document_title: Labor unions in the United States

question_text: when was the first union formed in the united states

question_tokens: when was the first union formed in the united states

text: Labor unions in the United States

text: History[edit]

text: Unions began forming in the mid-19th century in response to the social and economic impact of the industrial revolution. National labor unions began to form in the post-Civil War Era. The Knights of Labor emerged as a major force in the late 1880s, but it collapsed because of poor organization, lack of effective leadership, disagreement over goals, and strong opposition from employers and government forces.

text: The American Federation of Labor, founded in 1886 and led by Samuel Gompers until his death in 1924, proved much more durable. It arose as a loose coalition of various local unions. It helped coordinate and support strikes and eventually became a major player in national politics, usually on the side of the Democrats.

text: American labor unions benefited greatly from the New Deal policies of Franklin Delano Roosevelt in the 1930s. The Wagner Act, in particular, legally protected the right of unions to organize. Unions from this point developed increasingly closer ties to the Democratic Party, and are considered a backbone element of the New Deal Coalition.

text: Post-World War II[edit]

text: Pro-business conservatives gained control of Congress in 1946, and in 1947 passed the Taft-Hartley Act, drafted by Senator Robert A. Taft. President Truman vetoed it but the Conservative coalition overrode the veto. The veto override had considerable Democratic support, including 106 out of 177 Democrats in the House, and 20 out of 42 Democrats in the Senate.[14] The law, which is still in effect, banned union contributions to political candidates, restricted the power of unions to call strikes that "threatened national security," and forced the expulsion of Communist union leaders (the Supreme Court found the anticommunist provision to be unconstitutional, and it is no longer in force). The unions campaigned vigorously for years to repeal the law but failed. During the late 1950s, the Landrum Griffin Act of 1959 passed in the wake of Congressional investigations of corruption and undemocratic internal politics in the Teamsters and other unions.[15][16]

text: The percentage of workers belonging to a union (or "density") in the United States peaked in 1954 at almost 35% and the total number of union members peaked in 1979 at an estimated 21.0 million. Membership has declined since, with private sector union membership beginning a steady decline that continues into the 2010s, but the membership of public sector unions grew steadily.

text: After 1960 public sector unions grew rapidly and secured good wages and high pensions for their members. While manufacturing and farming steadily declined, state- and local-government employment quadrupled from 4 million workers in 1950 to 12 million in 1976 and 16.6 million in 2009.[17] Adding in the 3.7 million federal civilian employees, in 2010 8.4 million government workers were represented by unions,[18] including 31% of federal workers, 35% of state workers and 46% of local workers.[19] As Daniel Disalvo notes, "In today's public sector, good pay, generous benefits, and job security make possible a stable middle-class existence for nearly everyone from janitors to jailors."[20]

text: By the 1970s, a rapidly increasing flow of imports (such as automobiles, steel and electronics from Germany and Japan, and clothing and shoes from Asia) undercut American producers.[21] By the 1980s there was a large-scale shift in employment with fewer workers in high-wage sectors and more in the low-wage sectors.[22] Many companies closed or moved factories to Southern states (where unions were weak),[23] countered the threat of a strike by threatening to close or move a plant,[24] or moved their factories offshore to low-wage countries.[25] The number of major strikes and lockouts fell by 97% from 381 in 1970 to 187 in 1980 to only 11 in 2010.[24][26] On the political front, the shrinking unions lost influence in the Democratic Party, and pro-Union liberal Republicans faded away.[27] Union membership among workers in private industry shrank dramatically, though after 1970 there was growth in employees unions of federal, state and local governments.[28][29] The intellectual mood in the 1970s and 1980s favored deregulation and free competition.[30] Numerous industries were deregulated, including airlines, trucking, railroads and telephones, over the objections of the unions involved.[31] The climax came when President Ronald Reagan—a former union president—broke the Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization (PATCO) strike in 1981, dealing a major blow to unions.[26][32]

text: Republicans, using conservative think tanks as idea farms, began to push through legislative blueprints to curb the power of public employee unions as well as eliminate business regulations.[25][33][34]

text: Labor unions today[edit]

text:
Labor unions in the United States

National trade union organization(s)
AFL-CIO, CtW, IWW

National government agency(ies)
United States Department of Labor
National Labor Relations Board

Primary trade union legislation
National Labor Relations Act
Taft-Hartley Act

Trade union membership
16.2 million[35]

Percentage of workforce;

  ▪ Total: 11.1%
  ▪ Public sector: 35.7%
  ▪ Private sector: 6.6%
Demographics
  ▪ Age 16–24: 5.1%
  ▪ 25–34: 10.0%
  ▪ 35–44: 13.0%
  ▪ 45–54: 14.4%
  ▪ 55–64: 14.9%
  ▪ 65 and over: 10.4%
  ▪ Women: 10.5%
  ▪ Men:
11.7%

Standard Occupational Classification

  ▪ Management, professional: 11.9%
  ▪ Service: 9.2%
  ▪ Sales and office: 6.5%
  ▪ Natural resources, construction, and
  maintenance: 15.3%
  ▪ Production, transportation, and
  material moving:
14.8%

International Labour Organization

United States is a member of the ILO

Convention ratification

Freedom of Association
Not ratified

Right to Organise
Not ratified

text: Today most labor unions in the United States are members of one of two larger umbrella organizations: the American Federation of Labor–Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) or the Change to Win Federation, which split from the AFL-CIO in 2005-2006. Both organizations advocate policies and legislation favorable to workers in the United States and Canada, and take an active role in politics favoring the Democratic party but not exclusively so. The AFL-CIO is especially concerned with global trade and economic issues.

text: Private sector unions are regulated by the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA), passed in 1935 and amended since then. The law is overseen by the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), an independent federal agency. Public sector unions are regulated partly by federal and partly by state laws. In general they have shown robust growth rates, because wages and working conditions are set through negotiations with elected local and state officials. The unions' political power thus comes into play, and of course the local government cannot threaten to move elsewhere, nor is there any threat from foreign competition.

text: To join a traditional labor union, workers must either be given voluntary recognition from their employer or have a majority of workers in a bargaining unit vote for union representation.[citation needed] In either case, the government must then certify the newly formed union.[citation needed] Other forms of unionism include minority unionism, solidarity unionism, and the practices of organizations such as the Industrial Workers of the World, which do not always follow traditional organizational models.

text: Public sector worker unions are governed by labor laws and labor boards in each of the 50 states. Northern states typically model their laws and boards after the NLRA and the NLRB. In other states, public workers have no right to establish a union as a legal entity. (About 40% of public employees in the USA do not have the right to organize a legally established union.)[36][37]

text: A review conducted by the federal government on pay scale shows that employees in a labor union earn up to 33% more income than their nonunion counterparts, as well as having more job security, and safer and higher-quality work conditions.[38] The median weekly income for union workers was $973 in 2014, compared with $763 for nonunion workers.[35]

text: Labor negotiations[edit]

text: This section's factual accuracy is disputed. Relevant discussion may be found on Talk:Labor unions in the United States. Please help to ensure that disputed statements are reliably sourced. (August 2016) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)

text: Once the union has won the support of a majority of the bargaining unit and is certified in a workplace, it has the sole authority to negotiate the conditions of employment. However, under the NLRA, if a minority of employees voted for a union, those employees can then form a union which represents the rights of only those members who voted for the union.[citation needed] This minority model was once widely used, but was discarded when unions began to consistently win majority support. Unions are beginning to revisit the "members only" model of unionism because of new changes to labor law which unions view as curbing workers' ability to organize.

text: The employer and the union write the terms and conditions of employment in a legally binding contract. When disputes arise over the contract, most contracts call for the parties to resolve their differences through a grievance process to see if the dispute can be mutually resolved. If the union and the employer still cannot settle the matter, either party can choose to send the dispute to arbitration, where the case is argued before a neutral third party.

text: Right-to-work statutes forbid unions from negotiating union shops and agency shops. Thus, while unions do exist in "right-to-work" states, they are typically weaker.

text: Members of labor unions enjoy "Weingarten Rights." If management questions the union member on a matter that may lead to discipline or other changes in working conditions, union members can request representation by a union representative. Weingarten Rights are named for the first Supreme Court decision to recognize those rights.[39]

text: The NLRA goes farther in protecting the right of workers to organize unions. It protects the right of workers to engage in any "concerted activity" for mutual aid or protection. Thus, no union connection is needed. Concerted activity "in its inception involves only a speaker and a listener, for such activity is an indispensable preliminary step to employee self-organization."[40]

text: Unions are currently advocating new federal legislation, the Employee Free Choice Act (EFCA), that would allow workers to elect union representation by simply signing a support card (card check). The current process established by federal law requires at least 30% of employees to sign cards for the union, then wait 45 to 90 days for a federal official to conduct a secret ballot election in which a simple majority of the employees must vote for the union in order to obligate the employer to bargain.

text: Unions report that, under the present system, many employers use the 45- to 90-day period to conduct anti-union campaigns. Some opponents of this legislation fear that removing secret balloting from the process will lead to the intimidation and coercion of workers on behalf of the unions. During the 2008 elections, the Employee Free Choice Act had widespread support of many legislators in the House and Senate, and of the President. Since then, support for the "card check" provisions of the EFCA subsided substantially.

text: Membership[edit]

text: Union membership had been declining in the US since 1954, and since 1967, as union membership rates decreased, middle class incomes shrank correspondingly.[41] In 2007, the labor department reported the first increase in union memberships in 25 years and the largest increase since 1979. Most of the recent gains in union membership have been in the service sector while the number of unionized employees in the manufacturing sector has declined. Most of the gains in the service sector have come in West Coast states like California where union membership is now at 16.7% compared with a national average of about 12.1%.[42] Historically, the rapid growth of public employee unions since the 1960s has served to mask an even more dramatic decline in private-sector union membership.

text: At the apex of union density in the 1940s, only about 9.8% of public employees were represented by unions, while 33.9% of private, non-agricultural workers had such representation. In this decade, those proportions have essentially reversed, with 36% of public workers being represented by unions while private sector union density had plummeted to around 7%. The US Bureau of Labor Statistics most recent survey indicates that union membership in the US has risen to 12.4% of all workers, from 12.1% in 2007. For a short period, private sector union membership rebounded, increasing from 7.5% in 2007 to 7.6% in 2008.[35] However, that trend has since reversed. In 2013 there were 14.5 million members in the U.S., compared with 17.7 million in 1983. In 2013, the percentage of workers belonging to a union was 11.3%, compared to 20.1% in 1983. The rate for the private sector was 6.7%, and for the public sector 35.3%.[1]

text: In the ten years 2005 through 2014, the National Labor Relations Board recorded 18,577 labor union representation elections; in 11,086 of these elections (60 percent), the majority of workers voted for union representation. Most of the elections (15,517) were triggered by employee petitions for representation, of which unions won 9,933. Less common were elections caused by employee petitions for decertification (2792, of which unions won 1070), and employer-filed petitions for either representation or decertification (268, of which unions won 85).[43][44]

text: Labor education programs[edit]

text: In the US, labor education programs such as the Harvard Trade Union Program [45] created in 1942 by Harvard University professor John Thomas Dunlop sought to educate union members to deal with important contemporary workplace and labor law issues of the day. The Harvard Trade Union Program is currently part of a broader initiative at Harvard Law School called the Labor and Worklife Program[46] that deals with a wide variety of labor and employment issues from union pension investment funds to the effects of nanotechnology on labor markets and the workplace.

text: Cornell University is known to be one of the leading centers for labor education in the world, establishing the Cornell University School of Industrial and Labor Relations in 1945. The school's mission is to prepare leaders, inform national and international employment and labor policy, and improve working lives through undergraduate and graduate education. The school publishes the Industrial and Labor Relations Review and had Frances Perkins on its faculty. The school has six academic departments: Economics, Human Resource Management, International and Comparative Labor, Labor Relations, Organizational Behavior, and Social Statistics. Classes include "Politics of the Global North" and "Economic Analysis of the University." [47][48]

text: Jurisdiction[edit]

text: Labor unions use the term jurisdiction to refer to their claims to represent workers who perform a certain type of work and the right of their members to perform such work. For example, the work of unloading containerized cargo at United States ports, which the International Longshoremen's Association, the International Longshore and Warehouse Union and the International Brotherhood of Teamsters have claimed rightfully should be assigned to workers they represent. A jurisdictional strike is a concerted refusal to work undertaken by a union to assert its members' right to such job assignments and to protest the assignment of disputed work to members of another union or to unorganized workers. Jurisdictional strikes occur most frequently in the United States in the construction industry.[49]

text: Unions also use jurisdiction to refer to the geographical boundaries of their operations, as in those cases in which a national or international union allocates the right to represent workers among different local unions based on the place of those workers' employment, either along geographical lines or by adopting the boundaries between political jurisdictions.[49]

text: Public opinion[edit]

text: Although not as overwhelmingly supportive as it was from the 1930s through the early 1960s, a clear majority of the American public approves of labor unions. The Gallup organization has tracked public opinion of unions since 1936, when it found that 72 percent approved of unions. The overwhelming approval declined in the late 1960s, but - except for one poll in 2009 in which the unions received a favorable rating by only 48 percent of those interviewed, majorities have always supported labor unions. The latest poll in August 2016 gave labor unions a 56 percent approval rating, versus 36 percent who disapproved of unions.

text: On the question of whether or not unions should have more influence or less influence, Gallup has found the public consistently split since Gallup first posed the question in 2000, with no majority favoring either more influence or less influence. In August 2016, 36 percent wanted unions to have more influence, 34 percent less influence, with 26 percent wanting the influence of labor unions to remain about the same.[50]

text: Possible causes of drop in membership[edit]

text: Although most industrialized countries have seen a drop in unionization rates, the drop in union density (the unionized proportion of the working population) has been more significant in the United States than elsewhere.[11]

text: Global trends[edit]

text: The US Bureau of Labor Statistics surveyed the histories of union membership rates in industrialized countries from 1970 to 2003, and found that of 20 advanced economies which had union density statistics going back to 1970, 16 of them had experienced drops in union density from 1970 to 2003. Over the same period during which union density in the US declined from 23.5 percent to 12.4 percent, some counties saw even steeper drops. Australian unionization fell from 50.2 percent in 1970 to 22.9 percent in 2003, in New Zealand it dropped from 55.2 percent to 22.1 percent, and in Austria union participation fell from 62.8 percent down to 35.4 percent. All the English-speaking countries studied saw union membership decline to some degree. In the United Kingdom, union participation fell from 44.8 percent in 1970 to 29.3 percent in 2003. In Ireland the decline was from 53.7 percent down to 35.3 percent. Canada had one of the smallest declines over the period, going from 31.6 percent in 1970 to 28.4 percent in 2003. Most of the countries studied started in 1970 with higher participation rates than the US, but France, which in 1970 had a union participation rate of 21.7 percent, by 2003 had fallen to 8.3 percent. The remaining four countries which had gained in union density were Finland, Sweden, Denmark, and Belgium.[53]

text: Popularity[edit]

text: Public approval of unions climbed during the 1980s much as it did in other industrialized nations,[54] but declined to below 50% for the first time in 2009 during the Great Recession. It is not clear if this is a long term trend or a function of a high unemployment rate which historically correlates with lower public approval of labor unions.[55]

text: One explanation for loss of public support is simply the lack of union power or critical mass. No longer do a sizable percentage of American workers belong to unions, or have family members who do. Unions no longer carry the "threat effect": the power of unions to raise wages of non-union shops by virtue of the threat of unions to organize those shops.[55]

text: Polls of public opinion and labor unions[edit]

text: A New York Times/CBS Poll found that 60% of Americans opposed restricting collective bargaining while 33% were for it. The poll also found that 56% of Americans opposed reducing pay of public employees compared to the 37% who approved. The details of the poll also stated that 26% of those surveyed, thought pay and benefits for public employees were too high, 25% thought too low, and 36% thought about right. Mark Tapscott of the Washington Examiner criticized the poll, accusing it of over-sampling union and public employee households.[56]

text: A Gallup poll released on March 9, 2011, showed that Americans were more likely to support limiting the collective bargaining powers of state employee unions to balance a state's budget (49%) than disapprove of such a measure (45%), while 6% had no opinion. 66% of Republicans approved of such a measure as did 51% of independents. Only 31% of Democrats approved.[57]

text: A Gallup poll released on March 11, 2011, showed that nationwide, Americans were more likely to give unions a negative word or phrase when describing them (38%) than a positive word or phrase (34%). 17% were neutral and 12% didn't know. Republicans were much more likely to say a negative term (58%) than Democrats (19%). Democrats were much more likely to say a positive term (49%) than Republicans (18%).[58]

text: A nationwide Gallup poll (margin of error ±4%) released on April 1, 2011,[59] showed the following;

text:
When asked if they supported the labor unions or the governors in state disputes; 48% said they supported the unions, 39% said the governors, 4% said neither, and 9% had no opinion.
Women supported the governors much less than men. 45% of men said they supported the governors, while 46% said they supported the unions. This compares to only 33% of women who said they supported the governors and 50% who said they supported the unions.
All areas of the US (East, Midwest, South, West) were more likely to support unions than the governors. The largest gap being in the East with 35% supporting the governors and 52% supporting the unions, and the smallest gap being in the West with 41% supporting the governors and 44% the unions.
18- to 34-year-olds were much more likely to support unions than those over 34 years of age. Only 27% of 18- to 34-year-olds supported the governors, while 61% supported the unions. Americans ages 35 to 54 slightly supported the unions more than governors, with 40% supporting the governors and 43% the unions. Americans 55 and older were tied when asked, with 45% supporting the governors and 45% the unions.
Republicans were much more likely to support the governors when asked with 65% supporting the governors and 25% the unions. Independents slightly supported unions more, with 40% supporting the governors and 45% the unions. Democrats were overwhelmingly in support of the unions. 70% of Democrats supported the unions, while only 19% supported the governors.
Those who said they were following the situation not too closely or not at all supported the unions over governors, with a 14–point (45% to 31%) margin. Those who said they were following the situation somewhat closely supported the unions over governors by a 52–41 margin. Those who said that they were following the situation very closely were only slightly more likely to support the unions over the governors, with a 49-48 margin.

text: A nationwide Gallup poll released on August 31, 2011, revealed the following:[60]

text:
52% of Americans approved of labor unions, unchanged from 2010.
78% of Democrats approved of labor unions, up from 71% in 2010.
52% of Independents approved of labor unions, up from 49% in 2010.
26% of Republicans approved of labor unions, down from 34% in 2010.

text: A nationwide Gallup poll released on September 1, 2011, revealed the following:[61]

text:
55% of Americans believed that labor unions will become weaker in the United States as time goes by, an all-time high. This compared to 22% who said their power would stay the same, and 20% who said they would get stronger.
The majority of Republicans and Independents believed labor unions would further weaken by a 58% and 57% percentage margin respectively. A plurality of Democrats believed the same, at 46%.
42% of Americans want labor unions to have less influence, tied for the all-time high set in 2009. 30% wanted more influence and 25% wanted the same amount of influence.
The majority of Republicans wanted labor unions to have less influence, at 69%.
A plurality of Independents wanted labor unions to have less influence, at 40%.
A plurality of Democrats wanted labor unions to have more influence, at 45%.
The majority of Americans believed labor unions mostly helped members of unions by a 68 to 28 margin.
A plurality of Americans believed labor unions mostly helped the companies where workers are unionized by a 48-44 margin.
A plurality of Americans believed labor unions mostly helped state and local governments by a 47-45 margin.
A plurality of Americans believed labor unions mostly hurt the US economy in general by a 49-45 margin.
The majority of Americans believed labor unions mostly hurt workers who are not members of unions by a 56-34 margin.

text: Institutional environments[edit]

text: A broad range of forces have been identified as potential contributors to the drop in union density across countries. Sano and Williamson outline quantitative studies that assess the relevance of these factors across countries.[62] The first relevant set of factors relate to the receptiveness of unions' institutional environments. For example, the presence of a Ghent system (where unions are responsible for the distribution of unemployment insurance) and of centralized collective bargaining (organized at a national or industry level as opposed to local or firm level) have both been shown to give unions more bargaining power and to correlate positively to higher rates of union density.[62]

text: Unions have enjoyed higher rates of success in locations where they have greater access to the workplace as an organizing space (as determined both by law and by employer acceptance), and where they benefit from a corporatist relationship to the state and are thus allowed to participate more directly in the official governance structure. Moreover, the fluctuations of business cycles, particularly the rise and fall of unemployment rates and inflation, are also closely linked to changes in union density.[62]

text: Labor legislation[edit]

text: Labor lawyer Thomas Geoghegan attributes the drop to the long-term effects of the 1947 Taft-Hartley Act, which slowed and then halted labor's growth and then, over many decades, enabled management to roll back labor's previous gains.[63]

text: First, it ended organizing on the grand, 1930s scale. It outlawed mass picketing, secondary strikes of neutral employers, sit downs: in short, everything [Congress of Industrial Organizations founder John L.] Lewis did in the 1930s.

text:
The second effect of Taft-Hartley was subtler and slower-working. It was to hold up any new organizing at all, even on a quiet, low-key scale. For example, Taft-Hartley ended "card checks." … Taft-Hartley required hearings, campaign periods, secret-ballot elections, and sometimes more hearings, before a union could be officially recognized.

It also allowed and even encouraged employers to threaten workers who want to organize. Employers could hold "captive meetings," bring workers into the office and chew them out for thinking about the Union.

And Taft-Hartley led to the "union-busting" that started in the late 1960s and continues today. It started when a new "profession" of labor consultants began to convince employers that they could violate the [pro-labor 1935] Wagner Act, fire workers at will, fire them deliberately for exercising their legal rights, and nothing would happen. The Wagner Act had never had any real sanctions.
[…]

text: In general, scholars debate the influence of politics in determining union strength in the US and other countries. One argument is that political parties play an expected role in determining union strength, with left-wing governments generally promoting greater union density, while others contest this finding by pointing out important counterexamples and explaining the reverse causality inherent in this relationship.[64]

text: Economic globalization[edit]

text: More recently, as unions have become increasingly concerned with the impacts of market integration on their well-being, scholars have begun to assess whether popular concerns about a global "race to the bottom" are reflected in cross-country comparisons of union strength. These scholars use foreign direct investment (FDI) and the size of a country's international trade as a percentage of its GDP to assess a country's relative degree of market integration. These researchers typically find that globalization does affect union density, but is dependent on other factors, such as unions' access to the workplace and the centralization of bargaining.[65]

text: Sano and Williamson argue that globalization's impact is conditional upon a country's labor history.[66] In the United States in particular, which has traditionally had relatively low levels of union density, globalization did not appear to significantly affect union density.

text: Employer strategies[edit]

text: Studies focusing more narrowly on the U.S. labor movement corroborate the comparative findings about the importance of structural factors, but tend to emphasize the effects of changing labor markets due to globalization to a greater extent. Bronfenbrenner notes that changes in the economy, such as increased global competition, capital flight, and the transitions from a manufacturing to a service economy and to a greater reliance on transitory and contingent workers, accounts for only a third of the decline in union density.[68]

text: Bronfenbrenner claims that the federal government in the 1980s was largely responsible for giving employers the perception that they could engage in aggressive strategies to repress the formation of unions. Richard Freeman also points to the role of repressive employer strategies in reducing unionization, and highlights the way in which a state ideology of anti-unionism tacitly accepted these strategies [54]

text: Goldfield writes that the overall effects of globalization on unionization in the particular case of the United States may be understated in econometric studies on the subject.[69] He writes that the threat of production shifts reduces unions' bargaining power even if it does not eliminate them, and also claims that most of the effects of globalization on labor's strength are indirect. They are most present in change towards a neoliberal political context that has promoted the deregulation and privatization of some industries and accepted increased employer flexibility in labor markets.

text: Union responses to globalization[edit]

text: Regardless of the actual impact of market integration on union density or on workers themselves, organized labor has been engaged in a variety of strategies to limit the agenda of globalization and to promote labor regulations in an international context. The most prominent example of this has been the opposition of labor groups to free trade initiatives such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the Dominican Republic-Central American Free Trade Agreement (DR-CAFTA). In both cases, unions expressed strong opposition to the agreements, but to some extent pushed for the incorporation of basic labor standards in the agreement if one were to pass.[71]

text: However, Mayer has written that it was precisely unions' opposition to NAFTA overall that jeopardized organized labor's ability to influence the debate on labor standards in a significant way.[72] During Clinton's presidential campaign, labor unions wanted NAFTA to include a side deal to provide for a kind of international social charter, a set of standards that would be enforceable both in domestic courts and through international institutions. Mickey Kantor, then U.S. trade representative, had strong ties to organized labor and believed that he could get unions to come along with the agreement, particularly if they were given a strong voice in the negotiation process.[72]

text: When it became clear that Mexico would not stand for this kind of an agreement, some critics from the labor movement would not settle for any viable alternatives. In response, part of the labor movement wanted to declare their open opposition to the agreement, and to push for NAFTA's rejection in Congress.[72] Ultimately, the ambivalence of labor groups led those within the Administration who supported NAFTA to believe that strengthening NAFTA's labor side agreement too much would cost more votes among Republicans than it would garner among Democrats, and would make it harder for the United States to elicit support from Mexico.[73]

text: Graubart writes that, despite unions' open disappointment with the outcome of this labor-side negotiation, labor activists, including the AFL-CIO have used the side agreement's citizen petition process to highlight ongoing political campaigns and struggles in their home countries.[74] He claims that despite the relative weakness of the legal provisions themselves, the side-agreement has served a legitimizing functioning, giving certain social struggles a new kind of standing.

text: Transnational labor regulation[edit]

text: Unions have recently been engaged in a developing field of transnational labor regulation embodied in corporate codes of conduct. However, O'Brien cautions that unions have been only peripherally involved in this process, and remain ambivalent about its potential effects.[75] They worry that these codes could have legitimizing effects on companies that do not actually live up to good practices, and that companies could use codes to excuse or distract attention from the repression of unions.

text: Braun and Gearhart note that although unions do participate in the structure of a number of these agreements, their original interest in codes of conduct differed from the interests of human rights and other non-governmental activists. Unions believed that codes of conduct would be important first steps in creating written principles that a company would be compelled to comply with in later organizing contracts, but did not foresee the establishment of monitoring systems such as the Fair Labor Association. These authors point out that are motivated by power, want to gain insider status politically and are accountable to a constituency that requires them to provide them with direct benefits.[76]

text: In contrast, activists from the non-governmental sector are motivated by ideals, are free of accountability and gain legitimacy from being political outsiders. Therefore, the interests of unions are not likely to align well with the interests of those who draft and monitor corporate codes of conduct.

text: Arguing against the idea that high union wages necessarily make manufacturing uncompetitive in a globalized economy is labor lawyer Thomas Geoghegan. Busting

text: unions, in the U.S. manner, as the prime way of competing with China and other countries [does not work]. It's no accident that the social democracies, Sweden, France, and Germany, which kept on paying high wages, now have more industry than the U.S. or the UK. … [T]hat's what the U.S. and the UK did: they smashed the unions, in the belief that they had to compete on cost. The result? They quickly ended up wrecking their industrial base.[77]

text: Unions have made some attempts to organize across borders. Eder observes that transnational organizing is not a new phenomenon but has been facilitated by technological change.[78] Nevertheless, he claims that while unions pay lip service to global solidarity, they still act largely in their national self-interest. He argues that unions in the global North are becoming increasingly depoliticized while those in the South grow politically, and that global differentiation of production processes leads to divergent strategies and interests in different regions of the world. These structural differences tend to hinder effective global solidarity. However, in light of the weakness of international labor, Herod writes that globalization of production need not be met by a globalization of union strategies in order to be contained. Herod also points out that local strategies, such as the United Auto Workers' strike against General Motors in 1998, can sometimes effectively interrupt global production processes in ways that they could not before the advent of widespread market integration. Thus, workers need not be connected organizationally to others around the world to effectively influence the behavior of a transnational corporation.[79]


document_title: Mozart in the Jungle

question_text: who plays haley in mozart in the jungle

question_tokens: who plays haley in mozart in the jungle

root

text: Mozart in the Jungle

text: Cast and characters[edit]

text: Main cast[edit]

text:
Lola Kirke as Hailey Rutledge, an oboist with a yearning ambition to play with the New York Symphony. She develops a strong bond with Rodrigo as the series progresses.
Gael García Bernal as Rodrigo De Souza, the new conductor of the New York Symphony
Bernadette Peters as Gloria Windsor, the president of the New York Symphony (recurring, season 1; season 2–present)
Malcolm McDowell as Thomas Pembridge, the conductor emeritus of the New York Symphony
Saffron Burrows as Cynthia Taylor, a philandering cellist with the New York Symphony
Hannah Dunne as Elizabeth "Lizzie" Campbell, Hailey's roommate and best friend
Peter Vack as Alex Merriweather, Hailey's dancer boyfriend (seasons 1 & 2)

tag: ul

text: Recurring cast[edit]

text:
Debra Monk as Betty Cragdale, the long-time oboist for the New York Symphony who instantly despises Hailey
Mark Blum as Union Bob, a piccolo player for the symphony and known for bringing up the union rules
Jennifer Kim as Sharon, Rodrigo's assistant
Joel Bernstein as Warren Boyd, the concertmaster for the symphony
Nora Arnezeder as Ana Maria, Rodrigo's estranged violinist wife
John Miller as Dee Dee, the drug-dealing percussionist of the New York Symphony
Rubio Qian as Triangle Tanya, the triangle player of the New York Symphony.
Brennan Brown as Edward Biben, an orchestra board member
Gretchen Mol as Nina Robertson, the New York Symphony's lawyer who falls for Cynthia
Makenzie Leigh as Addison, Alex's dancing partner and roommate
Margaret Ladd as Claire, Thomas' ex-wife who dies after hearing his completed symphony.
Jason Schwartzman as Bradford Sharpe, a classical music enthusiast and host of his own podcast, "B-Sharpe"
John Hodgman as Marlin Guggenheim, a purported billionaire infatuated with Hailey
Wallace Shawn as Winslow Elliott, a neurotic concert pianist.
Tenoch Huerta Mejía as Manuel, Rodrigo's childhood friend
Dermot Mulroney as Andrew Walsh, a cello soloist who fraternizes with Hailey.
Monica Bellucci as Alessandra, a reclusive Italian soprano living in Venice, Italy, also known as "La fiamma".
Ana María Martínez provides Alessandra's singing voice.
Sandro Isaack as Pavel, the orchestra's stagehand who becomes friendly with Gloria.
Philip Jackson Smith as Mike Margusa, a friend of Hailey's whom she recruits to work for the orchestra.
Christian Coulson as Sebastian, a member of Andrew Walsh's orchestra who later becomes a member of Hailey's orchestra and moves to her flat.
Cole Escola as Shawn, Hailey's flatmate and a member of her orchestra who also becomes Sebastian's boyfriend.
Santino Fontana as Mozart, who Rodrigo frequently talks to in his imagination.
David Turner as Liberace, briefly replaces Mozart as Rodrigo's muse

text: Episodes[edit]

text: SeasonEpisodesOriginally airedFirst airedLast aired110February 6, 2014 (2014-02-06)December 23, 2014 (2014-12-23)210December 30, 2015 (2015-12-30)December 30, 2015 (2015-12-30)310December 9, 2016 (2016-12-09)December 9, 2016 (2016-12-09)410February 16, 2018 (2018-02-16)February 16, 2018 (2018-02-16)

tag: table

text: Production[edit]

text: The many oboe solos played by the protagonist and other characters throughout the series are performed by Lelie Resnick, principal oboist of the Hollywood Bowl Orchestra, while the character of Rodrigo is loosely based on Gustavo Dudamel, the Venezuelan music director of the Los Angeles Philharmonic.[11] Dudamel coached García Bernal before the latter conducted, in the character of Rodrigo, for a real performance of the Los Angeles Philharmonic at the Hollywood Bowl, scenes of which were used for the second season opener.[12] Dudamel has a cameo in that episode, acting as a stagehand trying to convince Rodrigo to move to Los Angeles. Other musicians that have cameos in the series are violinist Joshua Bell, pianists Emanuel Ax and Lang Lang, composers Anton Coppola and Nico Muhly, Broadway star Brian d'Arcy James and conductors Alan Gilbert and Bernard Uzan. Blair Tindall, oboist and writer of the book on which the series is based, also appears in a cameo.[13]  Much of the original music for the show (most notably "Impromptu," and other work presented within the show's continuity as by Thomas Pembridge) is composed by acclaimed contemporary female composer Missy Mazzoli.[14] For Pembridge's more experimental music in Season 4, the show turned to another female composer, Laura Karpman.[15] Irish female composer and conductor Eímear Noone served as Lola Kirke's real-life conducting coach in season four.[16]  Interior shots of the home concert hall were filmed at the Performing Arts Center at SUNY Purchase.[17]

tag: p

text: Focus on women composers and conductors[edit]

text: In addition to behind-the-scenes contributions from Mazzoli, Karpman and Noone, the theme of underrepresented, or unjustly forgotten or overlooked women composers and conductors in the world of classical music has become central on screen in the show's third and fourth seasons.  Historical female composers who appear in the show include Vítězslava Kaprálová, Isabella Leonarda, Nannerl Mozart and Fanny Mendelssohn.  The fourth season featured Pulitzer Prize-winning contemporary composer Caroline Shaw appearing as herself (and the characters perform one of her actual compositions).[16]  Composer Paola Prestini also makes a brief cameo in season four, playing one of her own compositions. [18]

text: Reception[edit]

text: The first season of the series received positive reviews from critics.  Review aggregator Rotten Tomatoes gave the series a 'fresh' 95% rating based on 20 critic reviews, with the critical consensus "Though confined to the isolated world of classical music, Mozart in the Jungle's Gael Garcia Bernal makes this charming little show sing."[19] Metacritic gave the series a 73 out of 100, indicating 'generally favorable reviews.'[20] Cory Barker, writing for TV.com, praised the series. "What works so well is that Mozart isn't afraid to throw you into a world you're likely unfamiliar with, but it doesn't swim so far into the deep end that you immediately drown in jargon and distanced dramatic stakes."[21] Robert Lloyd, writing for The Los Angeles Times, also lauded the first season. He stated that "Characters who were mouthpieces for attitudes start to seem like people, more complicated than a thumbnail description can accommodate. You grow interested in what will become of them without expecting or rooting for any particular outcome."[22] Kory Grow of Rolling Stone also praised the series, writing that "[t]hanks to quirky scripts and a smart ensemble cast... it comes off whimsical without ringing off-pitch."[23]

text: Tim Goodman of The Hollywood Reporter also gave the first season a positive review. "Bernal is both likable and magnetic, and makes the eclectic maestro surge on the screen. He alone is worth streaming the series, but, thankfully, there's a lot more going on here."[24] Brian Lowry, writing for Variety, also lauded the series. "While Mozart is surely a niche confection, the show generally shines by proving long on charm even when it's short on laughs."[25] In a more mixed review, Jeff Jensen of Entertainment Weekly gave the series a "B-".

text: Criticism[edit]

text: While socially-minded critics have praised the show's push for gender equity, the almost all-white orchestra and main cast has drawn fire from critics at NPR for being unrealistic, given the prevalence of Asian musicians in real-life orchestras. [26]

text: Accolades[edit]

text:
Year

Award

Category

Recipients

Result

Ref.

2015

Imagen Foundation Awards

Best Actor - Television

Gael Garcia Bernal

Won

[27]

2016

Golden Globe Awards

Best Television Series – Comedy

Mozart in the Jungle

Won

[28]

Best Actor in a Television Series – Musical or Comedy

Gael Garcia Bernal

Won

Primetime Emmy Awards

Outstanding Sound Mixing for a Comedy or Drama Series (Half-Hour) and Animation

Thomas Varga, Andy D'Addario, Bill Higley, Chris Navarro (for "Nothing Resonates Like Rhinoceros Foreskin")

Won

[29]

Imagen Foundation Awards

Best Actor - Television

Gael García Bernal

Won

[30]

2017

Golden Globe Awards

Best Television Series – Comedy

Mozart in the Jungle

Nominated

[31]

Best Actor in a Television Series – Musical or Comedy

Gael Garcia Bernal

Nominated

Primetime Emmy Awards

Outstanding Cinematography for a Single-Camera Series (Half-Hour)

Tobias Datum (for "Now I Will Sing")

Nominated

[32]

Outstanding Production Design for a Narrative Program (Half-Hour or Less)

Tommaso Ortino, Susanna Codognato, Letizia Santucci (for "Now I Will Sing")

Nominated

Outstanding Sound Mixing for a Comedy or Drama Series (Half-Hour) and Animation

Andy D'Addario, Gary Gegan, Marco Fiumara (for "Now I Will Sing")

Won


document_title: Super Bowl LII

question_text: who is playing halftime in the super bowl this year

question_tokens: who is playing halftime in the super bowl this year

text: Super Bowl LII

text: Background[edit]

text: Host-city selection[edit]

text: On October 8, 2013, the league announced that three venues would vie to host Super Bowl LII:[17][18][19]

text:
U.S. Bank Stadium in Minneapolis, Minnesota. Minneapolis hosted Super Bowl XXVI in 1992 at the Hubert H. Humphrey Metrodome, which was torn down after the 2013 season and replaced in 2014 and 2015 by U.S. Bank Stadium.
Lucas Oil Stadium in Indianapolis, Indiana. The stadium hosted Super Bowl XLVI in 2012.[20]
Mercedes-Benz Superdome in New Orleans, Louisiana. The city has hosted 10 Super Bowls, including seven at the Superdome, most recently Super Bowl XLVII in 2013.[21][22][23]

text: On May 20, 2014, the league's owners picked Minneapolis at their meeting in Atlanta, Georgia.[24][25]

text: Teams[edit]

text: The NFC was represented by the number-one playoff seed Philadelphia Eagles, while the AFC was represented by the number-one playoff seed New England Patriots, marking the fourth time in the previous five years that the Super Bowl had featured the top team from each conference.[26]

text: Philadelphia Eagles[edit]

text: The Eagles finished the regular season with a record of 13–3, the same as New England, Minnesota, and Pittsburgh, but the various tie-breaking provisions gave them the NFC's top seed in the 2017–18 NFL playoffs. It was a substantial improvement for the team under second-year head coach Doug Pederson; the Eagles finished the two previous seasons with 7–9 records. In the 2017 season, the team scored 457 points (third in the NFL), while giving up just 295 (fourth) points.[27]

text: The offense was led by Pro Bowl quarterback Carson Wentz. In just his second season, he recorded a passer rating of 101.9, throwing for 3,296 yards and 33 touchdowns, with only seven interceptions. His top target was Pro Bowl tight end Zach Ertz, who caught 74 passes for 824 yards and eight touchdowns. Other contributors were two receivers acquired from off-season free agency: Alshon Jeffery, who caught 57 passes for 789 yards and nine scores; and Torrey Smith, who had 36 receptions for 430 yards. Meanwhile, third-year receiver Nelson Agholor had the best season of his career, hauling in 62 passes for 768 yards and eight touchdowns, a higher total in each category than in his previous two seasons combined. The Eagles rushing attack also benefited from two recently acquired players, LeGarrette Blount and Jay Ajayi. Blount, an off-season signing who won a Super Bowl with the Patriots, gained 776 rushing yards and two touchdowns, while Ajayi, picked up by a mid-season trade with the Miami Dolphins, rushed for 873 yards and caught 24 passes for 154 yards combined with the two teams. Philadelphia also had a superb offensive line, lead by two Pro Bowl selections: Tackle Lane Johnson and Guard Brandon Brooks.[28]

text: The Eagles defense allowed the fourth-fewest yards in the league (4,904). Defensive tackle Fletcher Cox made the Pro Bowl for the third time in his career, recording 51⁄2 sacks and two fumble recoveries, and he had plenty of help around him, such as former Patriots defensive end Chris Long, who had five sacks and forced four fumbles, and defensive end Brandon Graham, who led the team with 91⁄2 sacks. Middle linebacker Nigel Bradham led the team in combined tackles with 88. The Eagles secondary featured Pro Bowl safety Malcolm Jenkins, who had 76 combined tackles and two interceptions, along with cornerback Patrick Robinson, who led the team with four interceptions.[29]

text: Philadelphia had stormed to the top of the NFC by winning 10 of their first 12 games, but suffered a major setback on December 10, when Wentz went down with a season-ending ACL tear and was replaced by journeyman backup quarterback Nick Foles, who was playing for his third team in as many years and his second stint with the Eagles. Still, Foles was able to lead the team to victory in that game, as well as the next two. The Eagles lost a meaningless week 17 matchup with the Cowboys led by third-string quarterback Nate Sudfeld. Then in their two playoff games, Foles threw for a combined total of 598 yards, three touchdowns and no interceptions.[30]

text: New England Patriots[edit]

text: The Patriots entered the 2017 NFL season as defending Super Bowl champions. For the 16th time in their 18 seasons under 65-year old coach Bill Belichick, they recorded a double-digit win season, finishing the regular season with a record of 13–3, one of four teams (along with Philadelphia, Minnesota, and Pittsburgh) with that record. By virtue of the tie-breaking procedures, they were granted the AFC's number one overall seed in the 2017–18 NFL playoffs. The previous season's top wide receiver Julian Edelman went down in the preseason with a season-ending injury. Early season defensive struggles left the team with a 2–2 record after four weeks, and the worst overall defense in the league at that point.[31] The defense came together as a unit, and tighten up over the rest of the season however, with the Patriots going 11–1 after week 4. Their sole loss in the latter part of the season came in Week 14 to the Miami Dolphins, a division rival, though they were without star tight end Rob Gronkowski due to a one-game suspension for an unnecessary roughness call the prior week. The Patriots' defense was improved by several late-season free-agent signings, including Eric Lee, a defensive end, previously from the Buffalo Bills, whom the Patriots signed in Week 12, and James Harrison, a perennial All-Pro for the Pittsburgh Steelers, whom the Patriots picked up off waivers after Christmas. In just six games for New England, Lee recorded 31⁄2 sacks, a safety, and an interception.[32] In his only regular season game with the Patriots, Harrison recorded two sacks.[33]

text: During the regular season, New England's offense led the league in yards gained (6,307) and ranked second in points scored (458). The 40-year-old Brady finished his 18th season with a league-leading 4,577 passing yards, 32 touchdowns and just eight interceptions, earning him his 13th selection to the Pro Bowl and his third league MVP award. One change that helped make up for the loss of Edelman was the acquisition of receiver Brandin Cooks, who caught 65 passes for 1,082 yards and seven touchdowns. Brady was also aided by the healthy return of Gronkowski, who had played just eight games in the previous season, finishing this year with 69 catches for 1,084 yards and eight scores. Receiver Danny Amendola added 61 receptions for 659 yards, as well as another 240 yards returning punts. With the loss of their previous season's rushing leader LeGarrette Blount to free agency, Dion Lewis stepped up to take the lead, rushing for 896 yards and six touchdowns despite starting only eight games. He also caught 32 passes for 214 yards and two touchdowns and added 570 yards and another touchdown returning kickoffs. Rex Burkhead chipped in 518 all-purpose yards, 30 receptions, and eight touchdowns. In passing situations, the team relied heavily on running back James White, who caught 56 passes for 429 yards and rushed for 171 on the ground. These backs were aided by the blocking of fullback James Develin, who earned his first Pro Bowl selection. On special teams, kicker Stephen Gostkowski ranked second in the NFL with 156 points and fourth in field goals made with 37, while veteran special team ace Matthew Slater earned his seventh consecutive Pro Bowl selection.[34]

text: The Patriots' defense ranked only 29th in yards allowed (5,856), but ranked fifth in fewest points, giving up only 296. Defensive end Trey Flowers led the team with 61⁄2 sacks while also forcing two fumbles. Linebacker Kyle Van Noy had 73 tackles and 51⁄2 sacks. The Patriots also had a superb secondary, led by cornerbacks Malcolm Butler (two interceptions, three forced fumbles) and Stephon Gilmore (two interceptions, 47 solo tackles), as well as safeties Devin McCourty (97 combined tackles, one interception, one fumble recovery), Patrick Chung (84 tackles, one interception, two fumble recoveries) and Duron Harmon (four interceptions).[35]

text: Playoffs[edit]

text: In the playoffs, the Patriots earned a first-round bye and home-field advantage due to their status as the AFC's first overall seed. In the divisional round, they defeated the Tennessee Titans 35–14, as Brady passed for 337 yards and three touchdowns. In that game, the defense amassed eight quarterback sacks of Marcus Mariota and held the Titans' running game to 65 yards rushing.[36] They then defeated the Jacksonville Jaguars 24–20 in the AFC Championship Game, rallying from behind to win the game after the Jaguars jumped out to an early 14–3 lead and whose league-best defense stymied Brady and the rest of the offense for most of the first half.[citation needed] Down 20–10 in the fourth quarter, the Patriots comeback was sealed by two Brady-led drives, both resulting in touchdown passes to Danny Amendola, as well as a key defensive stop by Stephon Gilmore, whose acrobatic block of a Blake Bortles pass ended Jacksonville's last chance to score. Rob Gronkowski was injured in the game with a concussion, leaving his status for the Super Bowl in doubt. Amendola was the breakout star for the Patriots during their two playoff wins, leading the team with 196 receiving yards, and serving as Brady's primary target.[37]

text: Meanwhile, Philadelphia started off the divisional round by narrowly defeating the Atlanta Falcons 15–10, by stopping the Falcons on four consecutive plays after they had a first-down-and-goal situation on the Eagles 9-yard line during their final drive.[38] They then soundly defeated the Minnesota Vikings 38–7 in the NFC Championship Game. Despite the Vikings scoring on their opening drive, the Eagles defense held them to three punts, two turnovers on downs, two interceptions, and one lost fumble in their remaining drives of the game. Meanwhile, Foles had a great game, in which he completed 26 of 33 passes for 353 yards and three touchdowns.[39]

text: Pre-game notes[edit]

text: This game was a rematch of Super Bowl XXXIX. Only one player, Patriots starting quarterback Tom Brady, remained on either roster from that contest.[40] Bill Belichick, the Patriots' head coach in that contest, also remained in that position. Two Eagles, running back LeGarrette Blount and defensive lineman Chris Long, had been Patriots in 2017's Super Bowl LI.[41]

text: The Patriots were the designated home team for Super Bowl LII, because the AFC team is the designated home team in even-numbered years and the NFC team in odd-numbered years. As the designated home team, the Patriots chose to wear their road white jerseys with navy blue pants, becoming the sixth team to wear their white jerseys as the home team and the third team to wear white in back-to-back Super Bowls, following the Dallas Cowboys in Super Bowls XII and XIII and again in Super Bowls XXVII and XXVIII.[citation needed] The Eagles therefore wore their standard home uniform of midnight green jerseys with white pants.[42] Twelve of the previous 13 Super Bowls had been won by teams wearing white jerseys. The last team to win a Super Bowl while wearing their home uniforms was the Green Bay Packers in Super Bowl XLV (who, coincidentally, had also worn green jerseys).[43]

text: Operations[edit]

text: To coordinate the game and 10 days of events, the National Football League temporarily operated an events office within the Minnesota Vikings office building next to U.S. Bank Stadium.[44] More than 150,000 visitors were expected to attend events associated with the Super Bowl over ten days.[45] Among them were some 5,000-plus media members; media day events and press conferences were held at The Mall of America in Bloomington, Minnesota.

text: No sales tax was collected on admission tickets to the game and related events, including parking.[46]

text: To increase security around U.S. Bank Stadium, the stadium's light rail station was shut down for 48 hours before the game,[47] and a nearby homeless shelter was temporarily moved beyond the security perimeter.[48] The Blue Line of the light rail system was only open to ticketholders and passengers with a Gameday Pass, while the Green Line only ran to Stadium Village station on the University of Minnesota campus before continuing on with restricted access. Metro Transit ran shuttle buses between light rail stations, as well as regular bus service was moved for several weeks due to street closures.[49][50] Thirty activist groups organized a rally and protest against police brutality, corporate greed, and racist practices. 17 people blocked the Green Line train for 90 minutes before the game, and 200 protesters blocked an entrance to the stadium's security perimeter.[51]

text: Under a 1998 agreement, the Patriots and Eagles owners split the tickets, and the league controlled the game presentation and entertainment in the stadium. The Patriots practiced at the Minnesota Vikings facilities in Eden Prairie while the Eagles used the University of Minnesota. The Eagles got the Vikings' locker room and sideline. The Vikings had advanced to the NFC Championship Game before losing to the Eagles; until that point, the possibility of the Vikings advancing to the Super Bowl and thus becoming the first team to play the game in its home stadium was plausible. Had that happened, the Vikings would have used their own locker rooms and training facilities, while the AFC champion would have used the University of Minnesota.[52]

text: Associated events[edit]

text: The Minnesota Super Bowl Host Committee presented Super Bowl Live on Nicollet Mall in downtown Minneapolis.[53] This ten-day free[12] festival and concert series featured Sheila E., the Revolution, Morris Day and the Time, and the New Power Generation, musicians from Minnesota who collaborated with Prince, a Minneapolis native. Produced by Jimmy Jam and Terry Lewis, Super Bowl Live also included performances by Idina Menzel, Soul Asylum, the Suburbs, Bob Mould, Sounds of Blackness, Dessa, VocalEssence, Mint Condition, and the Jets.[54] In addition to the concert series, Super Bowl Live featured a 200-foot (61 m) American Birkebeiner International Bridge on Nicollet Mall to showcase cross-country skiing, skijoring, fat-tire bicycle racing,[12] and snow tubing demonstrations.[55] There was also a snowmobile stunt show on February 3.[12]

text: The NFL presented the Super Bowl Experience at the Minneapolis Convention Center[53][44][56] from January 27 to February 3 with an entrance fee.[12] Kelly Clarkson performed at the Minneapolis Armory and a U.S. Bank Stadium lounge on the day of the Super Bowl.[57]

text: The Minneapolis Armory also hosted Jennifer Lopez, Imagine Dragons, and Pink concerts close to U.S. Bank Stadium.[58][59][60][61] Pink also performed the national anthem before the Super Bowl.[5] Halftime performer Justin Timberlake held a ticketed "listening session" of his newest album at Prince's Paisley Park.[62] Dave Matthews Band will perform at Xcel Energy Center in Saint Paul.[59] The Shakopee Mdewakanton Sioux Community's Mystic Lake Casino hosted Gwen Stefani,[63] the Chainsmokers, Florida Georgia Line, and Kygo.[64] Planners originally scheduled a 64,000-square-foot (5,900 m2) traveling nightclub for 9500 people,[65][59] but cancelled, moving its concerts into the main casino.[64] Ellie Goulding's appearance with Kygo was cancelled at the same time.[66] The Mystic Lake Casino in Prior Lake, Minnesota, has the second-largest hotel in the Twin Cities metropolitan area, and Prior Lake hosted Super Bowl-week events including winter activities, a hotdish competition, and fundraisers.[63]

text: Other events were held at the Mall of America (including Radio Row as a home for national shows[67][68]), Saint Paul's RiverCentre[13] and Xcel Energy Center,[69] the Minnesota Vikings' Winter Park location in Eden Prairie, and the University of Minnesota.[70] "Taste of the NFL" is a fundraiser for food banks and was held in Saint Paul.[71] Minneapolis also offered a temporary zip-line across the Mississippi River near downtown.[72] The Luminary Loppet around Lake of the Isles in Minneapolis featured fire dancing, an ice pyramid, and luminary candles at night.[12]

text: The 2018 Saint Paul Winter Carnival took place leading up to, during and after the Super Bowl.[73] Carnival organizers built a large ice palace to coincide with the Super Bowl festivities, as with Super Bowl XXVI in 1992.[74] The ice palace was planned,[75][76] cancelled for lack of funds,[77] then re-announced with sponsors.[74] Events in Saint Paul will also include an extreme sports demonstration, a "giant slide", and a block party. Officials in the capital city hoped to attract Minneapolis Super Bowl visitors.[78] The Minneapolis Institute of Art had a free 20-by-40-foot (6.1 m × 12.2 m), 6-foot-tall (1.8 m) ice maze.[79]

text: The Great Northern was a winter festival in the Twin Cities from January 25 to February 4 that included the U.S. Pond Hockey Championships, an ice bar,[80] and an "urban ski competition".[81]

text: ESPN broadcast its studio programming from the IDS Center in downtown Minneapolis,[82] while Golf Channel (a sister network of Super Bowl LII broadcaster NBC) aired two live episodes of David Feherty's eponymous series from the State Theatre.[83]

text: Native American communities of Minnesota performed nightly drum ceremonies.[68] Various drumlines from around the state performed at different locations throughout the day.[84][85]

text: Broadcasting[edit]

text: United States[edit]

text: NBC broadcast Super Bowl LII, as part of an annual cycle between the three main broadcast television partners of the NFL.[86] NBC's lead NFL team of play-by-play man Al Michaels and color analyst Cris Collinsworth called the game. Sister cable network Universo carried a full Spanish language broadcast produced by Telemundo Deportes, with Edgar Lopez and Rene Giraldo. The Universo Spanish audio was also available on NBC through the SAP channel, where available.[87][88] NBC employed 73 cameras within the stadium, and introduced "volumetric-AR" graphics featuring 3D body scanning of players.[89][90]

text: This was the last game in Westwood One's current national radio contract with the NFL.[91] Each participating team's flagship station (the Patriots Radio Network's WBZ-FM/Boston, and the Eagles Radio Network's WIP-FM/Philadelphia, along with WEMG/Camden, New Jersey for Spanish play-by-play) carried the game with local announcers. (For the second consecutive year, none of the local flagships are clear-channel stations, and thus the local commentators were only audible for free within each respective team's immediate metropolitan area; listeners who live outside the flagship stations' broadcast ranges were required to subscribe to Sirius XM Radio or TuneIn Premium to access the local broadcasts.) Under the terms of the Westwood One contract, any radio station that is not a local flagship, if it is to carry the game, is required to utilize the Westwood One feed. It was the first title win called by Eagles play-by-play announcer Merrill Reese, who has been the primary radio voice of the team since 1977.[92]

text: Online streams of the game were provided by NBC. It was available on NBCSports.com, the NBC Sports app for mobile devices, tablets, connected-TV devices, and NBC.com without any required login. The Spanish-language broadcast was available on the Telemundo Deportes En Vivo app and TelemundoDeportes.com for desktop devices, connected TV devices, and tablets but not mobile devices.[93] Under new digital rights deals that began with the 2017–18 playoffs, Verizon still offers mobile streaming of games, but no longer holds exclusive rights to stream NFL games on smartphones or make them exclusive to Verizon Wireless subscribers. Instead, Verizon elected to use the deal to bolster its recent acquisition of Yahoo!; on January 9, 2018, Verizon announced that it would host streams of playoff games through the Yahoo! Sports and go90 app, including Super Bowl LII. As a result of the deal, the online stream was available to viewers on all Internet devices for the first time, regardless of network (because of Verizon's previous exclusive rights deal, non-Verizon phones had previously been blocked from receiving any NFL telecasts, regardless of source).[94][95] The game was also available through the NFL Mobile app with the aforementioned change to viewing through the app now being allowed on all mobile carriers.[96]

text: Dan Patrick and Liam McHugh served as the lead hosts for NBC's pre-game coverage.[97] Mike Tirico, who replaced the retiring Bob Costas in 2017 as NBC's lead studio host for both the NFL and the Olympic Games, did not participate in coverage of Super Bowl LII due to his commitments to prepare for the 2018 Winter Olympics in Pyeongchang, South Korea (which opened on the Friday following the game).[98]

text: As NBC Sports Regional Networks operates regional sports networks in the markets of both teams which participated, the NBC Sports Boston and NBC Sports Philadelphia channels were used to provide additional coverage of the game from a local perspective. Both networks aired coverage from Minneapolis, including pre-game specials focusing on their respective team, followed by a joint broadcast immediately prior to the game.[99]

text: Nielsen reported a 47.4/70% overnight rating in metered markets, peaking at 52.2/74 during the fourth quarter. These numbers are about 3% lower than early numbers from Super Bowl LI, and the lowest since Super Bowl XLIV in 2010.[100]

text: Advertising[edit]

text: Dan Lovinger, NBC Sports Group executive vice president of ad sales, stated to Variety in July 2017 that the network was seeking a price "north of $5 million" (the price set for the previous two Super Bowls) for a 30-second commercial during Super Bowl LII.[101][102] As they began five days after the Super Bowl, NBC offered advertising packages that covered both Super Bowl LII and the 2018 Winter Olympics (which marked the first time since 1992 that a single broadcast network had aired both the Super Bowl and Winter Olympics in the same year); the network estimated that it would bring in at least $1 billion in advertising revenue from the two events.[103][86] During the second quarter, an equipment failure caused NBC's broadcast to experience dead air for 30 seconds during a commercial break. No actual commercial time was lost.[104][105]

text: Anheuser-Busch has, as it has done in previous Super Bowls, purchased multiple commercials in the game, advertising Bud Light, Stella Artois and Michelob Ultra. For the first time since Super Bowl VIII, the company reduced the appearances of the Budweiser Clydesdales in a Super Bowl commercial. However, a Clydesdale was featured in a commercial for Tide detergent and the Budweiser Clydesdales only appeared in a 5-second Budweiser commercial to remind viewers of the "ClydesdaleCam" livestreaming event.[106] Other signed advertisers included The Coca-Cola Company and Avocados from Mexico.[102] Cellphone carrier T-Mobile aired a minute long ad with actress Kerry Washington narrating, featuring babies of various ethnic backgrounds. The commercial also features Nirvana's song "All Apologies" played as a lullaby. In the ad, Washington talks about the babies being born with natural instincts of love and not racism calling them "unstoppable" and that they will demand fair and equal pay. T-Mobile CEO John Legere posted to his Twitter account afterwards saying, "This year, we wanted to use our #SuperBowl airtime to share that @TMobile believes we all started in the same place. We are more alike than different. And we are unstoppable."[107]

text: Fiat Chrysler subsidiary Ram Trucks was met with swift and harsh criticism for its use of Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr's sermon "The Drum Major Instinct". Major news outlets and social media erupted in the controversy. Particularly disturbing to many viewers was the selective exploitation of King's anti-consumerist, anti-advertising speech in an attempt to sell trucks. [108]

text: Lead-out programs[edit]

text: NBC's lead-out program was an episode of This Is Us, titled "Super Bowl Sunday",[109] alongside a special episode of The Tonight Show Starring Jimmy Fallon from Minneapolis' Orpheum Theatre, with halftime performer Justin Timberlake, Dwayne Johnson, Chris Stapleton and the cast of This Is Us as guests.[110][111]

text: In a surprise move, Netflix used its advertising time to announce it had acquired the rights to The Cloverfield Paradox, the third film in the Cloverfield series, and would make it available immediately after the game, potentially undercutting viewership of the lucrative post-game slot on NBC.[112]

text: International broadcasts[edit]

text:
Rights holder(s)

 Australia
The event aired live on the Seven Network and 7mate[113]

 Brazil
The Super Bowl was shown live by ESPN Brasil, with Paulo Antunes and Everaldo Marques as the announcers for the evening. It was also shown live on Cinemark, Cinépolis, Kinoplex[contradictory] and UCI movie theaters across the country.

 Canada
Bell Canada holds broadcast rights for local stations in Canada and aired the game across its networks on CTV, CTV Two, RDS (for French), TSN Radio and TSN2; TSN's regional networks did not carry the game due to a schedule conflict with the 2018 Scotties Tournament of Hearts, the national women's curling championship. Bell reprised the previous year's usage of a sweepstakes and entertainment features to retain Canadian audiences.[114]
On RDS, the announcer was David Arsenault with Pierre Vercheval as analyst and Didier Orméjuste on the sidelines.

 France
beIn Sports2 and W9 broadcast the event.

 Germany
ProSieben broadcast the Super Bowl for the first time, after it had previously been on sister channel Sat.1 since Super Bowl XLVI. It was shown for no additional cost in standard-definition and on ProSieben HD in high-definition on HD+ as well as multiple cable and IPTV providers. It was also available on internet streaming service DAZN for no cost in addition to the regular subscription fee.[115]

 Philippines
The 5 Network broadcast the event in the Philippines.

 United Kingdom
As per recent years, Super Bowl LII aired live on BBC One for no additional cost over the license fee. It was also available on Sky Sports with a subscription, through a Now TV Sports Pass, or as part of the NFL Gamepass Playoffs package.[116] In a change to tradition, the BBC chose to use NBC's feed instead of the NFL Films and NFL Network produced World Feed.[117]

 U.S. military bases
American Forces Network carried the Super Bowl live to members of the United States Armed Forces in Eurasia.[118]

text: Entertainment[edit]

text: Pre-game[edit]

text: Pink performed "The Star-Spangled Banner",[5] while Leslie Odom Jr. sang "America the Beautiful".[119][120] Pink spit out a throat lozenge shortly before singing the anthem, later verified after many commentators thought she had spit out a piece of gum.[121] She reported being ill with flu symptoms during her performance.[122] No players were observed kneeling during the national anthem, in contrast to the protests that happened earlier in the 2016 and 2017 seasons.[123]

text: Fifteen Medal of Honor recipients participated in the coin toss ceremony.[6][124] World War II hero Hershel W. Williams was the honorary captain and had the honors of flipping the coin.[125]

text: Halftime show[edit]

text: Justin Timberlake headlined the Super Bowl LII halftime show, along with his band "The Tennessee Kids" and featuring the University of Minnesota Marching Band.[7][126][127] Timberlake performed in two previous Super Bowls: Super Bowl XXXV in 2001 as a member of NSYNC, and Super Bowl XXXVIII in 2004 with Janet Jackson.[128][129]

text: Timberlake's performance drew criticism for not being "spectacular", looking to be safe and avoid incidents such as the infamous "wardrobe malfunction" encountered during his performance with Jackson, and for incorporating a video of Prince, who opposed performances combining the dead and the living.[130][131]

text: Game summary[edit]

text: First Quarter[edit]

text: The New England Patriots won the opening coin toss and elected to defer to the second half. The Patriots kicked off to the Eagles, who opened the game with a 14-play, 67-yard drive that took 7:05 off the clock and resulted in a 25-yard Jake Elliott field goal, giving the Eagles a 3–0 lead. The drive was controlled by the arm of Eagles quarterback Nick Foles, who completed 6 of 9 passes to five different receivers for 61 yards, with a few short runs by LeGarrette Blount and Jay Ajayi mixed in. Foles also made two critical completions on third down plays, hitting Alshon Jeffery for a 17-yard gain on third-and-4, and later found Torrey Smith for a 15-yard completion on third-and-12. The Patriots responded with a drive of their own, almost with the exact same results; quarterback Tom Brady completed 6 of 8 passes for 60 yards to four different receivers, the longest a 28-yard strike to Chris Hogan. The drive stalled out on the Eagles 8-yard line, where they had to settle for Stephen Gostkowski's 26-yard field goal, which tied the game at 3–3. The game's first touchdown was scored by the Eagles on the next drive, taking only three plays: a short pass from Foles to Nelson Agholor, a 36-yard run up the middle by Blount, and a 34-yard touchdown pass from Foles to Jeffery to the left side of the field. The ensuing extra point attempt from Elliott was missed wide right, which made the score 9–3 in favor of the Eagles. The Patriots responded by advancing the ball to the Philadelphia 11-yard line on their next drive, which was set up by a 50-yard completion from Brady to Danny Amendola, where the quarter ended.[132]

text: Second Quarter[edit]

text: With the second quarter under way, the Patriots came away empty-handed on the drive, as Gostkowski missed a 26-yard field goal attempt after holder Ryan Allen mishandled the snap.[133] New England's defense forced the game's only punt on the next drive. On the following drive, Brady completed a 23-yard pass to Brandin Cooks, but a hard hit by defender Malcolm Jenkins knocked the receiver out of the game with a concussion. On third down from near mid-field, the Patriots attempted a trick play that involved two handoffs and a pass downfield to Tom Brady. Brady was open, but dropped the throw from Amendola. They went for it on fourth down, and a pass intended for tight end Rob Gronkowski fell incomplete, giving the Eagles the ball on their own 35-yard line on a turnover-on-downs. The Eagles capitalized on a drive featuring two key completions, a 19-yard catch by Zach Ertz on third-and-7, and a 22-yard reception by Jeffery on the Patriots 21-yard line. On the next play, a 21-yard rumble by Blount gave the Eagles another touchdown. They attempted a two-point conversion, which failed and brought the score to 15–3. The Patriots quickly struck back, as Brady completed a 46-yard pass to Rex Burkhead on the first play after the kickoff. But the team could only gain two more yards, resulting in Gostkowski's 45-yard field goal that got the score to 15–6.[134] The Eagles got the ball back with 7:24 on the clock and looked poised to score another touchdown, when a 26-yard run by Ajayi gave them a first down on the Patriots 43-yard line. But on the next play, Foles threw a pass that bounced off Jeffery as he tried to make a one-handed catch, and went into the hands of Patriots safety Duron Harmon for an interception, which he returned eight yards to the 10-yard line. The Patriots took advantage of the turnover with a seven-play, 90-yard drive, featuring a 43-yard completion from Brady to Hogan. On the next play, James White scored with a 26-yard touchdown run. Gostkowski missed the ensuing extra point, but the score was now 15–12. Eagles running back Kenjon Barner returned the ensuing kickoff 27 yards to his own 30-yard line as time ran down to the two-minute warning. Two plays later, on third down-and-3, Foles completed a short pass to running back Corey Clement, who took off for a 55-yard gain to the New England 8-yard line. Clement then ran the ball six yards to the two-yard line on the next play. Two plays later, Philadelphia faced fourth-and-goal on the 1-yard line with 38 seconds left on the clock. Deciding to go for the touchdown, they attempted a similar trick play to the one that had failed for the Patriots earlier. As Foles stepped up to the running back position, Clement took a direct snap and pitched the ball to tight end Trey Burton, who then threw the ball perfectly to Foles, who was wide open in the right side of the end zone. Foles caught the football, making him the first quarterback ever to catch a touchdown pass in a Super Bowl, and the ensuing extra point was good, giving the Eagles a 22–12 lead, which was taken into the locker room following a short drive by the Patriots.[132]

text: The first half resulted in numerous Super Bowl records from both teams, including most total yards combined (673). This was also the first time two quarterbacks had thrown for over 200 yards in the first half of a Super Bowl, with Brady throwing for 276 yards and Foles throwing for 215 yards.[135]

text: Third Quarter[edit]

text: The Patriots received the second-half kickoff and Brady led New England 75 yards in eight plays. Gronkowski, who only caught one pass for nine yards in the first half, caught five passes for 68 yards on the drive, the last a 5-yard touchdown reception to make the score 22–19. The Eagles responded by moving the ball 85 yards in 11 plays on a drive that consumed less than five minutes and featured three critical third down conversions by Foles. The first was a 17-yard pass to Agholor on third-and-6 from the Eagles 19-yard line. Later in the drive, he threw a 14-yard completion to Ertz on third-and-1 from the New England 40-yard line. Finally, he finished the possession with a 22-yard touchdown pass to Clement on third-and-6. The touchdown was held up by a replay review, but replay officials confirmed that Clement kept both feet inbounds and controlled the ball. An Elliott extra point brought the score to 29–19 in favor of the Eagles. Brady responded with a 10-play, 75-yard drive, completing all three of his passes for 61 yards, the last one a 26-yard touchdown pass to Hogan that brought the score to 29–26. The Eagles followed with an 8-play, 51-yard drive featuring a 24-yard completion from Foles to Agholor on the first play. By the end of the third quarter, the team had made it to the New England 16-yard line.

text: Fourth Quarter[edit]

text: The Eagles opened the fourth quarter scoring with a Jake Elliott field goal to bring the score to 32–26. However, Brady came back with another 75-yard drive featuring a 30-yard reception by Amendola and ending with a four-yard pass to Gronkowski, his second touchdown of the game, giving the Patriots their first lead of the game with the score at 33–32. On their next drive, the Eagles faced third-and-6 after two plays, but were able to keep the ball with a 7-yard catch by Ertz. Eventually, they faced a fourth-and-1 on their own 45-yard line with 5:39 left in the game. Deciding to go for the conversion rather than punt, Foles completed a 2-yard pass to Ertz that kept the drive alive. Then after a 1-yard Blount run, he picked up three consecutive first downs with three passes to Agholor for gains of 10, 18, and 10 yards, respectively, moving the ball to the New England 14-yard line. Following a 3-yard run by Ajayi, Foles threw a 9-yard touchdown pass to Ertz with 2:21 remaining in the game. The play was held up on review, as Ertz lost the ball after touching the ground in the end zone; it was however determined that he established himself as a runner and also maintained control of the ball as he broke the plane of the goal line. However, a failed two-point conversion left the Eagles with a 38–33 lead. On the Patriots' next drive, Eagles defensive end Brandon Graham stripped the ball from Brady on the drive's second play for the only sack of the game for either team. Defensive end Derek Barnett of the Eagles recovered the ball, allowing the Eagles to run the clock down to 1:05 and forcing New England to use up all their remaining timeouts. Elliott then kicked a 46-yard field goal, putting Philadelphia ahead by eight points, with the score at 41–33, and New England needing a touchdown and a two-point conversion to tie the game and send it into overtime. After nine plays (one of them a 13-yard catch by Amendola on fourth-and-10), Brady reached the 49-yard line, and with only nine seconds remaining, he threw a Hail Mary pass to the end zone, to no avail as time expired. The Eagles had won their first Vince Lombardi Trophy in franchise history,[132] and their first league championship since 1960, ending what was the third-longest championship drought in the NFL at 57 years.

text: Game statistics[edit]

text: The combined 74 points scored by both teams was one point shy of the Super Bowl record of 75, set in Super Bowl XXIX in 1995; it and this game marked only the second time in the game's history where the two teams combined for 70+ points.[136] The game also set a record for most yardage by both teams (combined) with 1,151 yards, the most for any single game, regular season or postseason.[14] The game had many other Super Bowl records set as well, including fewest punts from both teams (one), most yards gained by a team (613 for New England) and most points scored by a losing team (33).[14]

text: Foles completed 28-of-43 passes for 373 yards and three touchdowns, with one interception, and caught a touchdown pass. Clement, who caught only 10 passes for 123 yards and two touchdowns during the season, was the Eagles leading receiver with four receptions for 100 yards and a touchdown, while also rushing for eight yards. Agholor had nine receptions for 84 yards. Blount was the game's top rusher with 90 yards and a touchdown. Brady completed 28-of-48 passes for 505 yards and three touchdowns, breaking the record for most passing yards in a Super Bowl that he had set in the previous season. Amendola was his top target with eight receptions for 152 yards, while Hogan had six for 128 yards and a touchdown and Gronkowski caught nine passes for 116 yards and two scores.[137]

text: Box score[edit]

text:
1
2
3
4
Total

Eagles (NFC)
9
13
7
12
41

Patriots (AFC)
3
9
14
7
33

text: at U.S. Bank Stadium, Minneapolis, Minnesota

text:
Date: February 4, 2018
Game time: 5:31 p.m. CST
Game weather: Played indoors (domed stadium)
Game attendance: 67,612
Referee: Gene Steratore
TV announcers (NBC): Al Michaels, Cris Collinsworth, Michele Tafoya
Recap, Game Book

text:
[hide]Scoring summary

Quarter
Time
Drive
Team
Scoring information
Score

Plays
Yards
TOP
PHI
NE

1
7:55
14
67
7:05
PHI
25-yard field goal by Elliott
3
0

1
4:17
9
67
3:38
NE
26-yard field goal by Gostkowski
3
3

1
2:34
3
77
1:43
PHI
Jeffery 34-yard touchdown reception from Foles, Elliott kick no good (wide right)
9
3

2
8:48
6
65
3:05
PHI
Blount 21-yard touchdown run, 2-point pass no good
15
3

2
7:24
5
48
1:24
NE
45-yard field goal by Gostkowski
15
6

2
2:04
7
90
2:57
NE
White 26-yard touchdown run, Gostkowski kick no good (wide left)
15
12

2
0:34
7
70
1:30
PHI
Foles 1-yard touchdown reception from Burton, Elliott kick good
22
12

3
12:15
8
75
2:45
NE
Gronkowski 5-yard touchdown reception from Brady, Gostkowski kick good
22
19

3
7:18
11
85
4:57
PHI
Clement 22-yard touchdown reception from Foles, Elliott kick good
29
19

3
3:23
7
75
3:55
NE
Hogan 26-yard touchdown reception from Brady, Gostkowski kick good
29
26

4
14:09
8
51
4:14
PHI
42-yard field goal by Elliott
32
26

4
9:22
10
75
4:47
NE
Gronkowski 4-yard touchdown reception from Brady, Gostkowski kick good
32
33

4
2:21
14
75
7:01
PHI
Ertz 11-yard touchdown reception from Foles, 2-point pass no good
38
33

4
1:05
4
4
1:04
PHI
46-yard field goal by Elliott
41
33

"TOP" = time of possession. For other American football terms, see Glossary of American football.
41
33

text: Final statistics[edit]

text: Statistical comparison[edit]

text:
Statistic
Philadelphia Eagles
New England Patriots

First downs
25
29

First downs rushing
6
4

First downs passing
19
23

First downs penalty
0
2

Third down efficiency
10/16
5/10

Fourth down efficiency
2/2
1/2

Total net yards
538
613

Net yards rushing
164
113

Rushing attempts
27
22

Yards per rush
6.1
5.1

Net yards passing
374
500

Passing–completions/attempts
29/44
28/49

Times sacked–total yards
0–0
1–5

Interceptions thrown
1
0

Punt returns–total yards
0–0
0–0

Kickoff returns–total yards
4–98
3–44

Interceptions–total return yards
0–0
1–8

Punts–average yardage
1–41
0–0

Fumbles–lost
0–0
1–1

Penalties–yards
6–35
1–5

Time of possession
34:04
25:56

Turnovers
1
1

text: The lone Eagles punt was received with a fair catch.

text:
Records set
(Unless otherwise noted, all records were only Super Bowl records)

Most yards allowed
613
Philadelphia Eagles

Most yards allowed in a win
613

Most Super Bowl appearances, as team
10
New England Patriots

Most points scored in a Super Bowl, losing team
33

Most total yards, team (game)
613

Most passing yards, team (postseason game)
500

Fewest punts, team (game)
0

Most players, 100 or more receiving yards
3
(Amendola 152, Hogan 128, Gronkowski 116)

Most Super Bowl appearances, as player
8
Tom Brady (New England)

Most Super Bowl appearances, as starting player
8

Most pass attempts, player (career)
357

Most pass completions, player (career)
235

Most passing yards, player (any postseason game)
505

Most passing yards, player (career)
2,576

Most touchdown passes, player (career)
18

Oldest quarterback, as player
40 years 185 days

Oldest quarterback, as starting player
40 years 185 days

Most Super Bowl appearances, as head coach
8
Bill Belichick (New England)

Most Super Bowl appearances, as coach
11

Most Super Bowl appearances, in any capacity
11

Most TD receptions, as quarterback (game)
1
Nick Foles (Philadelphia)

Most TD receptions, as quarterback (career)
1

Most Super Bowl games with TD pass and TD reception
1

Longest field goal kicked by a rookie
46 yards
Jake Elliott (Philadelphia)

Most receiving yards, game, tight end
116
Rob Gronkowski (New England)

Most total yards, both teams (any NFL game)
1,151
Philadelphia Eagles vs. New England Patriots

Most first downs passing, both teams (game)
42

Most passing yards, both teams (any postseason game)
874

Most missed PAT attempts, both teams (game)
4

Fewest punts, both teams (game)
1

Records tied

Fewest times sacked, as team (game)
0
Philadelphia Eagles

Fewest fumbles, as team (game)
0

Fewest fumbles lost, as team (game)
0

Fewest punt returns, as team (game)
0

Most missed PAT attempts, as team (game)
3

Most Super Bowl losses, as team
5
New England Patriots

Fewest punt returns, as team (game)
0

Most Super Bowl appearances, as kicker
5
Stephen Gostkowski (New England)

Most pass attempts with no interceptions (game)
48
Tom Brady (New England)

Most field goals, both teams (game)
5
Philadelphia Eagles vs. New England Patriots

Most first downs, both teams (game)
54

Most pass attempts, both teams (game)
93

Most touchdown passes, both teams (game)
7

Fewest times sacked, both teams (game)
1

Fewest punt returns, both teams (game)
0

Fewest punt return yards, both teams (game)
0

text: Individual statistics[edit]

text:
Eagles passing

C/ATT1
Yds
TD
INT

Nick Foles
28/43
373
3
1

Trey Burton
1/1
1
1
0

Eagles rushing

Car2
Yds
TD
LG3

LeGarrette Blount
14
90
1
36

Jay Ajayi
9
57
0
26

Nelson Agholor
1
9
0
9

Corey Clement
3
8
0
6

Eagles receiving

Rec4
Yds
TD
LG3

Nelson Agholor
9
84
0
24

Zach Ertz
7
67
1
19

Torrey Smith
5
49
0
17

Corey Clement
4
100
1
55

Alshon Jeffery
3
73
1
34

Nick Foles
1
1
1
1

Trey Burton
0
0
0
0

text:
Patriots passing

C/ATT1
Yds
TD
INT

Tom Brady
28/48
505
3
0

Danny Amendola
0/1
0
0
0

Patriots rushing

Car2
Yds
TD
LG3

James White
7
45
1
26

Dion Lewis
9
39
0
8

Rex Burkhead
3
18
0
9

Tom Brady
1
6
0
6

Chris Hogan
1
4
0
4

Brandin Cooks
1
1
0
1

Patriots receiving

Rec4
Yds
TD
LG3

Rob Gronkowski
9
116
2
25

Danny Amendola
8
152
0
50

Chris Hogan
6
128
1
43

James White
2
21
0
15

Rex Burkhead
1
46
0
46

Brandin Cooks
1
23
0
23

Phillip Dorsett
1
19
0
19

Tom Brady
0
0
0
0

James Develin
0
0
0
0

text:
1Completions/attempts
2Carries
3Long gain
4Receptions

text: Starting lineups[edit]

text:
Philadelphia
Position
Position
New England

Offense

Alshon Jeffery
WR
Brandin Cooks

Halapoulivaati Vaitai
LT
Nate Solder

Stefen Wisniewski
LG
Joe Thuney

Jason Kelce
C
David Andrews

Brandon Brooks
RG
Shaq Mason

Lane Johnson
RT
Cameron Fleming

Zach Ertz
TE
Rob Gronkowski

Nelson Agholor
WR
Chris Hogan

Nick Foles
QB
Tom Brady

LeGarrette Blount
RB
Dion Lewis

Torrey Smith
WR
FB
James Develin

Defense

Vinny Curry
DE
LE
Trey Flowers

Timmy Jernigan
DT
Lawrence Guy

Fletcher Cox
DT
Malcom Brown

Brandon Graham
DE
LB
James Harrison

Mychal Kendricks
OLB
LB
Kyle Van Noy

Nigel Bradham
OLB
LB
Elandon Roberts

Jalen Mills
CB
RCB
Stephon Gilmore

Ronald Darby
CB
LCB
Eric Rowe

Corey Graham
S
Patrick Chung

Rodney McLeod
S
Devin McCourty

Malcolm Jenkins
S
Duron Harmon

text: Officials[edit]

text: Super Bowl LII had eight officials.[2] The numbers in parentheses below indicate their uniform numbers.

text:
Referee: Gene Steratore (114)
Umpire: Roy Ellison (81)
Down judge: Jerry Bergman (91)
Line judge: Byron Boston (18)
Field judge: Tom Hill (97)
Side judge: Scott Edwards (3)
Back judge: Perry Paganelli (46)
Replay official: Paul Weidner

text: This was Steratore's first Super Bowl as a referee, though he had been previously selected as an alternate for Super Bowl XLIV.[138]