document_title: India at the Olympics

question_text: how many times india won gold medal in hockey

text: India at the Olympics

text: History[edit]

text: Early history[edit]

text: India sent its first athlete to the Olympics for the 1900 games, but an Indian national team did not compete at the Olympics until 1920. Ahead of the 1920 Olympics, Sir Dorab Tata and Governor of Bombay George Lloyd helped India secure representation at the International Olympic Council, enabling it to participate in the Olympic Games (see India at the 1920 Olympic Games). India then sent a team to the 1920 Olympics, comprising four athletes, two wrestlers, and managers Sohrab Bhoot and A H A Fyzee. The Indian Olympic movement was then established during the 1920s: some founders of this movement were Dorab Tata, A.G. Noehren (Madras College of Physical Education), H.C. Buck (Madras College of Physical Education), Moinul Haq (Bihar sports associations), S. Bhoot (Bombay Olympic Association), A.S. Bhagwat (Deccan Gymkhana), and G.D. Sondhi (Punjab Olympic Association); Lt.Col H.L.O. Garrett (from the Government College Lahore and Punjab Olympic Association) and Sagnik Poddar (of St.Stephen's School) helped organise some early national games; and prominent patrons included Maharajas and royal princes Bhupinder Singh of Patiala, Ranji of Nawanagar, the Maharaja of Kapurthala, and the Maharaja of Burdwan.

text: In 1923, a provisional All India Olympic Committee was formed, and in Feb 1924 the All India Olympic Games (that later became the National Games of India) were held to select a team for the Paris Olympics. The Indian delegation at the Paris Olympics comprised seven athletes, seven tennis players and team manager Harry Buck.

text: In 1927, the provisional Indian Olympic Committee formally became the Indian Olympic Association (IOA)-its main tasks were to promote the development of sports in India, choose host cities for the national games, and send teams-selected from the national games-to the Olympics. Thus, at the 1928 national games, it selected seven athletes to represent India at the next Olympics, with G. D. Sondhi as manager for the Olympic team. By this time, the Indian Hockey Federation (IHF) had also been established and it sent a hockey team to the Olympics. The national hockey team and additional sportspersons were similarly sent to the Olympic Games in 1932 (four athletes and one swimmer) and 1936 (four athletes, three wrestlers, one Burmese weight-lifter), along with three officials headed by team manager Sondhi.

text: From 1948 onward, because of the Indian Olympic Association's wider outreach, India began sending delegations of over 50 sportspersons representing several sports – each selected by its sports federation – to the Olympics. The delegation was headed by a chef-de-mission.

text: Thus, India’s Olympic delegation in the early Olympic Games was as follows:

text:
1900: One athlete
1920: 6 competitors (four athletes, two wrestlers) and managers Bhoot and Fyzee
1924: 14 competitors (seven athletes, seven tennis players) and manager Harry Crowe Buck
1928: 21 competitors (seven athletes and a hockey team of 14) and manager G D Sondhi
1932: 20 competitors (four athletes, one swimmer, and a hockey team of 15) and three officials headed by manager G D Sondhi
1936: 27 competitors (four athletes, three wrestlers, one Burmese weight-lifter, and a hockey team of 19) and three officials including manager G D Sondhi
1948: 79 competitors and a few officials headed by chef-de-mission Moin ul Haq
1952: 64 competitors and some officials headed by chef-de-mission Moin ul Haq

tag: ul

text: Recent history[edit]

text: At the 2008 Beijing Olympics, Abhinav Bindra won gold in the Men's 10 metre air rifle event becoming the first Indian to win an individual gold medal at the Olympic Games. Vijender Singh got the country's first medal in boxing with his bronze medal in Middleweight category.

text: The 2012 Summer Olympics saw an 83-member Indian contingent participating in the games and setting a new best for the country with a total of six medals. Wrestler Sushil Kumar became the first Indian with multiple individual Olympic medals (bronze at the 2008 Beijing Olympics and silver at the 2012 Summer Olympics) since Norman Pritchard in 1900. Saina Nehwal won bronze medal in badminton in Women's singles getting the country's first Olympic medal in badminton. Pugilist Mary Kom became the first Indian woman to win a medal in boxing with her bronze medal finish in Women's flyweight category.

text: At the 2016 Summer Olympics, a record number of 118 athletes competed. Sakshi Malik became the first Indian woman wrestler to win an Olympic medal with her bronze medal finish in Women's freestyle 58 kg category. Shuttler P. V. Sindhu became the first Indian woman to win a silver medal in Olympics and also the youngest Indian Olympic medallist.

text: List of competitors[edit]

text: This list provides a comparative compendium of all the participants/competitors of India in the summer Olympic games.

text:
Games
Sports
Men
Women
Total
Change
01 ! Gold
02 ! Silver
03 ! Bronze
Total
Change

1900
1
1
0
1
NA
0
2
0
2
NA

1920
2
6
0
6
+5
0
0
0
0
−2

1924
2
13
2
15
+8
0
0
0
0
0

1928
2
21
0
21
+7
1
0
0
1
+1

1932
3
30
0
30
+9
1
0
0
1
0

1936
3–4
27
0
27
−3
1
0
0
1
0

1948
10
79
0
79
+52
1
0
0
1
0

1952
11
60
4
64
−15
1
0
1
2
+1

1956
8
58
1
59
−5
1
0
0
1
−1

1960
6
45
0
45
−14
0
1
0
1
0

1964
8
52
1
53
+8
1
0
0
1
0

1968
5
25
0
25
−28
0
0
1
1
0

1972
7
40
1
41
+16
0
0
1
1
0

1976
2
20
0
20
−21
0
0
0
0
−1

1980
1
58
18
76
+56
1
0
0
1
+1

1984

48
−28
0
0
0
0
−1

1988
7

46
−2
0
0
0
0
0

1992
5

53
+7
0
0
0
0
0

1996
13
44
4
49
−4
0
0
1
1
+1

2000
7

65
+16
0
0
1
1
0

2004
14
48
25
73
+8
0
1
0
1
0

2008
12
31
25
56
−17
1
0
2
3
+2

2012
13
60
23
83
+27
0
2
4
6
+3

2016
15
66
54
118
+35
0
1
1
2
−4

text: This list provides a comparative compendium of all the participants/competitors of India in the winter Olympic games.

text:
Games
Sports
Men
Women
Total
Change
01 ! Gold
02 ! Silver
03 ! Bronze
Total
Change

1964
1
1
0
1
NA
0
0
0
0
NA

1968
1
1
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0

1988
1
2
1
3
+2
0
0
0
0
0

1992
1
2
0
2
−1
0
0
0
0
0

1998
1
1
0
1
−1
0
0
0
0
0

2002
1
1
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0

2006
3
3
1
4
+3
0
0
0
0
0

2010
3
3
0
3
−1
0
0
0
0
0

2014
3
3
0
3
0
0
0
0
0
0

text: Medal tables[edit]

text: Medals by Summer Games[edit]

text:
Games
01 ! Gold
02 ! Silver
03 ! Bronze
Total
Rank

 1896 Athens
did not participate

 1900 Paris
0
2
0
2[1]
17

 1904 St. Louis
did not participate

 1908 London
did not participate

 1912 Stockholm
did not participate

 1920 Antwerp
0
0
0
0
-

 1924 Paris
0
0
0
0
-

 1928 Amsterdam
1
0
0
1[2]
23

 1932 Los Angeles
1
0
0
1[3]
19

 1936 Berlin
1
0
0
1[4]
20

 1948 London
1
0
0
1[5]
22

 1952 Helsinki
1
0
1
2[5]
26

 1956 Melbourne
1
0
0
1[5]
24

 1960 Rome
0
1
0
1[6]
32

 1964 Tokyo
1
0
0
1[7]
24

 1968 Mexico City
0
0
1
1[8]
42

 1972 Munich
0
0
1
1[9]
43

 1976 Montreal
0
0
0
0
-

 1980 Moscow
1
0
0
1[10]
23

 1984 Los Angeles
0
0
0
0
-

 1988 Seoul
0
0
0
0
-

 1992 Barcelona
0
0
0
0
-

 1996 Atlanta
0
0
1
1[11]
71

 2000 Sydney
0
0
1
1[12]
71

 2004 Athens
0
1
0
1[13]
65

 2008 Beijing
1
0
2
3[13]
50

 2012 London
0
2
4
6[13]
55

 2016 Rio de Janeiro
0
1[14]
1[15]
2[16]
67

Total
9
7
12
28

text: Medals by sport[edit]

text:
Sport
01 ! Gold
02 ! Silver
03 ! Bronze
Total
Rank

 Field hockey
8
1
2
11
1

 Shooting
1
2
1
4
34

 Athletics
0
2
0
2
71

 Wrestling
0
1
4
5
43

 Badminton
0
1
1
2
9

 Boxing
0
0
2
2
64

 Tennis
0
0
1
1
30

 Weightlifting
0
0
1
1

56

Total
9
7
12
28

text: List of medalists[edit]

text:
Medal
Name/Team
Games
Sport
Event

02 ! Silver
Pritchard, NormanNorman Pritchard[1][17]
 1900 Paris
Athletics
Men's 200 metres

02 ! Silver
Pritchard, NormanNorman Pritchard[1][17]
 1900 Paris
Athletics
Men's 200 metre hurdles

01 ! Gold
National team[2]
 1928 Amsterdam
Field hockey
Men's competition

01 ! Gold
National team[3]
 1932 Los Angeles
Field hockey
Men's competition

01 ! Gold
National team[4]
 1936 Berlin
Field hockey
Men's competition

01 ! Gold
National team[5]
 1948 London
Field hockey
Men's competition

01 ! Gold
National team[5]
 1952 Helsinki
Field hockey
Men's competition

03 ! Bronze
Jadhav, Khashaba DadasahebKhashaba Dadasaheb Jadhav[5]
 1952 Helsinki
Wrestling
Men's freestyle bantamweight

01 ! Gold
National team[5]
 1956 Melbourne
Field hockey
Men's competition

02 ! Silver
National team[6]
 1960 Rome
Field hockey
Men's competition

01 ! Gold
National team[7]
 1964 Tokyo
Field hockey
Men's competition

03 ! Bronze
National team[8]
 1968 Mexico City
Field hockey
Men's competition

03 ! Bronze
National team[9]
 1972 Munich
Field hockey
Men's competition

01 ! Gold
National team[10]
 1980 Moscow
Field hockey
Men's competition

03 ! Bronze
Paes, LeanderLeander Paes[11]
 1996 Atlanta
Tennis
Men's singles

03 ! Bronze
Malleswari, KarnamKarnam Malleswari[12]
 2000 Sydney
Weightlifting
Women's 69 kg

02 ! Silver
Rathore, Rajyavardhan SinghRajyavardhan Singh Rathore[13]
 2004 Athens
Shooting
Men's double trap

01 ! Gold
Bindra, AbhinavAbhinav Bindra[13]
 2008 Beijing
Shooting
Men's 10 m Air Rifle

03 ! Bronze
Singh, VijenderVijender Singh[13]
 2008 Beijing
Boxing
Middleweight

03 ! Bronze
Kumar, SushilSushil Kumar[13]
 2008 Beijing
Wrestling
Men's freestyle 66 kg

02 ! Silver
Vijay Kumar[13]
 2012 London
Shooting
Men's 25 Rapid Fire Pistol

02 ! Silver
Kumar, SushilSushil Kumar[13]
 2012 London
Wrestling
Men's freestyle 66 kg

03 ! Bronze
Saina Nehwal[13]
 2012 London
Badminton
Women's singles

03 ! Bronze
Mary Kom[13]
 2012 London
 Boxing
Women's flyweight

03 ! Bronze
Narang, GaganGagan Narang[13]
 2012 London
Shooting
Men's 10m Air Rifle

03 ! Bronze
Yogeshwar Dutt[13]
 2012 London
Wrestling
Men's freestyle 60 kg

02 ! Silver
P. V. Sindhu[14]
 2016 Rio de Janeiro
Badminton
Women's singles

03 ! Bronze
Sakshi Malik[15]
 2016 Rio de Janeiro
Wrestling
Women's freestyle 58 kg


document_title: Conscription in South Korea

question_text: how long do south korean males have to serve in the military

root

text: Conscription in South Korea

text: Administration[edit]

text: It is administered by the Military Manpower Administration. There are two tiers of service: active duty or non-active duty service.[3] Length of service varies according to branches: 21 months for Army and Marine Corps, 23 months for Navy, 24 months for Air Force. The non-active duty service, e.g. civil service or public service worker, is from 24 months to 36 months. After conscripts finish their military service, they are automatically placed on the reserve roster and are obligated to attend a few days of annual military training for 6 years.

tag: p

text: South Korea currently has among the longest military service periods in the world, ranked behind Israel, Singapore, and North Korea. In recent years, there has been pressure from the public demanding either a shortening of the term or a switch to voluntary military service, and from experts calling for a gradual phasing out rather than complete abolition.[4] However, in December 2010, after taking into consideration of the 2010 ROKS Cheonan sinking and Bombardment of Yeonpyeong incidents, the South Korean government affirmed that there will be no reduction of service periods.[5]

text: Conscription examination[edit]

text: When a Korean man becomes of legal age, he is required to take a physical check-up to determine whether he is suitable for military service.

text:
Grades 1-3: normal
Grade 4: alternative service; given to individuals that fulfil their military duties as a civil worker amongst civilians.
Grade 5: civil defence during war.
Grade 6: exemption from military service in both situation.
Grade 7: re-check-up within two years.

text: Alternative service[edit]

text: Conscripts found to be unfit for military service for physical or mental reasons but not for exemption are placed in Grade 4. So they are obligated to do 2 years of civil service. This mainly consists of working in social welfare organization or public institution. Graduates from Meister high school or specialized vocational high school who have certain certificates are able to apply to work at workplaces where government designated for 34 months instead of military service.

text: Some of conscripts with Grade 1-3 can also choose to finish their duty as alternative service, if they have professional skills that can serve the country. For example, conscripts with medical license may choose to serve as 'public health doctor', which is 3 years of obligation to work in local community health centers. This kind of alternative service includes 'public-service advocate' for licensed attorney at law, 'public quarantine veterinarian' for licensed veterinarian, and 'expert research personnel' for graduate students selected by national test, majored in tech and scientific fields. While these licensed, professional conscripts with Grade 1-3 may choose to serve as alternative service or not, those with Grade 4 have to serve as alternative service. Professional conscripts who did not choose alternative service are automatically conscripted as officers, such as military surgeons for licensed doctor, or military advocates for licensed attorney at law. Please note that when official translation of Korean Military Law says 'Supplemental service', it means alternative service.[6]

text: Medalist[edit]

text: Current conscription laws stipulate that athletes who win medals in the Olympic Games or gold medals in the Asian Games are granted exemptions from military service and are placed in Grade 4. So they are required to do 4 weeks of basic military training and engage in sports field for 34 months. After that, they are automatically placed on the reserve roster, and are obligated to attend a few days of annual military training for six years. Actually, 34 months of duty period means that athletes are able to continue their own sports career. So after they finish 4 weeks of basic military training, they can return to their own sports field.[7]

text: Notable athletes who have been granted exemptions from military service are the bronze medal winning football team at the 2012 Summer Olympics[8][9] and swimmer Park Tae-hwan, who reported for four weeks of basic training on 4 October 2012,[10] and was discharged on 31 October from boot camp in Nonsan, South Chungcheong Province.[11] Also, tennis player Hyeon Chung has been granted 4 weeks basic training for his win in the 2014 Asian Games.[12]

text: Compensation[edit]

text: The following data is from 'Regulation on Public Servant Compensation', implemented on 1 January 2017.[13] Exchange rate as of 2 January 2017 (₩1210 to $1.00USD)

text:
Private (이등병)
Private first class (일등병)
Corporal (상등병)
Sergeant (병장)

₩163,000
$134.71 (approx) per month
₩176,400
$145.79 (approx) per month
₩195,000
$161.16 (approx) per month
₩216,000
$178.51 (approx) per month

tag: table

text: Equipment[edit]

text: The Ministry of National Defense has revealed that it has failed to provide sneakers to 7,411 recruits who joined the military from 22 May to 4 June 2012, after the budget was insufficient for need. The Defense ministry originally projected the cost of each pair of sneakers to be 11,000 KRW. However, the actual cost turned out to be 15,000 KRW.[14]

text: The office of National Assembly member Kim Kwang-jin of Democratic United Party revealed that cadets in Korea Military Academy were provided with sneakers worth 60,000 KRW and tennis shoes. Cadets in Korea Army Academy at Yeongcheon were provided with sneakers worth 64,250 KRW, in addition to running shoes and soccer shoes.[15]

text: Dual citizens[edit]

text: For dual citizens, or those with multiple citizenships, male South Koreans must choose their citizenship by the time they turn 18, before March 31st of that year. If these males choose to revoke their South Korean citizenship, they will not be required to complete their mandatory military service. However, if they fail to choose their citizenship by their 18th year, they will be subjected to fulfill their mandatory military service.[16]

text: Controversies[edit]

text: The South Korean public is sensitive towards the country's mandatory military service, but also has a low tolerance towards those who attempt to dodge or receive special treatment, especially after scandals of wealthy families caught trying to avoid their national duty. Those found or accused of draft dodging and negligence of duty often face harsh penalties and public backlash. According to Ha Jae-keun, a South Korean pop columnist, "The mood against draft-dodgers and negligence of duty is so hostile that nowadays entertainers feel it’s better to get it over and done with".[17][18]

text: Steve Yoo[edit]

text: In 2002, right before Korean American pop singer Steve Yoo was due to be drafted for his military service, he gave up his Korean nationality and became a naturalized U.S. citizen. He was born in Seoul and migrated to the United States at the age of 13. The South Korean government considered it an act of desertion and deported him, banning him from entering the country permanently.[19]

text: Song Seung-heon[edit]

text: In late 2004, it was revealed that actor Song Seung-heon had avoided his draft by taking medication to fail the military physical examination. Song had previously been exempted by claiming to have severe diabetes and high blood pressure, but that was found by the South Korean government to be false.[20] Amidst press coverage and public outcry, Song publicly apologised and agreed to immediately serve his two-year term in the military. Song was discharged on 15 November 2006 with the rank of Corporal.[21][22]

text: MC Mong[edit]

text: On 11 April 2011, rapper MC Mong was cleared of intentionally pulling out healthy teeth to be exempted from military duty but was sentenced to a suspended jail term of 6 months, probation for one year, and 120 hours of community service, for deliberately delaying enlistment on false grounds.[23] The court acknowledged that there was a delay in his military enlistment, however, they were unable to determine whether he was guilty of extracting teeth for the purpose of avoiding his military draft. In September 2011, it was reported that Mong has been banned by Korean Broadcasting System (KBS) and Munhwa Broadcasting Corporation (MBC) from appearing in its TV shows, for draft dodging.[24]

text: Kim Mu-yeol[edit]

text: In June 2012 Kim Mu-yeol came under growing public criticism over allegations he dodged his compulsory military service. In a report released by the Korean Board of Audit and Inspection (BAI), Kim was deemed fit to serve in active duty as a level two recruit after a March 2001 physical examination. However, throughout 2007 to 2009, Kim was granted postponement on the grounds that he was taking civil service examinations or had been admitted to a work training facility, neither of which took place. During this time he reportedly earned approximately ₩300 million from films, musicals and television work. In December 2009, he received his final notice for enlistment, having used up the 730 days allowed for postponement. He submitted a request to change his military status in January 2010 because of a knee injury, which was rejected. Finally, a valid exemption was granted on the grounds that he was a "low-income individual" and the sole provider for his family. BAI's contention was that Kim's income is substantially higher than the standard for disqualification due to poverty; thus, the Military Manpower Administration was negligent in their duties by granting the exemption.[25][26][27]

text: Kim’s agency Prain TPC defended him, stating that Kim had been supporting his family by working as a security guard, construction worker and at a mobile phone factory since his late teens. When his father collapsed from a cerebral hemorrhage and was diagnosed with cancer in 2008, the treatments incurred a lot of debt for the family. Their worsening financial condition caused them to become totally dependent on Kim, resulting in his said filing for an exemption in 2010.[28] Given the publicity, a reinvestigation into the case was launched and Kim was asked by the production company to leave the film 11 A.M. (he was replaced by Choi Daniel).[29][30] On 4 October 2012, Kim released a statement that though there was no wrongdoing on his part, he had decided to voluntarily enter the army "to recover his honor damaged by the rumors."[31][32]

text: Conscientious objection[edit]

text: The right to conscientious objection is not recognised in South Korea. [1] Usually, over 400 people are imprisoned at any one time for refusing military service, for political or religious reasons. This is contrary to international human rights standards and the government of Korea have been repeatedly criticised for not allowing those who conscience prevents them from joining the military to undertake some kind of substitute service, rather than imprisoning them.


document_title: Norse colonization of North America

question_text: where did vikings first land in north america

text: Norse colonization of North America

text: Norse Greenland[edit]

text: According to the Sagas of Icelanders, Norsemen from Iceland first settled Greenland in the 980s. There is no special reason to doubt the authority of the information that the sagas supply regarding the very beginning of the settlement, but they cannot be treated as primary evidence for the history of Norse Greenland because they embody the literary preoccupations of writers and audiences in medieval Iceland that are not always reliable.[4]

text: Erik the Red (Old Norse: Eiríkr rauði), having been banished from Iceland for manslaughter, explored the uninhabited southwestern coast of Greenland during the three years of his banishment.[5][6] He made plans to entice settlers to the area, naming it Greenland on the assumption that "people would be more eager to go there because the land had a good name".[7] The inner reaches of one long fjord, named Eiriksfjord after him, was where he eventually established his estate Brattahlid. He issued tracts of land to his followers.[8]

text: At its peak the colony consisted of two settlements. The Eastern was at the southwestern tip of Greenland, while the Western Settlement was about 500 km up the west coast, inland from present-day Nuuk. A smaller settlement near the Eastern Settlement is sometimes considered the Middle Settlement. The combined population was around 2,000–3,000.[9] At least 400 farms have been identified by archaeologists.[8] Norse Greenland had a bishopric (at Garðar) and exported walrus ivory, furs, rope, sheep, whale or seal blubber, live animals such as polar bears, supposed "unicorn horns" (in reality narwhal tusks), and cattle hides. In 1126, the population requested a Bishop (headquartered at Garðar), and in 1261, they accepted the overlordship of the Norwegian King. They continued to have their own law and became almost completely independent after 1349, the time of the Black Death. In 1380, the Norwegian Kingdom entered into a personal union with the Kingdom of Denmark.[10]

text: Western trade and decline[edit]

text: There is evidence of Norse trade with the natives (called Skraelings by the Vikings). The Norse would have encountered both Native Americans (the Beothuk, related to the Algonquin) and the Thule, the ancestors of the Inuit. The Dorset had withdrawn from Greenland before the Norse settlement of the island. Items such as comb fragments, pieces of iron cooking utensils and chisels, chess pieces, ship rivets, carpenter's planes, and oaken ship fragments used in Inuit boats have been found far beyond the traditional range of Norse colonization. A small ivory statue that appears to represent a European has also been found among the ruins of an Inuit community house.[10]

text: The colony began to decline in the 14th century. The Western Settlement was abandoned around 1350, and the last bishop at Garðar died in 1377.[10] After a marriage was recorded in 1408, no written records mention the settlers. It is probable that the Eastern Settlement was defunct by the late 15th century. The most recent radiocarbon date found in Norse settlements as of 2002 was 1430 (±15 years). Several theories have been advanced to explain the decline.

text: The Little Ice Age of this period would have made travel between Greenland and Europe, as well as farming, more difficult; although fishing and seal hunting provided a healthy diet, there was more prestige in cattle farming, and there was increased availability of farms in Scandinavian countries depopulated by famine and plague epidemics. In addition, Greenlandic ivory may have been supplanted in European markets by cheaper ivory from Africa.[11] Despite the loss of contact with the Greenlanders, the Norwegian-Danish crown continued to consider Greenland a possession.

text: Not knowing whether the old Norse civilization remained in Greenland or not—and worried that if it did, it would still be Catholic 200 years after the Scandinavian homelands had experienced the Reformation—a joint merchant-clerical expedition led by the Dano-Norwegian missionary Hans Egede was sent to Greenland in 1721. Though this expedition found no surviving Europeans, it marked the beginning of Denmark's re-assertion of sovereignty over the island.

text: Vinland[edit]

text: According to the Icelandic sagas—Eirik the Red's Saga,[12] Saga of the Greenlanders, plus chapters of the Hauksbók and the Flatey Book—the Norse started to explore lands to the west of Greenland only a few years after the Greenland settlements were established. In 985 while sailing from Iceland to Greenland with a migration fleet consisting of 400–700 settlers[8][13] and 25 other ships (14 of which completed the journey), a merchant named Bjarni Herjólfsson was blown off course, and after three days' sailing he sighted land west of the fleet. Bjarni was only interested in finding his father's farm, but he described his discovery to Leif Erikson who explored the area in more detail and planted a small settlement fifteen years later.[8]

text: The sagas describe three separate areas discovered during this exploration: Helluland, which means "land of the flat stones"; Markland, "the land of forests", definitely of interest to settlers in Greenland where there were few trees; and Vinland, "the land of wine", found somewhere south of Markland. It was in Vinland that the settlement described in the sagas was founded.

text: Three of Erik the Red's children visited the North American continent: his sons Leif and Thorvald, and their sister (or half-sister) Freydis. Thorvald died there.

text: This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (April 2016)

text: Leif's winter camp[edit]

text: Using the routes, landmarks, currents, rocks, and winds that Bjarni had described to him, Leif sailed some 1,800 miles to the west of the land, with a crew of 35—sailing the same knarr Bjarni had used to make the voyage. He described Helluland as "level and wooded, with broad white beaches wherever they went and a gently sloping shoreline."[8] Leif and others had wanted his father, Erik the Red, to lead this expedition and talked him into it. However, as Erik attempted to join his son Leif on the voyage towards these new lands, he fell off his horse as it slipped on the wet rocks near the shore; thus he was injured and stayed behind.[8]

text: Leif wintered in 1001, probably near Cape Bauld on the northern tip of Newfoundland, where one day his foster father Tyrker was found drunk, on what the saga describes as "wine-berries." Squashberries, gooseberries, and cranberries all grew wild in the area. There are varying explanations for Leif apparently describing fermented berries as "wine."

text: Leif spent another winter at "Leifsbúðir" without conflict, and sailed back to Brattahlíð in Greenland to assume filial duties to his father.

text: Thorvald's voyage (1004 AD)[edit]

text: In 1004, Leif's brother Thorvald Eiriksson sailed with a crew of 30 men to Vinland and spent the following winter at Leif's camp. In the spring, Thorvald attacked nine of the local people who were sleeping under three skin-covered canoes. The ninth victim escaped and soon came back to the Norse camp with a force. Thorvald was killed by an arrow that succeeded in passing through the barricade. Although brief hostilities ensued, the Norse explorers stayed another winter and left the following spring. Subsequently, another of Leif's brothers, Thorstein, sailed to the New World to retrieve his dead brother's body, but he died before leaving Greenland.[8]

text: Karlsefni's expedition (1009 AD)[edit]

text: In 1009 Thorfinn Karlsefni, also known as "Thorfinn the Valiant", supplied three ships with livestock and 160 men and women[13] (although another source sets the number of settlers at 250). After a cruel winter, he headed south and landed at Straumfjord. He later moved to Straumsöy, possibly because the current was stronger there. A sign of peaceful relations between the indigenous peoples and the Norsemen is noted here. The two sides bartered with furs and gray squirrel skins for milk and red cloth, which the natives tied around their heads as a sort of headdress.

text: There are conflicting stories but one account states that a bull belonging to Karlsefni came storming out of the wood, so frightening the natives that they ran to their skin-boats and rowed away. They returned three days later, in force. The natives used catapults, hoisting "a large sphere on a pole; it was dark blue in color" and about the size of a sheep's belly,[14] which flew over the heads of the men and made an ugly din.[14]

text: The Norsemen retreated. Leif Erikson's half-sister Freydís Eiríksdóttir was pregnant and unable to keep up with the retreating Norsemen. She called out to them to stop fleeing from "such pitiful wretches", adding that if she had weapons, she could do better than that. Freydís seized the sword belonging to a man who had been killed by the natives. She pulled one of her breasts out of her bodice and struck it with the sword, frightening the natives, who fled.[14]

text: Pseudohistory[edit]

text: Purported runestones have been found in North America, most famously the Kensington Runestone. These are generally considered to be hoaxes or misinterpretations of Native American petroglyphs.[15]

text: There are many claims of Norse colonization in New England, none well-founded.

text: Monuments claimed to be Norse include:[16]

text:
Stone Tower in Newport, Rhode Island
The petroglyphs on Dighton Rock, from the Taunton River in Massachusetts
The runes on Narragansett Runestone

text: Horsford's Norumbega[edit]

text: The nineteenth-century Harvard chemist Eben Norton Horsford connected the Charles River Basin to places described in the Norse sagas and elsewhere, notably Norumbega.[17] He published several books on the topic and had plaques, monuments, and statues erected in honor of the Norse.[18] His work received little support from mainstream historians and archeologists at the time, and even less today.[19][20][21]

text: Duration of Norse contact[edit]

text: Settlements in continental North America aimed to exploit natural resources such as furs and in particular lumber, which was in short supply in Greenland.[22] It is unclear why the short-term settlements did not become permanent, though it was likely in part because of hostile relations with the indigenous peoples, referred to as Skrælings by the Norse.[23] Nevertheless, it appears that sporadic voyages to Markland for forages, timber, and trade with the locals could have lasted as long as 400 years.[24][25]

text: Evidence of continuing trips includes the Maine Penny, a Norwegian coin from King Olaf Kyrre's reign (1067–1093) allegedly found in a Native American archaeological site in the U.S. state of Maine, suggesting an exchange between the Norse and the Native Americans late in or after the 11th century; and an entry in the Icelandic Annals from 1347 which refers to a small Greenlandic vessel with a crew of eighteen that arrived in Iceland while attempting to return to Greenland from Markland with a load of timber.[26]

text: Aftermath[edit]

text: For centuries it remained unclear whether the Icelandic stories represented real voyages by the Norse to North America. The sagas first gained serious historic respectability when, in 1837, the Danish antiquarian Carl Christian Rafn pointed out the possibility for a Norse settlement in, or voyages to, North America. North America, by the name Winland, first appeared in written sources in a work by Adam of Bremen from approximately 1075. The most important works about North America and the early Norse activities there, namely the Sagas of Icelanders, first reached written form only in the 13th and 14th centuries.[citation needed]

text: Evidence of Norse west of Greenland came in the 1960s when archaeologist Anne Stine Ingstad and her husband, outdoorsman and author Helge Ingstad, excavated a Norse settlement at L'Anse aux Meadows in Newfoundland. The location of the various lands described in the sagas remains unclear, however. Many historians identify Helluland with Baffin Island and Markland with Labrador. The location of Vinland poses a thornier question. Most believe that the L'Anse aux Meadows settlement represents the Vinland settlement described in the sagas; others argue that the sagas depict Vinland as warmer than Newfoundland and therefore lying farther south.[citation needed]

text: In 2012 Canadian researchers identified possible signs of Norse outposts in Nanook at Tanfield Valley on Baffin Island, as well as on Nunguvik, Willows Island and Avayalik.[27][28][29] Unusual fabric cordage found on Baffin Island in the 1980s and stored at the Canadian Museum of Civilization was identified in 1999 as possibly of Norse manufacture; that discovery led to more in-depth exploration of the Tanfield Valley archaeological site.[citation needed]

text: Archeological findings in 2015 at Point Rosee, on the southwest coast of Newfoundland, reveal evidence of the location being a bog iron-smelting site and therefore a possible second 10th century Viking settlement in Canada. The possible settlement was initially discovered through satellite imagery and magnetometer readings and archaeologists have begun excavating the area.[30][31]

text: The Skálholt Map, made by an Icelandic teacher in 1570, depicts part of north-eastern North America mentioning Helluland, Markland and Vinland.[32]


document_title: Ethnography

question_text: credibility is a term to describe the degree to which an ethnography

text: Ethnography

text: History and meaning[edit]

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text: The word 'ethnography' is derived from the Greek ἔθνος (ethnos), meaning "a company, later a people, nation" and -graphy, meaning "writing". Ethnographic studies focus on large cultural groups of people who interact over time. Ethnography is a set of qualitative methods that are used in social sciences that focus on the observation of social practices and interactions.[11] Its aim is to observe a situation without imposing any deductive structure or framework upon it and to view everything as strange or unique.[12]

text: The field of anthropology originated from Europe and England designed in late 19th century. It spread its roots to the United States at the beginning of the 20th century. Some of the main contributors like E. B. Tylor (1832–1917) from Britain and Lewis H. Morgan (1818–1881), an American scientist were considered as founders of cultural and social dimensions. Franz Boas (1858–1942), Bronislaw Malinowski (1858—1942), Ruth Benedict, and Margaret Mead (1901–1978), were a group of researchers from the United States who contributed the idea of cultural relativism to the literature. Boas's approach focused on the use of documents and informants, whereas Malinowski stated that a researcher should be engrossed with the work for long periods in the field and do a participant observation by living with the informant and experiencing their way of life. He gives the viewpoint of the native and this became the origin of field work and field methods.

text: Since Malinowski was very firm with his approach he applied it practically and traveled to Trobriand Islands which are located off the eastern coast of New Guinea. He was interested in learning the language of the islanders and stayed there for a long time doing his field work. The field of ethnography became very popular in the late 19th century, as many social scientists gained an interest in studying modern society.  Again, in the latter part of the 19th century, the field of anthropology became a good support for scientific formation.  Though the field was flourishing, it had a lot of threats to encounter. Postcolonialism, the research climate shifted towards post-modernism and feminism. Therefore, the field of anthropology moved into a discipline of social science.

text: Origins[edit]

text: Gerhard Friedrich Müller developed the concept of ethnography as a separate discipline whilst participating in the Second Kamchatka Expedition (1733–43) as a professor of history and geography. Whilst involved in the expedition, he differentiated Völker-Beschreibung as a distinct area of study. This became known as "ethnography," following the introduction of the Greek neologism ethnographia  by Johann Friedrich Schöpperlin and the German variant by A. F. Thilo in 1767.[13] August Ludwig von Schlözer and Christoph Wilhelm Jacob Gatterer of the University of Göttingen introduced the term into the academic discourse in an attempt to reform the contemporary understanding of world history.[13][14]

text: Herodotus, known as the Father of History, had significant works on the cultures of various peoples beyond the Hellenic realm such as the Scythians, which earned him the title "philobarbarian", and may be said to have produced the first works of ethnography.

text: Forms of ethnography[edit]

text: There are different forms of ethnography: confessional ethnography; life history; feminist ethnography etc. Two popular forms of ethnography are realist ethnography and critical ethnography. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 93)

text: Realist ethnography: is a traditional approach used by cultural anthropologists. Characterized by Van Maanen (1988), it reflects a particular instance taken by the researcher toward the individual being studied. It's an objective study of the situation. It's composed from a third person's perspective by getting the data from the members on the site. The ethnographer stays as omniscient correspondent of actualities out of sight. The realist reports information in a measured style ostensibly uncontaminated by individual predisposition, political objectives, and judgment. The analyst will give a detailed report of the everyday life of the individuals under study. The ethnographer also uses standard categories for cultural description (e.g., family life, communication network). The ethnographer produces the participant's views through closely edited quotations and has the final work on how the culture is to be interpreted and presented. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 93)

text: Critical ethnography: is a kind of ethnographic research in which the creators advocate for the liberation of groups which are marginalized in society. Critical researchers typically are politically minded people who look to take a stand of opposition to inequality and domination.  For example, a critical ethnographer might study schools that provide privileges to certain types of students, or counseling practices that serve to overlook the needs of underrepresented groups. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 94). The important components of a critical ethnographer are to incorporate a value- laden introduction, empower people by giving them more authority, challenging the status quo, and addressing concerns about power and control. A critical ethnographer will study issues of power, empowerment, inequality inequity, dominance, repression, hegemony, and victimization. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 94)

text: Features of ethnographic research[edit]

text: According to Dewan (2018) the researcher is not looking for generalizing the findings; rather, they are considering it in reference to the context of the situation. In this regard, the best way to integrate ethnography in a quantitative research would be to use it to discover and uncover relationships and then use the resultant data to test and explain the empirical assumptions [15]

text: This section does not cite any sources. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (April 2015) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)

text:
Involves investigation of very few cases, maybe just one case, in detail.
Often involves working with primarily unconstructed data. This data had not been coded at the point of data collection in terms of a closed set of analytic categories.
Emphasizes on exploring social phenomena rather than testing hypotheses.
Data analysis involves interpretation of the functions and meanings of human actions. The product of this is mainly verbal explanations, where statistical analysis and quantification play a subordinate role.
Methodological discussions focus more on questions about how to report findings in the field than on methods of data collection and interpretation.
Ethnographies focus on describing the culture of a group in very detailed and complex manner. The ethnography can be of the entire group or a subpart of it.
It involves engaging in extensive field work where data collection is mainly by interviews, symbols, artifacts, observations, and many other sources of data.
The researcher in ethnography type of research looks for patterns of the group's mental activities, that is their ideas and beliefs expressed through language or other activities, and how they behave in their groups as expressed through their actions that the researcher observed.
In ethnography, the researcher gathers what is available, what is normal, what it is that people do, what they say, and how they work.[12]

text: Procedures for conducting ethnography[edit]

text:
Determine if ethnography is the most appropriate design to use to study the research problem. Ethnography is suitable if the needs are to describe how a cultural group works and to explore their beliefs, language, behaviours and also issues faced by the group, such as power, resistance, and dominance. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 94)
Then identify and locate a culture-sharing group to study.  This group is one whose members have been together for an extended period of time, so that their shared language, patterns of behaviour and attitudes have merged into discernible patterns. This group can also be a group that has been marginalized by society. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 94)
Select cultural themes, issues or theories to study about the group. These themes, issues, and theories provide an orienting framework for the study of the culture-sharing group. As discussed by Hammersley and Atkinson (2007), Wolcott (1987, 1994b, 2008-1), and Fetterman (2009). The ethnographer begins the study by examining people in interaction in ordinary settings and discerns pervasive patterns such as life cycles, events, and cultural themes. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 94-95)
For studying cultural concepts, determine which type of ethnography to use. Perhaps how the group works need to be described, or a critical ethnography can expose issues such as power, hegemony, and advocacy for certain groups (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 95)
Should collect information in the context or setting where the group works or lives. This is called fieldwork. Types of information typically needed in ethnography are collected by going to the research site, respecting the daily lives of individuals at the site and collecting a wide variety of materials. Field issues of respect, reciprocity, deciding who owns the data and others are central to Ethnography (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 95)
From the many sources collected, the ethnographer analyzes the data for a description of the culture-sharing group, themes that emerge from the group and an overall interpretation (Wolcott, 1994b). The researcher begins to compile a detailed description of the culture-sharing group, by focusing on a single event, on several activities, or on the group over a prolonged period of time.
Forge a working set of rules or generalizations as to how the culture-sharing group works as the final product of this analysis. The final product is a holistic cultural portrait of the group that incorporates the views of the participants (emic) as well as the views of the researcher (etic). It might also advocate for the needs of the group or suggest changes in society. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 96)

text: Ethnography as method[edit]

text: The ethnographic method is different from other ways of conducting social science approach due to the following reasons:

text:
It is field-based. It is conducted in the settings in which real people actually live, rather than in laboratories where the researcher controls the elements of the behaviors to be observed or measured.
It is personalized. It is conducted by researchers who are in the day-to-day, face-to-face contact with the people they are studying and who are thus both participants in and observers of the lives under study.
It is multifactorial. It is conducted through the use of two or more data collection techniques - which may be qualitative or quantitative in nature - in order to get a conclusion.
It requires a long-term commitment i.e. it is conducted by a researcher who intends to interact with people they are studying for an extended period of time.  The exact time frame can vary from several weeks to a year or more.
It is inductive. It is conducted in such a way to use an accumulation of descriptive detail to build toward general patterns or explanatory theories rather than structured to test hypotheses derived from existing theories or models.
It is dialogic.  It is conducted by a researcher whose interpretations and findings may be expounded on by the study’s participants while conclusions are still in the process of formulation.
It is holistic. It is conducted so as to yield the fullest possible portrait of the group under study.
It can also be used in other methodological frameworks, for instance, an action research program of study where one of the goals is to change and improve the situation.[12]

text: Data collection methods[edit]

text: According to the leading social scientist, John Brewer, data collection methods are meant to capture the "social meanings and ordinary activities"[16] of people (informants) in "naturally occurring settings"[16] that are commonly referred to as "the field."  The goal is to collect data in such a way that the researcher imposes a minimal amount of personal bias in the data.[16]  Multiple methods of data collection may be employed to facilitate a relationship that allows for a more personal and in-depth portrait of the informants and their community.  These can include participant observation, field notes, interviews, and surveys.

text: Interviews are often taped and later transcribed, allowing the interview to proceed unimpaired of note-taking, but with all information available later for full analysis. Secondary research and document analysis are also used to provide insight into the research topic.  In the past, kinship charts were commonly used to "discover logical patterns and social structure in non-Western societies".[17] In the 21st century, anthropology focuses more on the study of people in urban settings and the use of kinship charts is seldom employed.

text: In order to make the data collection and interpretation transparent, researchers creating ethnographies often attempt to be "reflexive". Reflexivity refers to the researcher's aim "to explore the ways in which [the] researcher's involvement with a particular study influences, acts upon and informs such research".[18]  Despite these attempts of reflexivity, no researcher can be totally unbiased. This factor has provided a basis to criticize ethnography.

text: Traditionally, the ethnographer focuses attention on a community, selecting knowledgeable informants who know the activities of the community well.[19] These informants are typically asked to identify other informants who represent the community, often using snowball or chain sampling.[19] This process is often effective in revealing common cultural denominators connected to the topic being studied.[19] Ethnography relies greatly on up-close, personal experience. Participation, rather than just observation, is one of the keys to this process.[20] Ethnography is very useful in social research.

text: Ybema et al. (2010) examine the ontological and epistemological presuppositions underlying ethnography.  Ethnographic research can range from a realist perspective, in which behavior is observed, to a constructivist perspective where understanding is socially constructed by the researcher and subjects. Research can range from an objectivist account of fixed, observable behaviors to an interpretive narrative describing "the interplay of individual agency and social structure."[21] Critical theory researchers address "issues of power within the researcher-researched relationships and the links between knowledge and power."

text: Another form of data collection is that of the "image." The image is the projection that an individual puts on an object or abstract idea. An image can be contained within the physical world through a particular individual's perspective, primarily based on that individual’s past experiences. One example of an image is how an individual views a novel after completing it. The physical entity that is the novel contains a specific image in the perspective of the interpreting individual and can only be expressed by the individual in the terms of "I can tell you what an image is by telling you what it feels like."[22] The idea of an image relies on the imagination and has been seen to be utilized by children in a very spontaneous and natural manner. Effectively, the idea of the image is a primary tool for ethnographers to collect data. The image presents the perspective, experiences, and influences of an individual as a single entity and in consequence, the individual will always contain this image in the group under study.

text: Differences across disciplines[edit]

text: The ethnographic method is used across a range of different disciplines, primarily by anthropologists but also occasionally by sociologists. Cultural studies, (European) ethnology, sociology, economics, social work, education, design, psychology, computer science, human factors and ergonomics, ethnomusicology, folkloristics, religious studies, geography, history, linguistics, communication studies, performance studies, advertising, nursing, urban planning, usability, political science,[23] social movement,[24] and criminology are other fields which have made use of ethnography.

text: Cultural and social anthropology[edit]

text: Cultural anthropology and social anthropology were developed around ethnographic research and their canonical texts, which are mostly ethnographies: e.g. Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922) by Bronisław Malinowski, Ethnologische Excursion in Johore (1875) by Nicholas Miklouho-Maclay,  Coming of Age in Samoa (1928) by Margaret Mead, The Nuer (1940) by E. E. Evans-Pritchard, Naven (1936, 1958) by Gregory Bateson, or "The Lele of the Kasai" (1963) by Mary Douglas. Cultural and social anthropologists today place a high value on doing ethnographic research. The typical ethnography is a document written about a particular people, almost always based at least in part on emic views of where the culture begins and ends. Using language or community boundaries to bound the ethnography is common.[25]  Ethnographies are also sometimes called "case studies."[26]  Ethnographers study and interpret culture, its universalities, and its variations through the ethnographic study based on fieldwork. An ethnography is a specific kind of written observational science which provides an account of a particular culture, society, or community. The fieldwork usually involves spending a year or more in another society, living with the local people and learning about their ways of life.  Neophyte Ethnographers are strongly encouraged to develop extensive familiarity with their subject prior to entering the field; otherwise, they may find themselves in difficult situations.[27]

text: Ethnographers are participant observers. They take part in events they study because it helps with understanding local behavior and thought. Classic examples are Carol B. Stack's All Our Kin,[28] Jean Briggs' Never in Anger, Richard Lee's Kalahari Hunter-Gatherers, Victor Turner's Forest of Symbols, David Maybry-Lewis' Akew-Shavante Society, E.E. Evans-Pritchard's The Nuer, and Claude Lévi-Strauss' Tristes Tropiques. Iterations of ethnographic representations in the classic, modernist camp include Joseph W. Bastien's "Drum and Stethoscope" (1992), Bartholomew Dean's recent (2009) contribution, Urarina Society, Cosmology, and History in Peruvian Amazonia.[29]

text: A typical ethnography attempts to be holistic[8][9] and typically follows an outline to include a brief history of the culture in question, an analysis of the physical geography or terrain inhabited by the people under study, including climate, and often including what biological anthropologists call habitat. Folk notions of botany and zoology are presented as ethnobotany and ethnozoology alongside references from the formal sciences. Material culture, technology, and means of subsistence are usually treated next, as they are typically bound up in physical geography and include descriptions of infrastructure.  Kinship and social structure (including age grading, peer groups, gender, voluntary associations, clans, moieties, and so forth, if they exist) are typically included. Languages spoken, dialects, and the history of language change are another group of standard topics.[30]  Practices of childrearing, acculturation, and emic views on personality and values usually follow after sections on social structure.[31] Rites, rituals, and other evidence of religion have long been an interest and are sometimes central to ethnographies, especially when conducted in public where visiting anthropologists can see them.[32]

text: As ethnography developed, anthropologists grew more interested in less tangible aspects of culture, such as values, worldview and what Clifford Geertz termed the "ethos" of the culture. In his fieldwork, Geertz used elements of a phenomenological approach, tracing not just the doings of people, but the cultural elements themselves. For example, if within a group of people, winking was a communicative gesture, he sought to first determine what kinds of things a wink might mean (it might mean several things). Then, he sought to determine in what contexts winks were used, and whether, as one moved about a region, winks remained meaningful in the same way. In this way, cultural boundaries of communication could be explored, as opposed to using linguistic boundaries or notions about the residence. Geertz, while still following something of a traditional ethnographic outline, moved outside that outline to talk about "webs" instead of "outlines"[33] of culture.

text: Within cultural anthropology, there are several subgenres of ethnography.  Beginning in the 1950s and early 1960s, anthropologists began writing "bio-confessional" ethnographies that intentionally exposed the nature of ethnographic research.  Famous examples include Tristes Tropiques (1955) by Lévi-Strauss, The High Valley by Kenneth Read, and The Savage and the Innocent by David Maybury-Lewis, as well as the mildly fictionalized Return to Laughter by Elenore Smith Bowen (Laura Bohannan).

text: Later "reflexive" ethnographies refined the technique to translate cultural differences by representing their effects on the ethnographer.  Famous examples include Deep Play:  Notes on a Balinese Cockfight by Clifford Geertz,  Reflections on Fieldwork in Morocco by Paul Rabinow, The Headman and I by Jean-Paul Dumont, and Tuhami by Vincent Crapanzano.  In the 1980s, the rhetoric of ethnography was subjected to intense scrutiny within the discipline, under the general influence of literary theory and post-colonial/post-structuralist thought.  "Experimental" ethnographies that reveal the ferment of the discipline include Shamanism, Colonialism, and the Wild Man by Michael Taussig, Debating Muslims by Michael F. J. Fischer and Mehdi Abedi, A Space on the Side of the Road by Kathleen Stewart, and Advocacy after Bhopal by Kim Fortun.

text: This critical turn in sociocultural anthropology during the mid-1980s can be traced to the influence of the now classic (and often contested) text, Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography, (1986) edited by James Clifford and George Marcus. Writing Culture helped bring changes to both anthropology and ethnography often described in terms of being 'postmodern,' 'reflexive,' 'literary,' 'deconstructive,' or 'poststructural' in nature, in that the text helped to highlight the various epistemic and political predicaments that many practitioners saw as plaguing ethnographic representations and practices.[34]

text: Where Geertz's and Turner's interpretive anthropology recognized subjects as creative actors who constructed their sociocultural worlds out of symbols, postmodernists attempted to draw attention to the privileged status of the ethnographers themselves. That is, the ethnographer cannot escape the personal viewpoint in creating an ethnographic account, thus making any claims of objective neutrality highly problematic, if not altogether impossible.[35] In regards to this last point, Writing Culture became a focal point for looking at how ethnographers could describe different cultures and societies without denying the subjectivity of those individuals and groups being studied while simultaneously doing so without laying claim to absolute knowledge and objective authority.[36] Along with the development of experimental forms such as 'dialogic anthropology,' 'narrative ethnography,'[37] and 'literary ethnography',[38] Writing Culture helped to encourage the development of 'collaborative ethnography.'[39] This exploration of the relationship between writer, audience, and subject has become a central tenet of contemporary anthropological and ethnographic practice. In certain instances, active collaboration between the researcher(s) and subject(s) has helped blend the practice of collaboration in ethnographic fieldwork with the process of creating the ethnographic product resulting from the research.[39][40][41]

text: Sociology[edit]

text:
Sociology
History
Outline
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Methods
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Subfields and other major theories
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text: Sociology is another field which prominently features ethnographies. Urban sociology, Atlanta University (now Clark-Atlanta University), and the Chicago School, in particular, are associated with ethnographic research, with some well-known early examples being The Philadelphia Negro (1899) by W. E. B. Du Bois, Street Corner Society by William Foote Whyte and Black Metropolis by St. Clair Drake and Horace R. Cayton, Jr.. Major influences on this development were anthropologist Lloyd Warner, on the Chicago sociology faculty, and to Robert Park's experience as a journalist. Symbolic interactionism developed from the same tradition and yielded such sociological ethnographies as Shared Fantasy by Gary Alan Fine, which documents the early history of fantasy role-playing games.  Other important ethnographies in sociology include Pierre Bourdieu's work on Algeria and France.

text: Jaber F. Gubrium's series of organizational ethnographies focused on the everyday practices of illness, care, and recovery are notable.  They include Living and Dying at Murray Manor, which describes the social worlds of a nursing home; Describing Care: Image and Practice in Rehabilitation, which documents the social organization of patient subjectivity in a physical rehabilitation hospital; Caretakers: Treating Emotionally Disturbed Children, which features the social construction of behavioral disorders in children; and Oldtimers and Alzheimer's: The Descriptive Organization of Senility, which describes how the Alzheimer's disease movement constructed a new subjectivity of senile dementia and how that is organized in a geriatric hospital. Another approach to ethnography in sociology comes in the form of institutional ethnography, developed by Dorothy E. Smith for studying the social relations which structure people's everyday lives.

text: Other notable ethnographies include Paul Willis's Learning to Labour, on working class youth; the work of Elijah Anderson, Mitchell Duneier, and Loïc Wacquant on black America, and Lai Olurode's Glimpses of Madrasa From Africa.  But even though many sub-fields and theoretical perspectives within sociology use ethnographic methods, ethnography is not the sine qua non of the discipline, as it is in cultural anthropology.

text: Communication Studies[edit]

text: Beginning in the 1960s and 1970s, ethnographic research methods began to be widely used by communication scholars. As the purpose of ethnography is to describe and interpret the shared and learned patterns of values, behaviors, beliefs, and language of a culture-sharing group, Harris, (1968), also Agar (1980) note that ethnography is both a process and an outcome of the research. Studies such as Gerry Philipsen's analysis of cultural communication strategies in a blue-collar, working-class neighborhood on the south side of Chicago, Speaking 'Like a Man' in Teamsterville, paved the way for the expansion of ethnographic research in the study of communication.

text: Scholars of communication studies use ethnographic research methods to analyze communicative behaviors and phenomena. This is often characterized in the writing as attempts to understand taken-for-granted routines by which working definitions are socially produced. Ethnography as a method is a storied, careful, and systematic examination of the reality-generating mechanisms of everyday life (Coulon, 1995). Ethnographic work in communication studies seeks to explain "how" ordinary methods/practices/performances construct the ordinary actions used by ordinary people in the accomplishments of their identities. This often gives the perception of trying to answer the "why" and "how come" questions of human communication.[42]  Often this type of research results in a case study or field study such as an analysis of speech patterns at a protest rally, or the way firemen communicate during "down time" at a fire station.  Like anthropology scholars, communication scholars often immerse themselves, and participate in and/or directly observe the particular social group being studied.[43]

text: Other fields[edit]

text: The American anthropologist George Spindler was a pioneer in applying the ethnographic methodology to the classroom.

text: Anthropologists such as Daniel Miller and Mary Douglas have used ethnographic data to answer academic questions about consumers and consumption.  In this sense, Tony Salvador, Genevieve Bell, and Ken Anderson describe design ethnography as being "a way of understanding the particulars of daily life in such a way as to increase the success probability of a new product or service or, more appropriately, to reduce the probability of failure specifically due to a lack of understanding of the basic behaviors and frameworks of consumers."[44] Sociologist Sam Ladner argues in her book,[45] that understanding consumers and their desires requires a shift in "standpoint," one that only ethnography provides. The results are products and services that respond to consumers' unmet needs.

text: Businesses, too, have found ethnographers helpful for understanding how people use products and services. Companies make increasing use of ethnographic methods to understand consumers and consumption, or for new product development (such as video ethnography). The Ethnographic Praxis in Industry (EPIC) conference is evidence of this. Ethnographers' systematic and holistic approach to real-life experience is valued by product developers, who use the method to understand unstated desires or cultural practices that surround products. Where focus groups fail to inform marketers about what people really do, ethnography links what people say to what they do—avoiding the pitfalls that come from relying only on self-reported, focus-group data. Modern developments in computing power and AI have enabled higher efficiencies in ethnographic data collection via multimedia and computational analysis using machine learning.[46]

text: Evaluating ethnography[edit]

text: The Ethnographic methodology is not usually evaluated in terms of philosophical standpoint (such as positivism and emotionalism). Ethnographic studies need to be evaluated in some manner.  No consensus has been developed on evaluation standards, but Richardson (2000, p. 254)[47]  provides five criteria that ethnographers might find helpful. Jaber F. Gubrium and James A. Holstein's (1997) monograph, The New Language of Qualitative Method, discusses forms of ethnography in terms of their "methods talk."

text:
Substantive contribution: "Does the piece contribute to our understanding of social life?"
Aesthetic merit: "Does this piece succeed aesthetically?"
Reflexivity: "How did the author come to write this text…Is there adequate self-awareness and self-exposure for the reader to make judgments about the point of view?"[48]
Impact: "Does this affect me? Emotionally? Intellectually?"  Does it move me?
Expresses a reality: "Does it seem 'true'—a credible account of a cultural, social, individual, or communal sense of the 'real'?"

tag: ol

text: Challenges of ethnography[edit]

text: Ethnography, which is a method dedicated entirely to field work, is aimed at gaining a deeper insight of a certain people's knowledge and social culture.

text: Ethnography's advantages are:

text:
It can open up certain experiences during group research that other research methods fail to cover.
Notions that are taken for granted can be highlighted and confronted.
It can tap into intuitive and deep human understanding of and interpretations of (by the ethnographer) the accounts of informants (those who are being studied), which goes far beyond what quantitative research can do in terms of extracting meanings.
Ethnography allows people outside of a culture (whether of a primitive tribe or of a corporation's employees) to learn about its members' practices, motives, understandings, and values.

text: However, there are certain challenges or limitations for the ethnographic method:

text:
Deep expertise is required: Ethnographers must accumulate knowledge about the methods and domains of interest, which can take considerable training and time.
Sensitivity: The ethnographer is an outsider and must exercise discretion and caution to avoid offending, alienating or harming those being observed.
Access: Negotiating access to field sites and participants can be time-consuming and difficult. Secretive or guarded organizations may require different approaches in order for researchers to succeed.[49]
Duration and cost: Research can involve prolonged time in the field, particularly because building trust with participants is usually necessary for obtaining rich data.
Bias: Ethnographers bring their own experience to bear in pursuing questions to ask and reviewing data, which can lead to biases in directions of inquiry and analysis.
Descriptive approach:  Ethnography relies heavily on storytelling and the presentation of critical incidents, which is inevitably selective and viewed as a weakness by those used to the scientific approaches of hypothesis testing, quantification and replication.

text: Among the dangers of ethnography are that it can become indistinguishable from a kind of embedded journalism or blog with academic jargon giving it the veneer of academic legitimacy but without actually meeting the classic requirements for ethnography.[50]  A series of tests can be applied to determine whether work is actually ethnography or academic journalism depending on the focus of the study (an "ethnos"), the scientific hypotheses and questions, whether there is model building, whether there are cross-cultural comparisons, and the purpose, uses and forms of the work.

text: Ethics[edit]

text: Gary Alan Fine argues that the nature of ethnographic inquiry demands that researchers deviate from formal and idealistic rules or ethics that have come to be widely accepted in qualitative and quantitative approaches in research. Many of these ethical assumptions are rooted in positivist and post-positivist epistemologies that have adapted over time but are apparent and must be accounted for in all research paradigms. These ethical dilemmas are evident throughout the entire process of conducting ethnographies, including the design, implementation, and reporting of an ethnographic study. Essentially, Fine maintains that researchers are typically not as ethical as they claim or assume to be — and that "each job includes ways of doing things that would be inappropriate for others to know".[51]

text: Fine is not necessarily casting blame at ethnographic researchers but tries to show that researchers often make idealized ethical claims and standards which in are inherently based on partial truths and self-deceptions. Fine also acknowledges that many of these partial truths and self-deceptions are unavoidable. He maintains that "illusions" are essential to maintain an occupational reputation and avoid potentially more caustic consequences. He claims, "Ethnographers cannot help but lie, but in lying, we reveal truths that escape those who are not so bold".[52] Based on these assertions, Fine establishes three conceptual clusters in which ethnographic ethical dilemmas can be situated: "Classic Virtues", "Technical Skills", and "Ethnographic Self".

text: Much debate surrounding the issue of ethics arose following revelations about how the ethnographer Napoleon Chagnon conducted his ethnographic fieldwork with the Yanomani people of South America.

text: While there is no international standard on Ethnographic Ethics, many western anthropologists look to the American Anthropological Association for guidance when conducting ethnographic work.[53] In 2009 the Association adopted a code of ethics, stating: Anthropologists have "moral obligations as members of other groups, such as the family, religion, and community, as well as the profession".[54] The code of ethics notes that anthropologists are part of a wider scholarly and political network, as well as human and natural environment, which needs to be reported on respectfully.[54] The code of ethics recognizes that sometimes very close and personal relationship can sometimes develop from doing ethnographic work.[54] The Association acknowledges that the code is limited in scope; ethnographic work can sometimes be multidisciplinary, and anthropologists need to be familiar with ethics and perspectives of other disciplines as well.[55]  The eight-page code of ethics outlines ethical considerations for those conducting Research, Teaching, Application and Dissemination of Results, which are briefly outlined below.[56]

text:
"Conducting Research" - When conducting research Anthropologists need to be aware of the potential impacts of the research on the people and animals they study.[57]  If the seeking of new knowledge will negatively impact the people and animals they will be studying they may not undertake the study according to the code of ethics.[57]
"Teaching" - When teaching the discipline of anthropology, instructors are required to inform students of the ethical dilemmas of conducting ethnographies and field work.[58]
"Application" - When conducting an ethnography, Anthropologists must be "open with funders, colleagues, persons studied or providing information, and relevant parties affected by the work about the purpose(s), potential impacts, and source(s) of support for the work."[59]
"Dissemination of Results" - When disseminating results of an ethnography, "[a]nthropologists have an ethical obligation to consider the potential impact of both their research and the communication or dissemination of the results of their research on all directly or indirectly involved."[60]  Research results of ethnographies should not be withheld from participants in the research if that research is being observed by other people.[59]

text: Classic virtues[edit]

text:
"The kindly ethnographer" – Most ethnographers present themselves as being more sympathetic than they are, which aids in the research process, but is also deceptive. The identity that we present to subjects is different from who we are in other circumstances.
"The friendly ethnographer" – Ethnographers operate under the assumption that they should not dislike anyone. When ethnographers find they intensely dislike individuals encountered in the research, they may crop them out of the findings.[61]
"The honest ethnographer" – If research participants know the research goals, their responses will likely be skewed. Therefore, ethnographers often conceal what they know in order to increase the likelihood of acceptance by participants.[61]

text: Technical skills[edit]

text:
"The Precise Ethnographer" – Ethnographers often create the illusion that field notes are data and reflect what "really" happened. They engage in the opposite of plagiarism, giving undeserved credit through loose interpretations and paraphrasing. Researchers take near-fictions and turn them into claims of fact. The closest ethnographers can ever really get to reality is an approximate truth.
"The Observant Ethnographer" – Readers of ethnography are often led to assume the report of a scene is complete – that little of importance was missed. In reality, an ethnographer will always miss some aspect because of lacking omniscience. Everything is open to multiple interpretations and misunderstandings. As ethnographers' skills in observation and collection of data vary by individual, what is depicted in ethnography can never be the whole picture.
"The Unobtrusive Ethnographer" – As a "participant" in the scene, the researcher will always have an effect on the communication that occurs within the research site. The degree to which one is an "active member" affects the extent to which sympathetic understanding is possible.[62]

text: Ethnographic Self[edit]

text: The following are commonly misconceived conceptions of ethnographers:

text:
"The Candid Ethnographer" – Where the researcher personally situates within the ethnography is ethically problematic. There is an illusion that everything reported was observed by the researcher.
"The Chaste Ethnographer" – When ethnographers participate within the field, they invariably develop relationships with research subjects/participants. These relationships are sometimes not accounted for within the reporting of the ethnography, although they may influence the research findings.
"The Fair Ethnographer" – Fine claims that objectivity is an illusion and that everything in ethnography is known from a perspective. Therefore, it is unethical for a researcher to report fairness in findings.
"The Literary Ethnographer" – Representation is a balancing act of determining what to "show" through poetic/prosaic language and style, versus what to "tell" via straightforward, 'factual' reporting. The individual skills of an ethnographer influence what appears to be the value of the research.[63]

text: According to Norman K. Denzin, ethnographers should consider the following eight principles when observing, recording, and sampling data:

text:
The groups should combine symbolic meanings with patterns of interaction.
Observe the world from the point of view of the subject, while maintaining the distinction between everyday and scientific perceptions of reality.
Link the group's symbols and their meanings with the social relationships.
Record all behavior.
The methodology should highlight phases of process, change, and stability.
The act should be a type of symbolic interactionism.
Use concepts that would avoid casual explanations.

text: Examples of studies that can use an ethnographic approach[edit]

text: According to Writing at CSU [64] this type of research attempts to identify and explain complex social structures within the study group.

text:
Study the behavior of disciplinary action of parents to children and how that affects them in adulthood.
To examine the social constructs of the roles of costumer and worker. -EN

text:
To study the behavior of workers at a store in a mall - when the manager is present, and when he is not.
To observe the kind of punishments children are given for not completing their homework at a particular school.
To follow hygiene patterns of adolescents in a particular dormitory.
To study altruistic behavior members of a particular church display for each other.
To examine health habits of sex workers from a particular locality.

text: Notable ethnographers[edit]

text:
Manuel Ancízar Basterra (1812-1882)
Franz Boas (1858–1942)
Gregory Bateson (1904–1980)
Adriaen Cornelissen van der Donck (c. 1618 – 1655)
Mary Douglas (1921–2007)
Raymond Firth (1901–2002)
Thor Heyerdahl (1914-2002)
Diamond Jenness (1886-1969)
Mary Kingsley (1862–1900)
Ruth Landes (1908-1991)
Edmund Leach (1910-1989)
José Leite de Vasconcelos (1858-1941)
Claude Lévi-Strauss (1908-2009)
Bronisław Malinowski (1884-1942)
David Maybury-Lewis (1929-2007)
Margaret Mead (1901–1978)
Nicholas Miklouho-Maclay (1846-1888)
Gerhard Friedrich Müller (1705-1783)
Nikolai Nadezhdin (1804-1856)
Lubor Niederle (1865-1944)
Dositej Obradović (1739-1811)
Alexey Okladnikov (1908-1981)
Sergey Oldenburg (1863-1934)
Edward Sapir (1884–1939)
August Ludwig von Schlözer (1735-1809)
James Spradley (1933-1982)
Lila Abu-Lughod
Elijah Anderson (born 1943)
Ruth Behar
Zuzana Beňušková (born 1960)
Zalpa Bersanova
Napoleon Chagnon (born 1938)
Veena Das (born 1945)
Kristen R. Ghodsee (born 1970)
Alice Goffman (born 1982)
Jaber F. Gubrium
Katrina Karkazis
Richard Price (born 1941)
Marilyn Strathern (born 1941)
Barrie Thorne
Sudhir Venkatesh
Susan Visvanathan
Paul Willis


document_title: U.S. history of alcohol minimum purchase age by state

question_text: why did they raise the drinking age from 18 to 21

text: The alcohol laws of the United States regarding minimum age for purchase have changed over time. The history is given in the table below. Unless otherwise noted, if different alcohol categories have different minimum purchase ages, the age listed below is set at the lowest age given (e.g. if the purchase age is 18 for beer and 21 for wine or spirits, as was the case in several states, the age in the table will read as "18", not "21"). In addition, the purchase age is not necessarily the same as the minimum age for consumption of alcoholic beverages, although they have often been the same.

text: As one can see in the table below, there has been much volatility in the states' drinking ages since the repeal of Prohibition in 1933. Shortly after the ratification of the 21st amendment in December, most states set their purchase ages at 21 since that was the Voting age at the time. Most of these limits remained constant until the early 1970s. From 1969 to 1976, some 30 states lowered their purchase ages, generally to 18. This was primarily because the voting age was lowered from 21 to 18 in 1971 with the 26th amendment. A lot of states started to lower their minimum drinking age in response, most of this occurring in 1972 or 1973.[1][2][3] Twelve states kept their purchase ages at 21 since repeal of Prohibition and never changed them.

text: From 1976 to 1983, several states voluntarily raised their purchase ages to 19 (or, less commonly, 20 or 21), in part to combat drunk driving fatalities.[citation needed] In 1984, Congress passed the National Minimum Drinking Age Act, which required states to raise their ages for purchase and public possession to 21 by October 1986 or lose 10% of their federal highway funds. By mid-1988, all 50 states and the District of Columbia had raised their purchase ages to 21 (but not Puerto Rico, Guam, or the Virgin Islands, see Additional Notes below). South Dakota and Wyoming were the final two states to comply with the age 21 mandate. The current drinking age of 21 remains a point of contention among many Americans, because of it being higher than the age of majority (18 in most states) and higher than the drinking ages of most other countries. The National Minimum Drinking Age Act is also seen as a congressional sidestep of the tenth amendment. Although debates have not been highly publicized, a few states have proposed legislation to lower their drinking age,[4] while Guam has raised its drinking age to 21 in July 2010.[5]

text:
State
Pre-Prohibition
(prior to 1919)
Post-Prohibition
(after 1933)
1970s / 26th Amendment
(adopted in 1971)
1980s /
Drinking Age Act of 1984
21st century

Alabama
Pre 1881:
None
1881:
21 (none with consent of parent)[6]
21
1975:
Lowered to 19[7]
1986:
Raised to 21[8]
21 (no one underage is allowed consumption Section 28-1)

Alaska
?
21[7]
1970:
Lowered to 19[9]
1984:
Raised to 21 with grandfather clause (if born before January 1, 1965)[10][11]
21

Arizona
?
21[11]
1972:
Lowered to 19[12][13]
1985:
Raised to 21[8]
21

Arkansas
Pre 1925:
None[7]
1925:
21[7]
21
21[14]
21[8]
21

California
Pre 1891:
Regulated by municipality/county (common age was 16)[15][16][17]
1891:
18 (statewide)[18]
1933:
21[7]
21
21[8]
21 (except small amounts for religious ceremonies)

Colorado
None[11]
1945:
18: for beer
21: for wine and liquor[7]
18[19]
Raised to 21 in 1987[8]
21

Connecticut
?
21[11]
1972:
Lowered to 18[20]
1982:
Raised to 19
1983:
Raised to 20
1985:
Raised to 21[21]
21 (exemptions: (1) a person over age eighteen who is an employee or permit holder under section 30-90a and who possesses alcoholic liquor in the course of such person’s employment or business, (2) a minor who possesses alcoholic liquor on the order of a practicing physician, or (3) a minor who possesses alcoholic liquor while accompanied by a parent, guardian or spouse of the minor, who has attained the age of twenty-one. Nothing in this subsection shall be construed to burden a person’s exercise of religion under section 3 of article first of the Constitution of the state in violation of subsection (a) of section 52-571b.[22]

Delaware
?
21[11]
1972:
Lowered to 20[13]
1984:
Raised to 21[8]
21

District of Columbia
?
18: for beer and wine[11]
21: for liquor[23][24]
18: for beer and wine[13][24]
21: for liquor
1986:
Raised to 21 with grandfather clause.[25][26]
21

Florida
?
18[7]
1980:
19[27]
1985:
Raised to 21 with grandfather clause[27]
21[28]

Georgia
?
21[11]
1972:
Lowered to 18[12]
1984:
Raised to 19[14]
1985:
Raised to 20[14]
1986:
Raised to 21[14]
21

Hawaii
?
21[7]
1972:
Lowered to 18[13]
1986:
Raised to 21[8]
21

Idaho
?
20: for beer[29][30]
21: for wine and liquor[11][31]
1972:
Lowered to 19 (all)[13][32]
1987:
Raised to 21 in 1987 (Apr 11) with grandfather clause[8][33]
21

Illinois
1872:
Age of majority
(none with written consent of parent)[34]
pre 1961: Age of majority 1961: Raised to 21[35]
1973:
Lowered to 19: for beer and wine
21: for liquor[36]
1980:
Raised to 21[37]
21

Indiana
?
Post-1934:
21[7]
21[14]
21[8]
21

Iowa
?
21[7]
1972:
Lowered to 19 in 1972 (Jul 1)
1973:
Lowered to 18 in 1973 (Jul 1)
1978:
Raised to 19 in 1978 (Jul 1)[38]
1986:
Raised to 21 in 1986 (Jul 1) with grandfather clause.[14][38]
21

Kansas
?
1949:
18: for beer and wine with less than 4% ABV
21: for liquor[7]
18: for beer and wine with less than 4% ABV[14]
21: for beer and wine with 4% ABV or more[14]
21: for liquor[14][19]
1985:
Raised to 21[8]
21 (However, anyone under 21 may consume cereal malt beverages with parental supervision on their own property)

Kentucky
?
1938:
21[7]
21[14]
21[8]
21

Louisiana
?
As of 1948:
18[13]
18[19]
1987:
Raised to 21 de jure in 1987,[8]
but de facto age was still 18 until 1995 due to a sale loophole.
1995:
De facto age raised to 21 in 1995 when loophole was closed.[39]
1996:
In 1996, briefly lowered by Louisiana Supreme Court to 18 until it reversed its decision, raising to 21 three months later.[40]
Other exceptions still remain.[41]
21 (Exceptions to state law include:[42]

For an established religious purpose;
When a person under twenty-one years of age is accompanied by a parent, spouse, or legal guardian twenty-one years of age or older;
For medical purposes when purchased as an over the counter medication, or when prescribed or administered by a licensed physician, pharmacist, dentist, nurse, hospital, or medical institution;
In a private residence, which shall include a residential dwelling and up to twenty contiguous acres, on which the dwelling is located, owned by the same person who owns the dwelling;
The sale, handling, transport, or service in dispensing of any alcoholic beverage pursuant to lawful ownership of an establishment or to lawful employment of a person under twenty-one years of age by a duly licensed manufacturer, wholesaler, or retailer of beverage alcohol.)

Maine
?
21[7]
1969:
Lowered to 20
1972:
Lowered to 18[12]
1977:
Raised to 20[8][43]
1985:
Raised to 21[8]
21

Maryland
?
21[7]
1974:
Lowered to 18: for beer and wine
21: for liquor[44][45]
1982:
Raised to 21 with grandfather clause[8][46]
21 (however anyone can drink when parents, spouses, teachers are present)

Massachusetts
?
21[11]
1973:
Lowered to 18
1979:
Raised to 20 in 1979 (Apr 16)[47][48][49]
Raised to 21 in 1985[8]
21

Michigan
?
21[7]
1972:
Lowered to 18 in 1972 (Jan 1)[50]
1978:
Raised to 19 in 1978 (Dec 3)[51][52]
1978:
Raised to 21 in 1978 (Dec 21), 18 days later.[8]
First state to raise age to 21 since it was lowered
21

Minnesota
?
21[11]
1973:
Lowered to 18 (June 1)
1976:
Raised to 19 (Sept 1)[53]
First state to raise age after lowering.
1986:
Raised to 21[54]
21

Mississippi
?
1966:
18: for beer and wine
21: for liquor[7]
(alcohol not legalized until 1966)
18[19]
Raised to 21 in 1986[8]
21

Missouri
?
1945:
21[7]
21
21[8]
21

Montana
?
21[11]
1971:
Lowered to 19[55]
1973:
Lowered to 18[56][57]
1979:
Raised to 19
1987:
Raised to 21[8][58]
21

Nebraska
?
21[59]
1969:
Lowered to 20
1972:
Lowered to 19[59]
1980:
Raised to 20[14]
1985:
Raised to 21[14]
21

Nevada
?
1933:
21[7]
21
21[8]
21

New Hampshire
?
21[11]
1973:
Lowered to 18[60]
1979:
Raised to 20
1985:
Raised to 21[8][21]
21

New Jersey
Before 1880:
None
Post-1880:
18 (penalties only against businesses)[61][62][63]
21[citation needed]
1973:
Lowered to 18[12]
1980:
Raised to 19
1983:
Raised to 21[8][64]
21

New Mexico
?
1934:
21[7]
21[14]
21[8]
21

New York
21
18[65]
18
1982:
Raised to 19 in 1982 (Dec)
1985:
Raised to 21 in 1985 (Dec)[21][66][67]
21

North Carolina
?
18[11]
18: for beer and wine[19]
21: for liquor
1983:
19: for beer and wine
21: for liquor
1986:
Raised to 21 in 1986 (Sep 1)[8][26]
21

North Dakota
?
1936:
21[7]
21[14]
21[68]
21

Ohio
?
1935:
18: for 3.2% ABW beer
21: for beer stronger than 3.2% ABW, wine and liquor[69]
18: for 3.2% ABW beer
21: for beer stronger than 3.2% ABW, wine and liquor
1982 (Aug. 19 to Oct. 1):
19: for 3.2% ABW beer[14]
21: for beer stronger than 3.2% ABW, wine and liquor[14]
1982 (From Oct. 1):
19: beer
21: wine and liquor[70]
1988:
21[14]
21 (However, anyone can drink with parents or legal-age spouse)

Oklahoma
?
Men:
21
Women:
18: 3.2% ABW beer
21: for beer stronger than 3.2% ABW, wine and liquor[71]
1976:
Lowered to 18 (for 3.2% ABW beer) for both sexes in 1976 (Dec)[72]
Last state to lower the drinking age.
1983:
Raised to 21[11][73]
21

Oregon
?
1933:
21[7]
21
21[8]
21

Pennsylvania
?
1935:
21[7]
21
21[8][52]
21

Rhode Island
?
21[11]
1970:
Lowered to 18[12][74]
1980:
Raised to 19
1981:
Raised to 20
1984:
Raised to 21[21]
21

South Carolina
21[75]
1935:
18: for beer and wine
21: for liquor[7]
18: for beer and wine[19]
21: for liquor
1984:
19: for beer and wine[7]
21: for liquor
1986:
Raised to 21[8]
21

South Dakota
?
1934:
21 (all)
1939:
Lowered to 18: for 3.2% beer
Raised to 19: for 3.2% beer[76]
1972:
18: for beer and wine
21: for liquor[13]
1984:
19: for beer and wine
21: for liquor[8]
1988:
Raised to 21[58]
21

Tennessee
Pre 1881:
None
1881:
21[77]
21[7]
1964:
Lowered to 18[7]
1979:
Raised to 19
1984:
Raised to 21[8]
21

Texas
Pre 1909:
21
None (with written permission of parent or guardian)
Post 1909:
21[78][79]
21[7]
1973:
Lowered to 18[80]
1981:
Raised to 19[81]
1986:
Raised to 21 in 1986 (Sep 1)[8][26]
21

Utah
?
1935:
21[7]
21[14]
21[8]
21

Vermont
?
21[7]
1971:
Lowered to 18[82][83]
1986:
Raised to 21[21][83]
21

Virginia
?
21[84]
1974:
Lowered to 18: for beer and wine
(21: for liquor remained)[84]
1981:
Raised to 19 for off-premises consumption
1983:
Raised to 19 (all beer)
1985:
Raised to 21[84]
21

Washington
"Age of majority"
since 1877[85]
21[citation needed]
21
21[8]
21

West Virginia
?
18: for beer and wine
21: for liquor[11]
1972:
Lowered to 18 (all)[86]
1983:
Raised to 19
(& 21 for non-residents)[8][43]
1986:
Raised to 21[8]
21

Wisconsin
1839–1866:
18: for wine and liquor
None: for beer
Post-1866:
21 (all)[87]
18: for beer
21: for wine and spirits
1957:
21: for residents of bordering states with age limit 21.[88]
1963:
Raised to 21 (off-premises beer sales, remained 18 for on-premises).[88]
1972:
Lowered to 18 (all) in 1972 (Mar)[88]
1977:
Border state restriction lifted.[88]
1984:
Raised to 19
1986:
Raised to 21 (September 1, 1986)[88]
21 (however anyone can drink when parents, spouses, teachers are present)[citation needed]

Wyoming
?
21[7]
1973:
Lowered to 19[13]
1988:
Raised to 21 in 1988 (Jul 1)[89][90]
Last state to raise de jure drinking age to 21
21

American Samoa
?
?
?
21?
21[91]

Northern Mariana Islands
–
–
?
21?
21[92]

Puerto Rico
?
18
18
Kept at 18
despite 10% highway funding
penalty under Drinking Age Act.
18[93]

Virgin Islands
?
?
?
18
18[94]

Guam
?
21?
18
18
Raised to 21 in 2010[5]

text: Additional notes[edit]

text:
Contrary to popular belief, since the National Minimum Drinking Age Act of 1984, not all states specifically prohibit minors' and young adults' consumption of alcohol in private settings. That is because the federal law is concerned only with purchase and public possession, not private consumption, and contains several exceptions. As of January 1, 2007, 14 states and the District of Columbia ban underage consumption outright, 19 states do not specifically ban underage consumption outright, and 17 states have family member or location exceptions to their underage consumption laws. Federal law explicitly provides for religious, medical, employment and private club possession exceptions; as of 2005, 31 states have family member or location exceptions to their underage possession laws.[41]
In the 1960s the age for buying or drinking beer and wine in the District of Columbia (Washington, D.C.) was 18; the age for hard liquor was 21.[23][24] Residents from Virginia and Maryland would often drive to D.C. to obtain alcohol. In Louisiana, the 1987 law raising the age from 18 to 21 was deliberately written solely to comply with the National Minimum Drinking Age Act of 1984 to avoid losing highway funding, while still allowing 18- to 20-year-olds to drink as before. Not only did it still allow 18- to 20-year-olds to consume in private, it contained a major loophole allowing bars and stores to sell alcohol to 18- to 20-year-olds without penalty (despite purchase being technically illegal) which meant that the de facto age was still 18.[39] In other words, the drinking age was 21 only on paper. This loophole was closed in 1995, but in 1996 the Louisiana Supreme Court declared a drinking age of 21 unconstitutional.[39] That briefly lowered the de jure purchase age to 18, causing an uproar which prompted the Louisiana Supreme Court to reverse its decision, raising the age to 21 three months later.[40] Other exceptions still remain to this day, including drinking in a private residence,[41] and Louisiana still has some of the most liberal general alcohol laws of any state.
Some states were "dry" well before national Prohibition was enacted in 1919, in some cases since achieving statehood. Also, some states did not become fully "wet" until several years after the repeal of Prohibition in 1933 (e.g. Mississippi in 1966). Since 1966, all states and territories of the USA have been "wet", but dry counties and towns still exist in some states.


document_title: Liquid metal

question_text: an example of a metal which is liquid at room temperature is

text: Liquid metal

text: Thermal and electrical conductivity[edit]

text: Alloy systems that are liquid at room temperature have thermal conductivity far superior to ordinary non-metallic liquids,[3] allowing liquid metal to efficiently transfer energy from the heat source to the liquid. They also have a higher electrical conductivity that allows the liquid to be pumped by more efficient, electromagnetic pumps.[4] This results in the use of these materials for specific heat conducting and/or dissipation applications.

text: Another advantage of liquid alloy systems is their inherent high densities.

text: Wetting to metallic and non-metallic surfaces[edit]

text: Once oxides have been removed from the substrate surface, most liquid metals will wet to most metallic surfaces. Specifically though, room-temperature liquid metal can be very reactive with certain metals. Liquid metal can dissolve most metals; however, at moderate temperatures, only some are slightly soluble, such as sodium, potassium, gold, magnesium, lead, nickel and interestingly mercury.[5] Gallium is corrosive to all metals except tungsten and tantalum, which have a high resistance to corrosion, more so than niobium, titanium and molybdenum.[6]

text: Similar to indium, gallium and gallium-containing alloys have the ability to wet to many non-metallic surfaces such as glass and quartz. Gently rubbing the alloy into the surface may help induce wetting. However, this observation of "wetting by rubbing into glass surface" has created a widely spread misconception that the gallium-based liquid metals wet glass surfaces, as if the liquid breaks free of the oxide skin and wets the surface. The reality is the opposite: the oxide makes the liquid wet the glass. In more details: as the liquid is rubbed into and spread onto the glass surface, the liquid oxidizes and coats the glass with a thin layer of oxide (solid) residues, on which the liquid metal wets. In other words, what is seen is a gallium-based liquid metal wetting its solid oxide, not glass. Apparently, the above misconception was caused by the super-fast oxidation of the liquid gallium in even a trace amount of oxygen, i.e., nobody observed the true behavior of a liquid gallium on glass, until research at the UCLA debunked the above myth by testing Galinstan, a gallium-based alloy that is liquid at room temperature, in an oxygen-free environment.[7] Note: These alloys form a thin dull looking oxide skin that is easily dispersed with mild agitation. The oxide-free surfaces are bright and lustrous.

text: Applications[edit]

text: Typical uses of liquid metals include thermostats, switches, barometers, heat transfer systems, and thermal cooling and heating designs.[8] Uniquely, they can be used to conduct heat and/or electricity between non-metallic and metallic surfaces.

text: In popular culture[edit]

text: A fictional "mimetic polyalloy" is a form of liquid metal consisting entirely of microscopic nanobots, which are used for production of a Series 1000 Terminator in Terminator 2: Judgment Day.