document_title: Equal Rights Amendment

question_text: who submitted the first version of the equal rights amendment to congress in 1923

question_tokens: who submitted the first version of the equal rights amendment to congress in 1923

text: Equal Rights Amendment

text: Text[edit]

text: Section 1. Equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.

text: Section 2. The Congress shall have the power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article.

text: Section 3. This amendment shall take effect two years after the date of ratification.[7][8]

text: Background[edit]

text: On September 25, 1921, the National Woman's Party announced plans to campaign for an amendment to the U.S. Constitution to guarantee women equal rights with men. The text of the proposed amendment read:

text: Section 1. No political, civil, or legal disabilities or inequalities on account of sex or on account of marriage, unless applying equally to both sexes, shall exist within the United States or any territory subject to the jurisdiction thereof.

text: Section 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.[10]

text: Alice Paul, the head of the National Women's Party, believed that the Nineteenth Amendment would not be enough to ensure that men and women were treated equally regardless of sex. In 1923, she revised the proposed amendment to read:

text: Men and women shall have equal rights throughout the United States and every place subject to its jurisdiction. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.[11]

text: Paul named this version the Lucretia Mott Amendment, after a female abolitionist who fought for women's rights and attended the First Women's Rights Convention.[12]

text: In 1943, Alice Paul further revised the amendment to reflect the wording of the Fifteenth and Nineteenth Amendments. This text became Section 1 of the version passed by Congress in 1972.[13]

text: As a result, in the 1940s, ERA opponents proposed an alternative, which provided that “no distinctions on the basis of sex shall be made except such as are reasonably justified by differences in physical structure, biological differences, or social function.” It was quickly turned down by both pro and anti-ERA coalitions.[14]

text: Feminists split[edit]

text: Since the 1920s, the Equal Rights Amendment has caused a sharp debate among feminists about the meaning of women's equality. It was "feminist against feminist", said historian Judith Sealander.[15] Alice Paul and her National Woman's Party was the leading proponent, arguing that women should be on equal terms with men in all regards, even if that means sacrificing benefits given to women through protective legislation, such as shorter work hours and no night work or heavy lifting.[16] Opponents of the amendment, such as the Women's Joint Congressional Committee, believed that the loss of these benefits to women would not be worth the supposed gain to them in equality. In general, middle-class elements supported the ERA, and working-class elements (and the labor movement) opposed it.[17] In 1924, The Forum hosted a debate between Doris Stevens and Alice Hamilton concerning these two perspectives on the proposed amendment.[18] Their debate reflected the wider tension in the developing feminist movement of the early 20th century between two approaches toward gender equality. One approach emphasized shared similarities between the sexes and demanded rights based on women's humanity, while the other approach stressed women's unique experiences and how they were different from men to obtain recognition for their specific needs.[19] The opposition to the ERA was led by Mary Anderson and the Women's Bureau beginning in 1923. These feminists argued that legislation including mandated minimum wages, safety regulations, restricted daily and weekly hours, lunch breaks, and maternity provisions would be more beneficial to the majority of women who were forced to work out of economic necessity, not personal fulfillment.[20] The debate over the ERA also drew from struggles between working class and professional women. Alice Hamilton, in her speech “Protection for Women Workers,” said that the ERA would strip working women of the small protections they had achieved, leaving them powerless to further improve their condition in the future, or to attain necessary protections in the present.[21]

text: The National Woman's Party already had tested its approach in Wisconsin, where it won passage of the Wisconsin Equal Rights Law in 1921.[22][23] The party then took the ERA to Congress, where U.S. Senator Charles Curtis, a future Vice President of the United States, introduced it for the first time in October 1921.[10] Though the ERA was introduced in every congressional session between 1921 and 1972, it almost never reached the floor of either the Senate or the House for a vote—instead, it was usually blocked in committee; except in 1946, when it was defeated in the Senate by a vote of 38 to 35—not receiving the required two-thirds supermajority.[citation needed]

text: Hayden rider and protective labor legislation[edit]

text: In 1950 and 1953, the ERA was passed by the Senate with a provision known as "the Hayden rider", introduced by Arizona Senator Carl Hayden. The Hayden rider added a sentence to the ERA to keep special protections for women: "The provisions of this article shall not be construed to impair any rights, benefits, or exemptions now or hereafter conferred by law upon persons of the female sex." By allowing women to keep their existing and future special protections, it was expected that the ERA would be more appealing to its opponents. Though opponents were marginally more in favor of the ERA with the Hayden rider, supporters of the original ERA believed it negated the amendment's original purpose—causing the amendment not to be passed in the House.[24][25][26]

text: ERA supporters were hopeful that the second term of President Dwight Eisenhower would advance their agenda. Eisenhower had publicly promised to "assure women everywhere in our land equality of rights," and in 1958, Eisenhower asked a joint session of Congress to pass the Equal Rights Amendment, the first president to show such a level of support for the amendment. However, the National Woman's Party found the amendment to be unacceptable and asked it to be withdrawn whenever the Hayden rider was added to the ERA.[26]

text: The Republican Party included support of the ERA in its platform beginning in 1940, renewing the plank every four years until 1980.[27] The ERA was strongly opposed by the American Federation of Labor and other labor unions, which feared the amendment would invalidate protective labor legislation for women. Eleanor Roosevelt and most New Dealers also opposed the ERA. They felt that ERA was designed for middle class women, but that working class women needed government protection. They also feared that the ERA would undercut the male-dominated labor unions that were a core component of the New Deal coalition. Most northern Democrats, who aligned themselves with the anti-ERA labor unions, opposed the amendment.[27] The ERA was supported by southern Democrats and almost all Republicans.[27]

text: At the 1944 Democratic National Convention, the Democrats made the divisive step of including the ERA in their platform, but the Democratic Party did not become united in favor of the amendment until congressional passage in 1972.[27] The main support base for the ERA until the late 1960s was among middle class Republican women. The League of Women Voters, formerly the National American Woman Suffrage Association, opposed the Equal Rights Amendment until 1972, fearing the loss of protective labor legislation.[citation needed]

text: At the Democratic National Convention in 1960, a proposal to endorse the ERA was rejected after it met explicit opposition from liberal groups including the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), the AFL–CIO, labor unions such as the American Federation of Teachers, Americans for Democratic Action (ADA), the American Nurses Association, the Women's Division of the Methodist Church, and the National Councils of Jewish, Catholic, and Negro Women.[28] The losing side then demanded that presidential candidate John F. Kennedy announce his support of the ERA; he did so in an October 21, 1960, letter to the chairman of the National Woman's Party.[29] When Kennedy was elected, he made Esther Peterson the highest-ranking woman in his administration as an Assistant Secretary of Labor. Peterson publicly opposed the Equal Rights Amendment based on her belief that it would weaken protective labor legislation.[30] Peterson referred to the National Woman's Party members, most of them veteran suffragists and preferred the "specific bills for specific ills" approach to equal rights.[30] Ultimately, Kennedy's ties to labor unions meant that he and his administration did not support the ERA.[31]

text: As a concession to feminists, Kennedy appointed a blue-ribbon commission on women, the President's Commission on the Status of Women, to investigate the problem of sex discrimination in the United States. The commission was chaired by Eleanor Roosevelt who opposed the ERA but no longer spoke against it publicly. In the early 1960s, Eleanor Roosevelt announced that, due to unionization, she believed the ERA was no longer a threat to women as it once may have been and told supporters that, as far as she was concerned, they could have the amendment if they wanted it. However, she never went so far as to endorse the ERA. The commission that she chaired reported (after her death) that no ERA was needed.[32] The commission did, though, help win passage of the Equal Pay Act of 1963 which banned sex discrimination in wages in a number of professions (it would later be amended in the early 1970s to include the professions that it initially excluded) and secured an executive order from Kennedy eliminating sex discrimination in the civil service. The commission, composed largely of anti-ERA feminists with ties to labor, proposed remedies to the widespread sex discrimination it unearthed and in its 1963 final report held that on the issue of equality "a constitutional amendment need not now be sought".[33]

text: The national commission spurred the establishment of state and local commissions on the status of women and arranged for follow-up conferences in the years to come. The following year, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 banned workplace discrimination not only on the basis of race, religion, and national origin, but also on the basis of sex, thanks to the lobbying of Alice Paul and Coretta Scott King and the skillful politicking of Representative Martha Griffiths of Michigan.[citation needed]

text: A new women's movement gained ground in the later 1960s as a result of a variety of factors: Betty Friedan's bestseller The Feminine Mystique; the network of women's rights commissions formed by Kennedy's national commission; the frustration over women's social and economic status; and anger over the lack of government and Equal Employment Opportunity Commission enforcement of the Equal Pay Act and Title VII of the Civil Rights Act. In June 1966, at the Third National Conference on the Status of Women in Washington, D.C., Betty Friedan and a group of activists frustrated with the lack of government action in enforcing Title VII of the Civil Rights Act formed the National Organization for Women to act as an "NAACP for women", demanding full equality for American women and men.[citation needed] In 1967, at the urging of Alice Paul, NOW endorsed the Equal Rights Amendment.[citation needed] The decision caused some union Democrats and social conservatives to leave the organization and form the Women's Equity Action League (within a few years WEAL also endorsed the ERA), but the move to support the amendment benefited NOW, bolstering its membership.[citation needed] By the late 1960s, NOW had made significant political and legislative victories and was gaining enough power to become a major lobbying force. In 1969, newly-elected Representative Shirley Chisholm of New York gave her famous speech "Equal Rights for Women" on the floor of the U.S. House of Representatives.[citation needed]

text: Congressional passage[edit]

text: In February 1970, NOW picketed the United States Senate, a subcommittee of which was holding hearings on a constitutional amendment to lower the voting age to 18. NOW disrupted the hearings and demanded a hearing on the Equal Rights Amendment and won a meeting with Senators to discuss the ERA. That August, over 20,000 American women held a nationwide Women's Strike for Equality protest to demand full social, economic, and political equality.[34] Said Betty Friedan of the strike, "All kinds of women's groups all over the country will be using this week on August 26 particularly, to point out those areas in women's life which are still not addressed. For example, a question of equality before the law; we are interested in the Equal Rights Amendment." Despite being centered in New York City—which was regarded as one of the biggest strongholds for NOW and other groups sympathetic to the women's liberation movement such as Redstockings[35]—and having a small number of participants in contrast to the large-scale anti-war and civil rights protests that had occurred in the recent time prior to the event,[34] the strike was credited as one of the biggest turning points in the rise of second-wave feminism.[35]

text: In Washington, D.C., protesters presented a sympathetic Senate leadership with a petition for the Equal Rights Amendment at the U.S. Capitol. Influential news sources such as Time also supported the cause of the protestors.[34] Soon after the strike took place, activists distributed literature across the country as well.[35] In 1970, congressional hearings began on the ERA.[citation needed]

text: On August 10, 1970, Michigan Democrat Martha Griffiths successfully brought the Equal Rights Amendment to the House Floor, after fifteen years of the joint resolution languishing in the House Judiciary Committee. The joint resolution passed in the House and continued on to the Senate, which voted for the ERA with an added clause that women would be exempt from the military. The 91st Congress, however, ended before the joint resolution could progress any further.[36]

text: Griffiths reintroduced the ERA, and achieved success on Capitol Hill with her House Joint Resolution No. 208, which was adopted by the House on October 12, 1971, with a vote of 354 yeas (For), 24 nays (Against) and 51 not voting.[37] Griffiths' joint resolution was then adopted by the Senate—without change—on March 22, 1972, by a vote of 84 yeas, 8 nays and 7 not voting.[38] The Senate version, drafted by Senator Birch Bayh of Indiana,[39] passed after the defeat of an amendment proposed by Senator Sam Ervin of North Carolina that would have exempted women from the draft.[27] President Richard Nixon immediately endorsed the ERA's approval upon its passage by the 92nd Congress.[27]

text: Actions in the state legislatures[edit]

text: Ratifications[edit]

text: On March 22, 1972, the ERA was placed before the state legislatures, with a seven-year deadline to acquire ratification by three-fourths (38) of the state legislatures. Most states were eager[citation needed] to ratify the proposed constitutional amendment. The U.S. Senate's vote on House Joint Resolution No. 208 took place in the mid-to-late afternoon in Washington D.C., when it was still midday in Hawaii. The Hawaii Senate and House of Representatives voted their approval shortly after noon Hawaii Standard Time, making Hawaii the first state to ratify the ERA and the first state thus far in U.S. history to ratify a proposed federal constitutional amendment on the same day that Congress offered the measure to state lawmakers.[40]

text: During 1972, a total of 22 state legislatures ratified the amendment and eight more joined in 1973. Between 1974 and 1977, only five states approved the ERA, and advocates became worried about the approaching March 22, 1979 deadline.[41] At the same time, the legislatures of four states which had ratified the ERA then adopted legislation purporting to rescind those ratifications. If, indeed, a state legislature has the ability to rescind, then the ERA actually had ratifications by only 31 states –  not 35 –  when March 22, 1979, arrived.

text: The ERA has been ratified by the following states:[42]

text:
Hawaii (March 22, 1972)
New Hampshire (March 23, 1972)
Delaware (March 23, 1972)
Iowa (March 24, 1972)
Idaho (March 24, 1972)
Kansas (March 28, 1972)
Nebraska (March 29, 1972)
Texas (March 30, 1972)
Tennessee (April 4, 1972)
Alaska (April 5, 1972)
Rhode Island (April 14, 1972)
New Jersey (April 17, 1972)
Colorado (April 21, 1972)
West Virginia (April 22, 1972)
Wisconsin (April 26, 1972)
New York (May 18, 1972)
Michigan (May 22, 1972)
Maryland (May 26, 1972)
Massachusetts (June 21, 1972)
Kentucky (June 26, 1972)
Pennsylvania (September 27, 1972)
California (November 13, 1972)
Wyoming (January 26, 1973)
South Dakota (February 5, 1973)
Oregon (February 8, 1973)[43]
Minnesota (February 8, 1973)
New Mexico (February 28, 1973)
Vermont (March 1, 1973)
Connecticut (March 15, 1973)
Washington (March 22, 1973)
Maine (January 18, 1974)
Montana (January 25, 1974)
Ohio (February 7, 1974)
North Dakota (March 19, 1975)
Indiana (January 18, 1977)[44]
Nevada (March 22, 2017)[45]
Illinois (May 30, 2018)[46]

tag: ol

text: Ratifications rescinded[edit]

text: Legislators in the following states voted to rescind their earlier ratification of the ERA:[47]

text:
Nebraska (March 15, 1973 –  Legislative Resolution No. 9)
Tennessee (April 23, 1974 –  House Joint Resolution No. 371 and Senate Joint Resolution No. 29)
Idaho (February 8, 1977 –  Senate Joint Resolution No. 133 and House Concurrent Resolution No. 10)
Kentucky (March 17, 1978 –  House (Joint) Resolution No. 2 and House (Joint) Resolution No. 20)
The Lieutenant Governor of Kentucky, Thelma Stovall, who was acting as governor in the governor's absence, "vetoed" the rescinding resolution,[48] despite the fact that no governor of any state has the power to veto any measure regarding amendments to the United States Constitution.[citation needed]

text: The Constitution is silent as to whether the governor—or acting governor—of a state has any formal role to play regarding state ratification of an amendment to the Constitution. However, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Hollingsworth v. Virginia (1798)[49] that the President has no formal role in the process.

text: The Constitution is likewise silent about a state's authority to rescind its prior ratification of a proposed—but not yet adopted—constitutional amendment.[50]

text: Ratifying state with self-declared March 22, 1979 expiration[edit]

text: While not going quite so far as to rescind its 1973 ratification of the ERA, the South Dakota Legislature adopted Senate Joint Resolution No. 2 on March 1, 1979, which stipulated that South Dakota's ratification would no longer be valid after March 22, 1979. The joint resolution declared in part "...the Ninety-fifth Congress ex post facto has sought unilaterally to alter the terms and conditions in such a way as to materially affect the congressionally established time period for ratification...." (designated as "POM-93" by the U.S. Senate and published verbatim in the Congressional Record of March 13, 1979, at pages 4861 and 4862).[51]

text: Non-ratifying states with one-house approval[edit]

text: At various times, in 7 of the 13 non-ratifying states, one house of the legislature approved the ERA. It failed in those states because both houses of a state's legislature must approve, during the same session, in order for that state to be deemed to have ratified.

text:
Florida –  whose House of Representatives voted to ratify the ERA on March 24, 1972, with a tally of 91 to 4; a second time on April 10, 1975, with a tally of 62 to 58; a third time on May 17, 1979, with a tally of 66 to 53; and a fourth time on June 21, 1982, with a tally of 60 to 58.[52]
Louisiana –  whose Senate voted to ratify the ERA on June 7, 1972, with a tally of 25 to 13.
Missouri –  whose House of Representatives voted to ratify the ERA on February 7, 1975, with a tally of 82 to 75.[53]
North Carolina –  whose House of Representatives voted to ratify the ERA on February 9, 1977, with a tally of 61 to 55.[54]
Oklahoma –  whose Senate voted to ratify the ERA on March 23, 1972, by a voice vote.[55]
South Carolina –  whose House of Representatives voted to ratify the ERA on March 22, 1972, with a tally of 83 to zero.
Virginia –  whose Senate voted to ratify the ERA on February 7, 2011, with a tally of 24 to 16 (Senate Joint Resolution No. 357); a second time on February 14, 2012, with a tally of 24 to 15 (Senate Joint Resolution No. 130); a third time on February 5, 2014, with a tally of 25 to 8 (Senate Joint Resolution No. 78); a fourth time on February 5, 2015, with a tally of 20 to 19 (Senate Joint Resolution No. 216);[56] and a fifth time on January 26, 2016, with a tally of 21 to 19 (Senate Joint Resolution No. 1).[57]

text: Ratification resolutions have also been defeated in Arizona, Arkansas,[58] and Mississippi.[59][60][61]

text: Congressional extension of ratification deadline[edit]

text: The original joint resolution (H. J. Res. 208), by means of which Congress proposed the amendment to the states, was prefaced by the following resolving clause:

text: Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled (two-thirds of each House concurring therein), That the following article is proposed as an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which shall be valid to all intents and purposes as part of the Constitution when ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several States within seven years from the date of its submission by the Congress: [emphasis added]

text: As the joint resolution was passed on March 22, 1972, this effectively set a March 22, 1979 deadline for the amendment to be ratified by the requisite number of states. However, Congress did not incorporate any time limit into the body of the actual text of the proposed amendment, as had been done with a number of other proposed amendments.[62]

text: In 1978, as the original 1979 deadline approached, the 95th Congress adopted House Joint Resolution No. 638 (H. J. Res. 638), by Representative Elizabeth Holtzman of New York, which purported to extend the ERA's ratification deadline to June 30, 1982.[63] H. J. Res. 638 received less than two-thirds of the vote (a simple majority, not a supermajority) in both the House of Representatives and the Senate; for that reason, ERA supporters deemed it necessary that H. J. Res. 638 be transmitted to then-President Jimmy Carter for signature as a safety precaution. Carter signed the joint resolution, although he noted, on strictly procedural grounds, the irregularity of his doing so.[64] During this disputed extension of slightly more than three years, no additional states ratified or rescinded.[citation needed]

text: The purported extension of ERA's ratification deadline was vigorously contested in 1978 as scholars were divided as to whether Congress actually has authority to revise a previously agreed-to deadline for the states to act upon a Federal constitutional amendment. On June 18, 1980, a resolution in the Illinois House of Representatives resulted in a vote of 102-71 in favor, but Illinois' internal parliamentary rules required a three-fifths majority on constitutional amendments and so the measure failed by five votes. In 1982, seven female ERA supporters went on a fast and seventeen chained themselves to the entrance of the Illinois Senate chamber.[65][66][67] The closest that the ERA came to gaining an additional ratification between the original deadline of March 22, 1979 and the revised June 30, 1982, expiration date was when it was approved by the Florida House of Representatives on June 21, 1982. In the final week before the revised deadline, that ratifying resolution, however, was defeated in the Florida Senate by a vote of 16 yeas and 22 nays. Even if Florida had ratified the ERA, the proposed amendment would still have fallen short of the required 38.

text: According to research by Professor Jules B. Gerard, professor of law at Washington University in St. Louis, of the 35 legislatures that passed ratification resolutions, 24 of them explicitly referred to the original 1979 deadline.[68]

text: In the courts[edit]

text: On October 4, 1982, in NOW v. Idaho, 459 U.S. 809 (1982), the U.S. Supreme Court vacated the federal district court decision in Idaho v. Freeman,[69] which had upheld the validity of state rescissions and which ruled the controversial ratification deadline extension to June 30, 1982, to be unconstitutional. The Supreme Court declared the entire matter moot on the grounds that the ERA was dead for the reason given by the Administrator of General Services that the ERA had not received the required number of ratifications (38), so that "the Amendment has failed of adoption no matter what the resolution of the legal issues presented here."[70][71]

text: In the 1939 case of Coleman v. Miller,[72] the Supreme Court ruled that Congress has the final authority to determine whether, by lapse of time, a proposed amendment lost its vitality before being ratified by enough states, and whether state ratifications are effective in light of attempts at subsequent withdrawal. The Court stated: "We think that, in accordance with this historic precedent, the question of the efficacy of ratifications by state legislatures, in the light of previous rejection or attempted withdrawal, should be regarded as a political question pertaining to the political departments, with the ultimate authority in the Congress in the exercise of its control over the promulgation of the adoption of the amendment."[73] The Court, in 1939, upheld Congressional authority to determine in 1868 that the Fourteenth Amendment was properly ratified, including states that had attempted to rescind prior ratifications.[citation needed]

text: In the context of this judicial precedent, nonpartisan counsel to a Nevada state legislative committee concluded in 2017 that "If three more states sent their ratification to the appropriate federal official, it would then be up to Congress to determine whether a sufficient number of states have ratified the Equal Rights Amendment."[74]

text: Similarly, an informal advisory provided to Virginia State Senator Scott A. Surovell from the Virginia Attorney General’s office stated that Congress has the power to extend the ratification deadline even further. The advisory also stated that even without such a further extension, a contemporary ratification of the ERA by the Virginia General Assembly could be found valid by Congress.[75]

text: Support for the ERA[edit]

text: Supporters of the ERA point to the lack of a specific guarantee in the Constitution for equal rights protections on the basis of sex.[76] In 1973, future Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg summarized a supporting argument for the ERA in the American Bar Association Journal:

text: The equal rights amendment, in sum, would dedicate the nation to a new view of the rights and responsibilities of men and women. It firmly rejects sharp legislative lines between the sexes as constitutionally tolerable. Instead, it looks toward a legal system in which each person will be judged on the basis of individual merit and not on the basis of an unalterable trait of birth that bears no necessary relationship to need or ability.[77]

text: In the early 1940s both the Democratic and Republican parties added support for the ERA to their platforms.[78]

text: The National Organization for Women (NOW) and ERAmerica, a coalition of almost 80 organizations, led the pro-ERA efforts. Between 1972 and 1982, ERA supporters held rallies, petitioned, picketed, went on hunger strikes, and performed acts of civil disobedience.[41] On July 9, 1978, NOW and other organizations hosted a national march in Washington D.C., which garnered over 100,000 supporters, and was followed by a Lobby Day on July 10.[79] On June 6, 1982, NOW sponsored marches in states that had not passed the ERA including Florida, Illinois, North Carolina, and Oklahoma.[80] Key feminists of the time, such as Gloria Steinem, spoke out in favor of the ERA, arguing that ERA opposition was based on gender myths that overemphasized difference and ignored evidence of unequal treatment between men and women.[81]

text: Support for the ERA among people of color[edit]

text: Many women in the African American community have supported the ERA in light of the dual effects of both race and sex discrimination.[82] One prominent female supporter was New York Representative Shirley Chisholm. On August 10, 1970, she gave a speech on the ERA called “For the Equal Rights Amendment” in Washington D.C. In her address, she pointed out how widespread sex discrimination had become and how the ERA would remedy it. She also said that laws to protect women in the workforce from unsafe working conditions would be needed by men, too, and thus the ERA would help all people.[83]

text: By 1976, 60% of African American women and 63% of African American men were in favor of the ERA, and the legislation was supported by organizations such as the NAACP, National Council of Negro Women, Coalition of Black Trade Unionists, National Association of Negro Business, and the National Black Feminist Organization.[82]

text: Opposition to the ERA[edit]

text: Opponents of the ERA focused on traditional gender roles, such as how men do the fighting in wartime. They argued that the amendment would eliminate the men-only draft requirement and guarantee the possibility that women would be subject to conscription and be required to have military combat roles in future wars if it were passed. Defense of traditional gender roles proved to be a useful tactic. In Illinois, supporters of Phyllis Schlafly, a conservative Republican activist from that state, used traditional symbols of the American housewife. They took homemade bread, jams, and apple pies to the state legislators, with the slogans, "Preserve us from a congressional jam; Vote against the ERA sham" and "I am for Mom and apple pie."[84] They appealed to married women by stressing that the amendment would invalidate protective laws such as alimony and eliminate the tendency for mothers to obtain custody over their children in divorce cases.[85] It was suggested that single-sex bathrooms would be eliminated and same-sex couples would be able to get married if the amendment were passed.[3] Traditional women started to oppose the ERA.[86] Schlafly said the ERA was designed for the benefit of young career women and warned that if men and women had to be treated identically it would threaten the security of middle-aged housewives with no job skills. They could no longer count on alimony or Social Security.[3] Opponents also argued that men and women were already equal enough with the passage of the Equal Pay Act of 1963 and the Civil Rights Act of 1964,[87] and that women's colleges would have to admit men. Schlafly's argument that protective laws would be lost resonated with working-class women.[88]

text: At the 1980 Republican National Convention, the Republican Party platform was amended to end its support for the ERA.[90] The most prominent opponent of the ERA was Schlafly. Leading the Stop ERA campaign, Schlafly defended traditional gender roles and would often attempt to incite feminists by opening her speeches with lines such as, "I'd like to thank my husband for letting me be here tonight –  I always like to say that, because it makes the libs so mad."[91] When Schlafly began her campaign in 1972, public polls showed support for the amendment was widely popular and thirty states had ratified the amendment by 1973. After 1973, the number of ratifying states slowed to a trickle. Support in the states that had not ratified fell below 50%.[92] Critchlow and Stachecki noted that public opinion in key states shifted against the ERA as opponents, operating on the local and state levels, won over the public. The state legislators in battleground states followed public opinion in rejecting the ERA.[citation needed]

text: Experts agree that Phyllis Schlafly was a key player in the defeat. Political scientist Jane Mansbridge in her history of the ERA argues that the draft issue was the single most powerful argument used by Schlafly and the other opponents to defeat ERA.[93] Mansbridge concluded, "Many people who followed the struggle over the ERA believed –  rightly in my view –  that the Amendment would have been ratified by 1975 or 1976 had it not been for Phyllis Schlafly's early and effective effort to organize potential opponents."[94] Legal scholar Joan C. Williams maintained, "ERA was defeated when Schlafly turned it into a war among women over gender roles."[95] Historian Judith Glazer-Raymo asserted:

text: As moderates, we thought we represented the forces of reason and goodwill but failed to take seriously the power of the family values argument and the single-mindedness of Schlafly and her followers. The ERA's defeat seriously damaged the women's movement, destroying its momentum and its potential to foment social change....Eventually, this resulted in feminist dissatisfaction with the Republican Party, giving the Democrats a new source of strength that when combined with overwhelming minority support, helped elect Bill Clinton to the presidency in 1992 and again in 1996.[96]

text: Many ERA supporters blamed their defeat on special interest forces, especially the insurance industry and conservative organizations, suggesting that they had funded an opposition that subverted the democratic process and the will of the pro-ERA majority.[97] Such supporters argued that while the public face of the anti-ERA movement was Phyllis Schlafly and her STOP ERA organization, there were other important groups in the opposition as well, such as the powerful National Council of Catholic Women, labor feminists[verification needed], and (until 1973) the AFL–CIO. Opposition to the amendment was particularly high among religious conservatives, who argued that the amendment would guarantee universal abortion rights and the right for homosexual couples to marry.[98][99] Critchlow and Stachecki say the anti-ERA movement was based on strong backing among Southern whites, Evangelical Christians, Mormons, Orthodox Jews, and Roman Catholics, including both men and women.[100] Sonia Johnson, a traditionally-raised Mormon housewife whose eventual feminist advocacy for the ERA's passage led to her excommunication by the LDS church, subsequently wrote about her experiences in the memoir From Housewife to Heretic. (Johnson and others led a hunger strike/fast at the Illinois State Senate chamber in an unsuccessful effort to push the Illinois General Assembly toward ERA ratification before the 1982 revised deadline.)[citation needed]

text: Post-deadline ratifications[edit]

text: Beginning in the mid 1990s, ERA supporters began an effort to win ratification of the ERA by the legislatures of states that did not ratify it between 1972 and 1982. These proponents claim that Congress can remove the ERA's ratification deadline despite the deadline having expired, allowing the states again to ratify it. They also claim that the ratifications ERA previously received remain in force and that rescissions of prior ratifications are not valid.[101] Those who espouse the "three-state strategy" (now down to only one state if the Nevada Legislature's and the Illinois General Assembly's belated ERA approvals are deemed legitimate) were spurred, at least in part, by the unconventional 202-year-long ratification of the Constitution's Twenty-seventh Amendment (sometimes referred to as the "Madison Amendment") which became part of the Constitution in 1992 after pending before the state legislatures since 1789. One major difference, however, between the "Madison Amendment" and the ERA is that the "Madison Amendment" never had any deadline at all imposed upon its ratification process, while the ERA arguably had not one, but two, deadlines. Supporters of this theory have promoted ratification resolutions in the legislatures of most of the 13 states that never ratified the ERA before or since the revised 1982 deadline on the amendment's ratification arrived.[102]

text: On June 21, 2009, the National Organization for Women decided to support both efforts to obtain additional state ratifications for the 1972 ERA and any strategy to submit a fresh-start ERA to the states for ratification.[103]

text: In 2013, the Library of Congress's Congressional Research Service issued a report saying that ratification deadlines are a political question:

text: ERA proponents claim that the Supreme Court's decision in Coleman v. Miller gives Congress wide discretion in setting conditions for the ratification process.

text: The report goes on to say:

text: Revivification opponents caution ERA supporters against an overly broad interpretation of Coleman v. Miller, which, they argue, may have been be  [sic] a politically influenced decision.[104]

text: However, most recently, ERA Action has both led and brought renewed vigor to the movement by instituting what has become known as the "three state strategy".[105] It was in 2013 that ERA Action began to gain traction with this strategy through their coordination with U.S. Senate and U.S. House of Representatives members not only to introduce legislation in both chambers to remove the ratification deadline, but also in gaining legislative sponsors. The Congressional Research Service then issued a report on the "three state strategy" on April 8, 2013 entitled "The Proposed Equal Rights Amendment: Contemporary Ratification Issues",[106] stating that the approach was viable.

text: In 2014, under the auspices of ERA Action and their coalition partners, both the Virginia and Illinois state senates voted to ratify the ERA; however, votes were blocked in both states' House chambers. In the meantime, the ERA ratification movement continued with the resolution being introduced in 10 state legislatures.[107][108][109] Then, on March 22, 2017, the Nevada Legislature became the first state in 40 years to ratify the ERA,[110] and Illinois state lawmakers ratified the ERA on May 30, 2018. On February 10, 2018, women from the League of Women Voters and the organization Liberal Women of Chesterfield County packed the committee chamber rooms of the Virginia General Assembly, demanding that legislators debate the ERA. Republican lawmakers refused to move a resolution to ratify the amendment from the committee rooms to the floor for debate.[111][112]

text: Subsequent congressional action[edit]

text: The amendment has been reintroduced in every session of Congress since 1982. Senator Ted Kennedy (D-Massachusetts) championed it in the Senate from the 99th Congress through the 110th Congress. Senator Robert Menendez (D-New Jersey) introduced the amendment symbolically at the end of the 111th Congress and has supported it in the 112th Congress. In the House of Representatives, Carolyn Maloney (D-New York) has sponsored it since the 105th Congress,[113] most recently in August 2013.[114]

text: In 1983, the ERA passed through House committees with the same text as in 1972; however, it failed by six votes to achieve the necessary two-thirds vote on the House floor. That was the last time that the ERA received a floor vote in either house of Congress.[115]

text: At the start of the 112th Congress on January 6, 2011, Senator Menendez, along with Representatives Maloney, Jerrold Nadler (D-New York) and Gwen Moore (D-Wisconsin), held a press conference advocating for the Equal Rights Amendment's adoption.[116]

text: The 113th Congress had a record number of women. On March 5, 2013, the ERA was reintroduced by Senator Menendez as S.J. Res. 10.[117][118]

text: The "New ERA" introduced in 2013, sponsored by Representative Carolyn B. Maloney, adds an additional sentence to the original text: "Women shall have equal rights in the United States and every place subject to its jurisdiction."[119]

text: Proposed removal of ratification deadline[edit]

text: On March 8, 2011, the 100th anniversary of International Women's Day, Representative Tammy Baldwin (D-Wisconsin) introduced legislation (H.J. Res. 47) to remove the congressionally imposed deadline for ratification of the Equal Rights Amendment.[120] Resolution co-sponsors included Representatives Robert Andrews (D-New Jersey), Jackie Speier (D-California), Luis Gutierrez (D-Illinois), Chellie Pingree (D-Maine) and Debbie Wasserman Schultz (D-Florida). On March 22, 2012, the 40th anniversary of the ERA's congressional approval, Senator Benjamin L. Cardin (D-Maryland) introduced (S.J. Res. 39) –  which is worded with slight differences from Representative Baldwin's (H.J. Res. 47). Senator Cardin was joined by ten other Senators who added their names to the Senate Joint Resolution.[121]

text: On February 24, 2013, the New Mexico House of Representatives adopted House Memorial No. 7 asking that the congressionally-imposed deadline for ERA ratification be removed.[122][123] House Memorial No. 7 was officially received by the U.S. Senate on January 6, 2014, was designated as "POM-175", was referred to the Senate's Committee on the Judiciary, and was published verbatim in the Congressional Record at page S24.[124]

text: State equal rights amendments[edit]

text: Twenty-four states and the District of Columbia have adopted constitutions or constitutional amendments providing that equal rights under the law shall not be denied because of sex. Most of these provisions mirror the broad language of the ERA, while the wording in others resembles the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.[125] The 1879 Constitution of California contains the earliest state equal rights provision on record. Narrowly written, it limits the equal rights conferred to "entering or pursuing a business, profession, vocation, or employment". Near the end of the 19th century two more states, Wyoming (1890) and Utah (1896), included equal rights provisions in their constitutions. These provisions were broadly written to ensure political and civil equality between women and men.[126] Several states crafted and adopted their own equal rights amendments during the 1970s and 1980s, while the ERA was before the states, or afterward.

text: Some state equal rights amendments and original constitutional equal rights provisions are:[126][127]

text: Alaska – No person is to be denied the enjoyment of any civil or political right because of race, color, creed, sex or national origin. The legislature shall implement this section. Alaska Constitution, Article I, §3 (1972)

text: California – A person may not be disqualified from entering or pursuing a business, profession, vocation, or employment because of sex, race, creed, color, or national or ethnic origin. California Constitution, Article I, §8 (1879)

text: Colorado – Equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the state of Colorado or any of its political subdivisions because of sex. Colorado Constitution, Article II, §29 (1973)

text: Connecticut - No person shall be denied the equal protection of the law nor be subjected to segregation or discrimination in the exercise or enjoyment of his or her civil or political rights because of religion, race, color, ancestry, national origin, sex or physical or mental disability. Connecticut Constitution, Article I, §20 (1984)

text: Illinois - The equal protection of the laws shall not be denied or abridged on account of sex by the State or its units of local government and school districts. Illinois Constitution, Article I, §18 (1970)

text: Iowa – All men and women are, by nature, free and equal and have certain inalienable rights –  among which are those of enjoying and defending life and liberty, acquiring, possessing and protecting property, and pursuing and obtaining safety and happiness. Iowa Constitution, Article I, §1 (1998)

text: Maryland – Equality of rights under the law shall not be abridged or denied because of sex. Maryland Constitution, Declaration of Rights, Article 46 (1972)

text: Massachusetts - All people are born free and equal, and have certain natural, essential, and unalienable rights; among which may be reckoned the right of enjoying and defending their lives and liberties; that of acquiring, possessing and protecting property; in fine, that of seeking and obtaining their safety and happiness. Equality under the law shall not be denied or abridged because of sex, race, color, creed or national origin. Massachusetts Constitution, Part 1, Article 1 as amended by Article CVI by vote of the People, (1976)

text: Montana – Individual dignity. The dignity of the human being is inviolable. No person shall be denied the equal protection of the laws. Neither the state nor any person, firm, corporation, or institution shall discriminate against any person in the exercise of his civil or political rights on account of race, color, sex, culture, social origin or condition, or political or religious ideas. Montana Constitution, Article II, §4 (1973)

text: Oregon - Equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the state of Oregon or by any political subdivision in this state on account of sex. Oregon Constitution, Article I, §46 (2014)

text: Utah – The rights of citizens of the State of Utah to vote and hold office shall not be denied or abridged on account of sex. Both male and female citizens of this State shall enjoy all civil, political and religious rights and privileges. Utah Constitution, Article IV, §1 (1896)

text: Washington, DC - It is the intent of the Council of the District of Columbia, in enacting this chapter, to secure an end in the District of Columbia to discrimination for any reason other than that of individual merit, including, but not limited to, discrimination by reason of race, color, religion, national origin, sex, age, marital status, personal appearance, sexual orientation, gender identity or expression familial status, family responsibilities, matriculation, political affiliation, genetic information, disability, source of income, status as a victim of an intrafamily offense, and place of residence or business. District of Columbia Code (Title 2, Chapter 14, Human Rights Act of 1977, as Amended Mar. 2007)

text: Wyoming – In their inherent right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, all members of the human race are equal. Since equality in the enjoyment of natural and civil rights is only made sure through political equality, the laws of this state affecting the political rights and privileges of its citizens shall be without distinction of race, color, sex, or any circumstance or condition whatsoever other than the individual incompetency or unworthiness duly ascertained by a court of competent jurisdiction. The rights of citizens of the state of Wyoming to vote and hold office shall not be denied or abridged on account of sex. Both male and female citizens of this state shall equally enjoy all civil, political and religious rights and privileges. Wyoming Constitution, Articles I and VI (1890)


document_title: Stand by Me (film)

question_text: who played vern in the movie stand by me

root

text: Stand by Me (film)

text: Plot[edit]

text: Author Gordie Lachance reads in the newspaper that his childhood friend Chris Chambers has been stabbed to death. Gordie narrates a flashback (later revealed to be Gordie writing) to a childhood incident when he and three buddies undertook a journey to find the body of a missing boy near the town of Castle Rock, Oregon, over Labor Day weekend in 1959.

tag: p

text: Young Gordie is a quiet, bookish boy who likes to tell stories. His parents, grieving the recent death of Gordie's older brother Denny, neglect their younger son. Gordie's friends are Chris, who comes from a family of drunks and criminals; Teddy Duchamp, a joker who was burned and physically scarred by his mentally ill father; and Vern Tessio, who is overweight and timid.

text: Vern overhears his older brother Billy and his friend Charlie Hogan discussing Ray Brower, a young boy who is missing and presumed dead. Gordie, Chris, Teddy, and Vern decide to find Ray's body, hoping to become local heroes. Chris steals his father's M1911 pistol, and the boys set out, stopping at the town's junkyard to drink from its water pump. The boys hang out in the junkyard for a while, while Gordie leaves to buy food for the journey. When Gordie returns, he sees his friends jumping the fence to escape Milo Pressman, the junkman, and his dog Chopper. Gordie escapes as well. Pressman, infuriated, threatens to call the boys' parents and calls Teddy's father a "loony"; an enraged Teddy attempts to attack Pressman, but the boys restrain him and they leave.

text: At nighttime, Gordie tells the other boys a story of Davie "Lard-Ass" Hogan, an overweight boy who is constantly teased and bullied. Hogan enters a pie-eating contest, but his goal was not to win, but to exact revenge. Prior to the contest, Hogan consumed a full bottle of castor oil and a raw egg. After eating several pies and briefly dominating the contest, Hogan vomits, inducing the vomiting of the contestants and crowd members, humiliating and embarrassing his tormentors.

text: After a series of misadventures and self-revelations, the boys locate the body. However, local hoodlum "Ace" Merrill and his gang, including Chris' older brother "Eyeball" Chambers, arrive to claim the body and the credit for finding it. When Chris refuses to allow this, Ace draws a switchblade with intent to kill him, but Gordie intervenes with the pistol Chris had stolen. Ace and his gang leave and Ace vows revenge.

text: The boys agree to report the body via an anonymous phone call to the authorities and hike back to Castle Rock and bid each other farewell until they see each other in a few days, in the local junior high school.

text: The present-day Gordie writes that while he and Chris remained friends, they drifted apart from Teddy and Vern shortly after that day. Gordie notes how everyone's life turned out: Vern married immediately after high school, has four children, and drives a forklift at a local lumberyard. Teddy tried enlisting in the Army but was turned down because of bad eyesight and an ear injury; he later served time in prison and now does odd jobs around town. Chris went to college and became a lawyer; when attempting to break up a fight in a fast-food restaurant, he was stabbed to death.

text: After finishing the story, adult Gordie, a successful, published writer, walks outside and drives away with his son and his son's friend to take them swimming.

text: Cast[edit]

text:
Wil Wheaton as Gordie Lachance (aged 12)

Richard Dreyfuss as Gordie Lachance (adult; credited as "The Writer")

River Phoenix as Chris Chambers
Corey Feldman as Teddy Duchamp
Jerry O'Connell as Vern Tessio
Kiefer Sutherland as John "Ace" Merrill, gang leader
Casey Siemaszko as Billy Tessio, gang member
John Cusack as Denny Lachance
Marshall Bell as Mr. Lachance
Frances Lee McCain as Mrs. Lachance
Gary Riley as Charlie Hogan, gang member
Bradley Gregg as Richard "Eyeball" Chambers, gang member
Jason Oliver as Vince Desjardins, gang member
Bruce Kirby as Mr. Quidacioluo, store owner
William Bronder as Milo Pressman, junkyard owner
Scott Beach as Mayor Grundy
Andy Lindberg as Davie "Lard-Ass" Hogan

tag: ul

text: Production[edit]

text: Bruce A. Evans sent a copy of Stephen King's novella The Body to Karen Gideon, the wife of his friend and writing partner Raynold Gideon on August 29, 1983 as a gift for her birthday.[3] Both Gideon and Evans quickly became fans of the novella and shortly thereafter contacted King's agent, Kirby McCauley, seeking to negotiate film rights; McCauley replied that King's terms were $100,000 and 10% of the gross profits. Although the money was not an issue, the share of gross profits was considered excessive, especially considering that no stars could be featured to help sell the movie. In response, Evans and Gideon pursued an established director, Adrian Lyne, to help sell the project.[3]

text: After reading the novella, Lyne teamed up with Evans and Gideon, but all the studios the trio approached turned the project down except for Martin Shafer at Embassy Pictures. Embassy spent four months negotiating the rights with McCauley, settling on $50,000 and a smaller share of the profits, and Evans and Gideon spent eight weeks writing the screenplay. Evans and Gideon asked to also produce the film, but Shafer suggested they team up with Andy Scheinman, a more experienced producer.[3] Embassy was unwilling to meet Lyne's salary for directing the film until Evans and Gideon agreed to give up half of their share of profits to meet Lyne's asking price.[3]

text: Reiner later recalled that Lyne was going to direct the film, but had promised himself a vacation following the production of 9½ Weeks,[4][5] and would not be available to start production until the spring of 1986.[3] Reiner, better known at the time as the actor who had played 'Meathead' Stivic in All in the Family, was sent the script by Scheinman,[3] and his initial reaction was the script had promise but "no focus".[6] After Lyne withdrew from the project, Reiner signed on to direct in September 1984.[3] Reiner realized the story should focus on Gordie, as "his father always paid more attention to his older brother" and he identified with that, as he struggled with the shadow of fame cast by his comedian father, Carl Reiner.[6] The writers incorporated Reiner's suggestions, producing a new script by December 1984 for Embassy's review and approval.[3]

text: Days before shooting started in the summer of 1985, Embassy was sold to Columbia Pictures, who made plans to cancel the production.[3] Norman Lear, one of the co-owners of Embassy, gave $7.5 million of his own money to complete the film, citing his faith in Reiner and the script.[6] However, since Embassy also would have distributed the film, once the film was completed it had no distributor. The producers showed a print to Michael Ovitz, head of the powerful Creative Artists Agency, and Ovitz promised to help them find a distributor.[3] Paramount, Universal Pictures, and Warner Bros. all passed on the film; Columbia Pictures production head Guy McElwaine screened the film at his house because he was feeling ill, and the positive reaction of his daughters convinced him to distribute the film.[3][6]

text: Casting[edit]

text: In a 2011 interview with NPR, Wil Wheaton attributed the film's success to the director's casting choices:

text: Rob Reiner found four young boys who basically were the characters we played. I was awkward and nerdy and shy and uncomfortable in my own skin and really, really sensitive, and River was cool and really smart and passionate and even at that age kind of like a father figure to some of us, Jerry was one of the funniest people I had ever seen in my life, either before or since, and Corey was unbelievably angry and in an incredible amount of pain and had an absolutely terrible relationship with his parents.[7]

text: Feldman recalled how his home life translated into his onscreen character: "[Most kids aren't] thinking they're going to get hit by their parents because they're not doing well enough in school, which will prevent them from getting a work permit, which will prevent them from being an actor."[6] O'Connell agreed that he was cast based on how his personality fit the role, saying "Rob really wanted us to understand our characters. He interviewed our characters. [...] I tried to stay like Vern and say the stupid things Vern would. I think I was Vern that summer."[8] Reiner and the producers interviewed more than 70 boys for the four main roles,[3] out of more than 300 who auditioned;[8] Phoenix originally read for the part of Gordie Lachance.[8]

text: Rather than start shooting right away, Reiner put the four main actors together for two weeks to play games from Viola Spolin's Improvisation for the Theater (which Reiner called "the bible" of theater games)[8] and build camaraderie, which led to a real friendship between them and several one-shot takes, where the young actors hit their cues perfectly.[6] Wheaton would recall "When you saw the four of us being comrades, that was real life, not acting."[8]

text: Before settling on Richard Dreyfuss as the narrator (and the role of the adult Gordie), Reiner considered David Dukes, Ted Bessell, and Michael McKean.[6]

text: Locations[edit]

text: Parts of the film were shot in Brownsville, Oregon, which stood in for the fictional town of Castle Rock. The town was selected for its small town, 1950s ambience.[9][10] The town fondly remembers the making of the movie in June and July 1985, in which approximately 100 local residents were employed as extras, and since 2007 has held an annual Stand By Me Day each July which has drawn international attendees.[9]

text: The blueberry pie eating contest was also filmed in Brownsville; residents were employed as extras and a local bakery supplied the pies and extra filling, which was mixed with large-curd cottage cheese to simulate the vomit.[11] The quantity of simulated vomit varied per person, from as much as 5 US gallons (19 l) during the triggering event to little as 1⁄16 US gallon (0.24 l).[11]

text: Scenes that include the "mailbox baseball" game and the junkyard scenes were filmed in Veneta, Oregon. The junkyard is still in operation. The campout/standing guard scene was filmed in Eugene, Oregon, just a few miles from Veneta. The general store is in Franklin, Oregon, just north of Veneta. Scenes along the railroad tracks were shot near Cottage Grove, Oregon, along the Oregon, Pacific and Eastern Railway. The line was abandoned 1994; the roadbed was repurposed as the Row River National Recreation Trail.

text: The scene where the boys outrace a steam train engine across an 80-foot tall trestle was filmed on the McCloud River Railroad, above Lake Britton Reservoir, near McArthur-Burney Falls Memorial State Park in California.[12] The scene took a full week of shooting, making use of four small adult female stunt doubles with closely cropped hair, made up to look like the film's protagonists.[12] Plywood planks were laid across the trestles to provide a safer surface on which the stunt doubles could run.[12] The locomotive used for the scene, M.C.R.R. 25, is still in daily operation for excursion service on the Oregon Coast Scenic Railroad.[12] Telephoto compression was used to make the train appear much closer than it actually was, and the actors did not feel a sense of danger until Reiner threatened them. "You see those guys? They don’t want to push that dolly down the track any more. And the reason they’re getting tired is because of you. I told them if they weren't worried that the train was going to kill them, then they should worry that I was going to. And that's when they ran."[4]

text: Title[edit]

text: In March 1986, Columbia Pictures, concerned that the original title, The Body, was misleading, renamed the film Stand by Me. According to screenwriter Raynold Gideon, "...it sounded like either a sex film, a bodybuilding film or another Stephen King horror film. Rob came up with Stand by Me, and it ended up being the least unpopular option."[13]

text: Music[edit]

text: Jack Nitzsche composed the film's musical score. On August 8, 1986, a soundtrack album was released containing many of the 1950s and early 1960s oldies songs featured in the film:

text:
"Everyday" (Buddy Holly) – 2:07
"Let the Good Times Roll" (Shirley and Lee) – 2:22
"Come Go with Me" (The Del-Vikings) – 2:40
"Whispering Bells" (The Del-Vikings) – 2:25
"Get a Job" (The Silhouettes) – 2:44
"Lollipop" (The Chordettes) – 2:09
"Yakety Yak" (The Coasters) – 1:52
"Great Balls of Fire" (Jerry Lee Lewis) – 1:52
"Mr. Lee" (The Bobbettes) – 2:14
"Stand by Me" (Ben E. King) – 2:55

text: Reception[edit]

text: Box office[edit]

text: The film was a box office success in North America. It opened in a limited release on August 8, 1986, in 16 theaters and grossed $242,795, averaging $15,174 per theater. The film then had its wide opening in 745 theaters on August 22 and grossed $3,812,093, averaging $5,116 per theater and ranking #2. The film's widest release was 848 theaters, and it ended up earning $52,287,414 overall, well above its $8 million budget.[14]

text: Critical response[edit]

text: Reviewing for The New York Times, Walter Goodman thought the direction was rather self-conscious, "looking constantly at his audience"; Goodman called it a "trite narrative" and that "Reiner's direction hammers in every obvious element in an obvious script."[15] Dave Kehr wrote "there's nothing natural in the way Reiner has overloaded his film with manufactured drama" in his review for the Chicago Tribune.[16] In contrast, Sheila Benson called it "[a treasure] absolutely not to be missed" in her review for the Los Angeles Times.[17] Paul Attanasio, reviewing for The Washington Post, called the acting ensemble "wonderful", and particularly praised the performances by Wheaton and Phoenix.[18]

text: Stephen King, whose novella this film was adapted from, was very impressed with the finished result[19] and indicated, on the special features of the 25th anniversary Blu-ray set, that he considered the film to be the first successful translation to film of any of his works. According to a later interview with Gene Siskel, Reiner recalls that after a private early screening of the film, King excused himself for fifteen minutes to compose himself, returning to remark "That's the best film ever made out of anything I've written, which isn't saying much. But you've really captured my story. It is autobiographical."[20]

text: On review aggregator website Rotten Tomatoes, the film has an approval rating of 91% based on 53 reviews, with a rating average of 8/10. The site's critical consensus reads, "Stand by Me is a wise, nostalgic movie with a weird streak that captures both Stephen King's voice and the trials of growing up."[21] At Metacritic, which assigns a weighted mean rating to reviews, the film has score of 75 based on 20 critics, indicated "generally favorably reviews."[22]

text: Accolades[edit]

text: Nominations[edit]

text:
Academy Award for Best Adapted Screenplay (Raynold Gideon and Bruce A. Evans)
Directors Guild of America Award for Outstanding Directing – Feature Film (Rob Reiner)
Golden Globe Award for Best Motion Picture – Drama
Golden Globe Award for Best Director (Rob Reiner)
Independent Spirit Award for Best Film (Andrew Scheinman, Raynold Gideon, and Bruce A. Evans)
Independent Spirit Award for Best Director (Rob Reiner)
Independent Spirit Award for Best Screenplay (Raynold Gideon and Bruce A. Evans)
National Board of Review Awards 1986 Top Ten Films
WGA Award for Best Screenplay Based on Material from Another Medium (Raynold Gideon and Bruce A. Evans)

text: Wins[edit]

text: 8th Youth in Film Awards The Jackie Coogan Award for Outstanding Contribution to Youth Through Motion Picture (Wil Wheaton, River Phoenix, Corey Feldman, and Jerry O'Connell)

text: Legacy[edit]

text: Events and tourism[edit]

text: Brownsville has held an annual "Stand By Me Day" since 2007, which has attracted international participants[9] and includes a pie eating contest.[11] On July 24, 2010, a 25th Anniversary Celebration of the filming of Stand by Me was held in Brownsville, Oregon. The event included a cast and crew Q&A session, an amateur blueberry pie eating contest, and an outdoor showing of the film.[23]

text: Stand By Me Day was officially fixed to July 23 by the Brownsville Chamber of Commerce in 2013.[24] To encourage tourism, the city has embedded a penny in the street at Main and Park, where Vern found one, and an advertising mural painted for the movie production has survived.[25]

text: Production company[edit]

text: In 1987, following the success of Stand by Me, Reiner co-founded a film and television production company and named it Castle Rock Entertainment, after the fictional setting of the story.[19]

text: Movies[edit]

text:
Jonathan Bernstein states the pop culture discussions between characters in films by Quentin Tarantino originate in the similar semi-serious banter between the boys of Stand by Me.[26]
Reviewers have seen an influence from Stand by Me in the 2011 movie Attack the Block, directed by Joe Cornish.[27]
The movie Mud (2012) has a character (Neckbone) who has been called a "perfect fusion of River Phoenix and Jerry O'Connell in 'Stand by Me.'"[28][29] The writer and director, Jeff Nichols, said of the film "Yeah, you know, I basically remade Stand by Me" when defending the work-in-progress to studio executives.[30]
The Kings of Summer, a 2013 coming-of-age film by Jordan Vogt-Roberts, has been reviewed as being inspired by Stand by Me.[28][31][32]

text: Music[edit]

text: Dan Mangan's song "Rows of Houses" (2011) is based on this movie and takes the perspective of Gordie Lachance.[33]

text: Television[edit]

text:
Seinfeld, the first television show produced by Reiner's Castle Rock production company, featured banter between Jerry Seinfeld and George Costanza that was reminiscent of the dialogue between the protagonists of Stand by Me.[26]
The plotline of "The Blunder Years", a 2001 episode from the thirteenth season of The Simpsons, revolves around a repressed childhood trauma in which Homer Simpson, along with his friends Lenny and Carl, discover a body blocking an inlet for the Springfield Quarry.[28][34]
Actors auditioning for roles on the Netflix show Stranger Things were asked to read lines from Stand by Me and one episode was titled "The Body" in homage to the source novella.[28][35]


document_title: Into Thin Air

question_text: who dies in the book into thin air

question_tokens: who dies in the book into thin air

text: Into Thin Air

text: Summary[edit]

text: Krakauer describes the events leading up to his eventual decision to participate in an Everest expedition in May 1996, despite having mostly given up mountain-climbing years before. The 1996 expedition season recorded 8 deaths, including that of Krakauer's guide Andy Harris. This was the third-highest recorded number of deaths on the mountain in a single day, the April 2015 Nepal earthquake having caused the most at (at least) 19.

text: Krakauer, a journalist for the adventure magazine Outside, initially stated that his intentions to climb Everest were purely professional. The original magazine story was to have Krakauer climb only to base camp, and report on the commercialization of the mountain. However, the idea of Everest reawakened his childhood desire for climbing the mountain. Krakauer asked his editor to put off the story for a year so that he could train for a climb to the summit. From there, the book moves between events that take place on the mountain, and the unfolding tragedy, which takes place during the push to the summit. In the book, Krakauer alleges that essential safety methods adopted over the years by experienced guides on Everest are sometimes compromised by the competition between rival guiding agencies to get their clients to the summit.

text: Controversy[edit]

text: Krakauer's recounting of certain aspects of the ill-fated climb has generated considerable criticism, both from some of the climb's participants and from renowned mountaineers such as Galen Rowell. Much of the disputed material centers on Krakauer's accounting of the actions of Russian climber and guide Anatoli Boukreev. An experienced high-altitude climber and guide for Scott Fischer, Boukreev descended the summit prior to his clients, ostensibly out of concern for their safety and in preparation for potential rescue efforts. Boukreev later mounted repeated solo rescue efforts, saving several lives. In his book, Krakauer acknowledged Boukreev's heroism in saving two climbers' lives, but questions his judgment, his decision to descend before clients, not using supplementary oxygen, his choices of gear on the mountain, and his interaction with clients. Boukreev provides a rebuttal to these allegations in his book, The Climb.

text: Galen Rowell criticized Krakauer's account, citing numerous inconsistencies in his narrative while observing that Krakauer was sleeping in his tent while Boukreev was rescuing other climbers. Rowell argued that Boukreev's actions were nothing short of heroic, and his judgment prescient: "[Boukreev] foresaw problems with clients nearing camp, noted five other guides on the peak [Everest], and positioned himself to be rested and hydrated enough to respond to an emergency. His heroism was not a fluke."[4]

text: The account has also been criticized for not informing the reader that the team members were receiving accurate daily weather forecasts and knew about the storm in advance.[5]

text: In Krakauer's 1999 paperback edition of Into Thin Air, he addresses some of the criticism in a lengthy postscript.[6]

text: Adaptation[edit]

text: Film rights for Into Thin Air were purchased by Sony almost immediately after the book's publication.[7] The book was adapted into the TV movie Into Thin Air: Death on Everest (1997), starring Peter Horton as Scott Fischer and Christopher McDonald as Jon Krakauer. The book and the film both contain the same strong editorial viewpoint regarding the fundamental causes of the tragedy, although the film differs sharply from the book in details regarding responsibility.[citation needed]

text: The 2015 film Everest, by director Baltasar Kormákur[8] depicts the same events as the book, with actor Michael Kelly portraying Krakauer.[7] According to Kormákur, it is not based on Krakauer's book.[9]


document_title: Pip (Great Expectations)

question_text: when did pip agree to meet the convict

question_tokens: when did pip agree to meet the convict

text: Pip (Great Expectations)

text: This article may contain improper references to self-published sources. Please help improve it by removing references to unreliable sources, where they are used inappropriately. (November 2014) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)

tag: table

text:
Philip

Great Expectations character

Pip and Joe sitting on the marshes, by John McLenan

Created by
Charles Dickens

Portrayed by
Jack Pickford (1917)
Phillips Holmes (1934)
John Mills (1946)
Dinsdale Landen (1959)
Gary Bond (1967)
Simon Gipps-Kent (1974)
Michael York (1974)
Gerry Sundquist (1981)
Todd Boyce (1986)
Anthony Calf (1989)
Ethan Hawke (1998)
Ioan Gruffudd (1999)
Douglas Booth (2011)
Jeremy Irvine (2012)[1]

Information

Nickname(s)
Pip

Aliases
Pip

Gender
Male

Family
Mrs Joe (older sister)

Relatives
Joe Gargery (brother-in-law)

Nationality
British

text: Philip Pirrip, called Pip, is the protagonist and narrator in Charles Dickens's novel Great Expectations (1861). He is amongst the most popular characters in English literature, widely portrayed all over the world on stage and screen.

text: Pip narrates his story many years after the events of the novel take place. The novel follows Pip's process from childhood innocence to experience. The financial and social rise of the protagonist is accompanied by an emotional and moral deterioration, which finally forces Pip to recognize his negative expectations in a new self-awareness.[2]

text: Characterization[edit]

text: When the novel begins in the early 1800s, Philip is a seven-year-old orphan raised by his cruel sister, Mrs. Joe, who beats him regularly, and her husband Joe Gargery, a blacksmith and Pip's best friend. He lives in the marsh area of Kent, England, twenty miles from the sea.[3]

text: Pip never saw either of his parents; he is more than twenty years younger than his sister. Five brothers died in infancy between them: Alexander, Bartholomew, Abraham, Tobias and Roger. He says he was short for his age when he encountered the convicts at age seven, but when is apprentice to Joe, he is taller and becomes very strong to master the work of a blacksmith. He is known to himself and to the world as Pip because his "infant tongue could make of both names nothing longer or more explicit than Pip".[2]

text: He is destined for, and wants, a career as a blacksmith like his brother-in-law, until an unexpected chain of events thrusts him into a different social class. During the novel Pip goes through many changes in his personality, as he is influenced by various people. As a very young child he is a innocent young boy who does not mind the fact he is relatively low ranking in society. At around the age of eight, he meets a beautiful girl named Estella who is of the upper class, Pip falls in love with her, and becomes ashamed of his background and his relatives because he has such a different life to her. When he is old enough he is bound apprentice to Joe. But he longs to be a gentleman, in a social class very different from a village blacksmith. He suffers guilt for his ungrateful feelings toward Joe, who is a kind friend to him throughout his life.[citation needed]

text: When four years into his apprenticeship mysterious benefactor enables him to escape the working class, Pip moves to London as a teenager to become a gentleman. In his youth, he believes that his patron is Miss Havisham, Estella's adopted mother, who wants to make him desirable for her daughter. Once he moves to London, though his benefactor is not named, Pip is persuaded it is Miss Havisham, who means him to marry Estella. He is not wise in spending the money he gets before he comes of age at 21, running up debts. His legal guardian is Mr. Jaggers, a lawyer, who points out the difficulties Pip creates, but leaves it to Pip to guide his own life. He does not entirely lose his good character, which is expressed mainly in his relationship with his friend Herbert Pocket.

text: Two years after Pip comes of age his benefactor appears in person, and it is the convict he met as a boy. Whose name he learns is Abel Magwitch. This deflates his hope that he is meant for Estella and at first disgusts him, as he knows nothing about what sort of criminal the man is. Despite his disgust and disappointment, the sense of duty that compels Pip to help the convict is a mark of his inner goodness, just as it was when Pip first met him at age seven. After Abel Magwitch, the convict, dies and the Crown confiscates his fortune, Pip, aged 23,[4] understands that good clothes, well-spoken English and a generous allowance do not make one a gentleman. Pip falls ill for several weeks; Joe learns of this and comes to care for him until he can walk on his own. A few days after Joe leaves, Pip goes home, to find Biddy has married Joe that very day. Without income or training for any profession, he is at loose ends. Herbert Pocket suggests Pip join the firm where he works, in an office in Cairo. Pip starts as a clerk. Herbert marries his fiancee Clara, and Pip lives with them. There is irony in this, as Pip used his gift at age 21 of 500 pounds to engage Herbert with the new firm. When Pip lost his funds, he asked Miss Havisham to complete the money owed, and she does. Joe ends up paying the rest of the debt that Pip is unable to pay.

text: Eleven years later, Pip returns to England to see Joe, Biddy and their children. He walks to the land where Satis House once stood and meets Estella there. Both have changed much from their experience of life. After they reconcile, they hold hands, and Pip sees no shadow to part them again.[5]