73.38722

5.
Tike (T-39)
4,077 metres (13,376 ft)
Ratnagiri
Nivasar
Maharashtra
Konkan Railway
1997
16°58′48″N 73°23′42″E / 16.98000°N 73.39500°E / 16.98000; 73.39500

6.
Berdewadi (T-49)
4,000 metres (13,000 ft)
Adavali
Vilawade
Maharashtra
Konkan Railway
1997
16°53′43″N 73°36′22″E / 16.89528°N 73.60611°E / 16.89528; 73.60611

7.
Savarde (T-17)
3,429 metres (11,250 ft)
Kamathe
Savarde
Maharashtra
Konkan Railway
1997
17°27′35″N 73°31′19″E / 17.45972°N 73.52194°E / 17.45972; 73.52194

8.
Barcem (T-73)
3,343 metres (10,968 ft)
Balli
Canacona
Goa
Konkan Railway
1997
15°3′49″N 74°1′54″E / 15.06361°N 74.03167°E / 15.06361; 74.03167

9.
Borail (T-10)
3,235 metres (10,614 ft)
Jatinga lampur
New Haflong
Assam
Northeast Frontier Railway
2015

10.
Karwar (T-80)
2,950 metres (9,680 ft)
Karwar
Harwada
Karnataka
Konkan Railway
1997

11.
Chowk (T-3)
2,830 metres (9,280 ft)
Panvel
Karjat
Maharashtra
Central Railway
2006
18°55′5″N 73°17′10″E / 18.91806°N 73.28611°E / 18.91806; 73.28611

12.
Parchuri (T-27)
2,628 metres (8,622 ft)
Sangameshwar
Ukshi
Maharashtra
Konkan Railway
1997
17°9′30″N 73°28′57″E / 17.15833°N 73.48250°E / 17.15833; 73.48250

13.
Khowai (T-2)
2,472 metres (8,110 ft)
Mungiabari
Teliamura
Tripura
Northeast Frontier Railway
2008

14.
Sangar (T-4)
2,445 metres (8,022 ft)
Sangar
Manwal
Jammu and Kashmir
Northern Railway
2005

15.
Monkey Hill (T-25C)
2,156 metres (7,073 ft)
Karjat
Khandala
Maharashtra
Central Railway
1982

16.
Aravali (T-21)
2,100 metres (6,900 ft)
Aravali
Sangameshwar
Maharashtra
Konkan Railway
1997

17.
Chiplun (T-16)
2,033 metres (6,670 ft)
Chiplun
Kamathe
Maharashtra
Konkan Railway
1997
17°29′45″N 73°31′50″E / 17.49583°N 73.53056°E / 17.49583; 73.53056

18.
Saranda(T-1)
2,000 metres (6,600 ft)
Goilkera
Sarenda Halt
Jharkhand
South Eastern Railway
1900
25°00′00″N 85°30′45″E / 25.00000°N 85.51250°E / 25.00000; 85.51250

19.
Parsik tunnel
1,618 metres (5,308 ft)
Thane
Diva Junction
Maharashtra
Central Railway
1916