document_title: Nicotine marketing

question_text: when were tobacco ads banned in the us

question_tokens: when were tobacco ads banned in the us

text: Nicotine marketing

text: Effects[edit]

text: The effectiveness of tobacco marketing is widely documented;[3] tobacco marketing increases consumption. Ads cause new people to become addicted, mostly when they are minors.[4][5][6][3] Ads also keep established smokers from quitting. Advertising peaks in January, when the most people are trying to quit, although the most people take up smoking in the summer.[3]:61

text: The tobbaco industry has frequently claimed that ads are only about "brand preference", encouraging existing smokers to switch to and stick to their brand.[7] There is, however, substantial evidence that ads cause people to become, and stay, addicted.[7]

text: Marketing is also used to oppose regulation of nicotine marketing and other tobacco control measures, both directly and indirectly, for instance by improving the image of the nicotine industry and reducing criticism from youth and community groups. Industry charity and sports sponsorships are publicized (with publicity costing up to ten times the cost of the publicized act), portraying the industry as actively sharing the values of the target audience. Marketing is also used to normalize the industry ("Just Another Fortune 500 Company", "More Than a Tobacco Company").[3]:198–201 Finally, marketing is used to give the impression that nicotine companies are responsible, "Open and Honest". This is done through an emphasis on informed choice and "anti-teen-smoking" campaigns,[3]:198–201 although such ads have been criticized as counterproductive (causing more smoking) by independent groups.[3]:190–196[8]

text: Magazines, but not newspapers, that get revenue from nicotine advertising are less likely to run stories critical of nicotine products. Internal documents also show that the industry used its influence with the media to shape coverage of news, such as a decision not to mandate health warnings on cigarette packages or a debate over advertising restrictions.[3]:345–350

text: Counter-marketing is also used, mostly by public health groups and governments. The addictiveness and health effects of tobacco use are generally described, as these are the themes missing from pro-tobacco marketing.[3]:150

text: Regulation and evasion techniques[edit]

text: Because it harms public health, nicotine marketing is increasingly regulated.

text: Advertising restrictions typically shift marketing spending to unrestricted media. Banned on television, ads move to print; banned in all conventional media, ads shift to sponsorships; banned as in-store advertising and packaging, advertising shifts to shill (undisclosed) marketing reps, sponsored online content, viral marketing, and other stealth marketing techniques.[3]:272–280 Unlike conventional advertising, stealth marketing is not openly attributed to the organization behind it. This neutralizes mistrust of tobacco companies, which is widespread among children and the teenagers who provide the industry with most new addicts.[3]:Ch.6&7

text: Another method of evading restrictions is to sell less-regulated nicotine products instead of the ones for which advertising is more regulated. For instance, while TV ads of cigarettes are banned in the United States, similar TV ads of e-cigarettes are not.[9]

text: The most effective media are usually banned first, meaning advertisers need to spend more money to addict the same number of people.[3]:272 Comprehensive bans can make it impossible to effectively substitute other forms of advertising, leading to actual falls in consumption.[3]:272–280 However, skillful use of allowed media can increase advertising exposure; the exposure of U.S. children to nicotine advertising is increasing as of 2018.[9]

text: Methods[edit]

text: Rebellion[edit]

text: Nicotine marketing makes extensive use of reactance, the feeling that one is being unreasonably controlled. Reactance often motivates rebellion, in behaviour or belief, which demonstrates that the control was ineffective, restoring the feeling of freedom.[10]

text: Ads thus rarely explicitly tell the viewer to use nicotine; this has been shown to be counter-productive. Instead, they frequently suggest using as a way to rebel and be free.[10] Mention of addiction is avoided.

text: Reactance can be eliminated by successfully concealing attempts to manipulate or control behaviour. Unlike conventional advertising, stealth marketing is not openly attributed to the organization behind it. This neutralizes mistrust of tobacco companies, which is widespread among children and the teenagers who provide the industry with most new addicts.[3]:Ch.6&7 The internet and social media are particularly suited to stealth and viral marketing, which is also cheap;[11] nicotine companies now spend tens of millions per year on online marketing.[12](See § Web, below.)

text: Counter-advertising also shows awareness of reactance; it rarely tells the viewer what to do. More commonly, it cites statistics about addictiveness and other health effects. Some anti-smoking ads dramatise the statistics (e.g. by piling 1200 body bags in front of the New York headquarters of Philip Morris, now Altria, to illustrated the number of people dying daily from smoking);[13] others document individual experiences.[14] Providing information does not generally provoke reactance.

text: Social conformity[edit]

text: Despite products being marketed as individualistic and non-conformist, people generally actually start using due to peer pressure. Being offered a cigarette is one of the largest risk factors for smoking.[3]:256–257 Boys with a high degree of social conformity are also more likely to start smoking.[3]:216

text: Social pressure is deliberately used in marketing, often using stealth marketing techniques to avoid triggering reactance. "Roachers", selected for good looks, style, charm,[3]:110 and being slightly older than the targets,[15] are hired to offer samples of the product.[3]:110 "Hipsters" are also recruited clandestinely from the bar and nightclub scene to sell cigarettes, and ads are placed in alternative media publications with "hip credibility".[3]:108–110 Other strategies include sponsoring bands and seeking to give an impression of usage by scattering empty cigarette packages.[16].

text: Ads also use the threat of social isolation, implied or explicit (e.g. "Nobody likes a quitter").[17] Great care is taken to maintain the impression that a brand is popular and growing in popularity, and that people who smoke the brand are popular[3]:217

text: Marketing seeks to create a desirable identity as a user, or a user of a specific brand. It seeks to associate nicotine use with rising social identities (see, for instance, the history of tobacco advertising in the woman's and civil rights movements, and its use of western affluence in the developing world, below). It also seeks to associate nicotine use with positive traits, such as intelligence, fun, sexiness, sociability, high social status, wealth, health, athleticism, and pleasant outdoor pursuits. Many of these associations are fairly implausible; smoking is not generally considered an intelligent choice, even by smokers; most smokers feel miserable about smoking,[18] smoking causes impotence,[19][20][21][22] many smokers feel socially stigmatized for smoking,[18] and smoking is expensive and unhealthy.

text: Marketing also uses associations with loyalty, which not only defend a brand, but put a positive spin on not quitting. A successful campaign playing on loyalty and identity was the "rather fight than switch" campaign, in which the makeup the models wore made it seem as if they had black eyes, by implication from a fight with smokers of other cigarettes (campaign by a subsidiary of American Tobacco Company, now owned by British American Tobacco).[23]

text: Mood changes[edit]

text: Nicotine is also advertised as good for "nerves", irritability, and stress. Again, ads have moved from explicit claims ("Never gets on your nerves") to implicit claims ("Slow down. Pleasure up"). It is certainly true that nicotine products temporarily relieve nicotine withdrawal symptoms.[24][25]

text: It is thought that nicotine withdrawal is worse for those who are already stressed or depressed, making quitting more difficult.[24][25] About 40% of the cigarettes sold in the U.S. are smoked by people with mental health issues. Smoking rates in the U.S. military were also high, and over a third started smoking after entering the military; deployment was also a risk factor.[26] Disabled people are more likely to smoke; smoking causes disability, but the stress of disability might also cause smoking[27]

text: According to the CDC Tobacco Product Use Among Adults 2015 report, people who are American Indian/Alaska Native, non-Hispanic, less-educated (0–12 years education; no diploma, or General Educational Development), lower-income (annual household income <$35,000), Lesbian, gay, or bisexual, the uninsured, and those under serious psychological distress have the highest reported percentage of any tobacco product use.[28]

text:
Minorities
Clearly, the sole reason for B&W's interest in the black and Hispanic communities is the actual and potential sales of B&W products within these communities and the profitability of those sales...
Consistency and dominance is a acutely necessary in addressing the minority community because of its relatively small size and highly developed methods of informal communications. If B&W were to send conflicting signals to the smaller arena of the minority community, inconsistencies would be far more noticeable.

However, this relatively small and often tightly knit [minority] community can work to B&W's marketing advantage, if exploited properly. Peer pressure plays a more important role in many phases of life in the minority community. Therefore, dominance of the marketplace and the community environment is necessary to successfully increase sales share.
Brown & Williamson, a now-defunct subsidiary of British American Tobacco (7 September 1984). Total minority marketing plan (Report). , also cited in [29]

tag: div

text: Poorer people also smoke more. When marketing cigarettes to the developing world, tobacco companies associate their product with an affluent Western lifestyle.[30] However, in the developed world, smoking has almost vanished among the affluent. Smoking rates among the American poor are much higher than among the rich, with rates of over 40% for those with a high school equivalency diploma.[31] These differences have been attributed to both lack of healthcare and to selective marketing to socio-economic, racial, and sexual minorities.[31][32] The tobacco industry targeted young rural men by creating  advertisements with images of cowboys, hunters, and race car drivers. Teens in rural areas are less likely to be exposed to anti-tobacco messages in the media. Low-income and predominantly minority neighborhoods often have more tobacco retailers and more tobacco advertising than other neighborhoods.[33]

text: The tobacco industry has marketed heavily to African Americans,[29] sexual minorities,[34] and even the homeless and the mentally ill.[35]

text: In 1995, Project SCUM, which targeted sexual and racial minorities and homeless people in San Francisco, was planned by R. J. Reynolds Tobacco Company (a British American Tobacco subsidiary).[36][37]

text: The tobacco industry focusses marketing towards vulnerable groups, contributing to the large disparity in smoking and health problems.[38]

text: Tobacco companies have often been progressive in their hiring policies, employing women and blacks when this was controversial. They also donate some of their profits to a variety of organisations that help people in need.[39][29]

text: Non-addictiveness and healthiness[edit]

text:
[new marketing approaches should] "create brands and products which reassure consumers, by answering to their needs. Overall marketing policy will be such that we maintain faith and confidence in the smoking habit... All work in this area [communications] should be directed towards providing consumer reassurance about cigarettes and the smoking habit... by claimed low deliveries, by the perception of low deliveries and by the perception of 'mildness'. Furthermore, advertising for low delivery or traditional brands should be constructed in ways so as not to provoke anxiety about health, but to alleviate it, and enable the smoker to feel assured about the habit and confident in maintaining it over time"
British American Tobacco. Emphasis in
original[40]

text: Reference to the addictiveness of nicotine is avoided in marketing.[41]:150

text: The nicotine industry frequently markets its products as healthy, safe, and harmless; it has even marketed them as beneficial to health. These marketing messages were initially explicit, but over the decades, they became more implicit and indirect. Explicitly claiming something that the consumer knows to be untrue tend to make them distrust and reject the message, so the effectiveness of explicit claims dropped as evidence of the harms of cigarettes became more widely known. Explicit claims also have the disadvantage that they remind smokers of the health harms of the product.[41]:63

text: Implicit claims include slogans with connotations of health and vitality, such as "Alive with pleasure", and imagery (of instance, images of athletic, healthy people, the presence of healthy children, healthy natural environments, and medical settings).[41]:62–65[3]:

text: Products claiming reduced harms[edit]

text: To imply that some types of cigarettes are healthier than others, marketing also uses brand descriptors such as "light", "mild", "natural", "gentle", "calm", "soft", and "smooth".[41]:62–65[3]: Switching to a product branded to suggest that it is less harmful or addictive ("mild", "light", "low-tar", "filtered" etc.) is, in terms of health effects, meaningless.[42][43][44][45] Menthol cigarettes are also marketed as healthier (by implication, using words like "mild", "natural", "gentle", "calm", "soft", "smooth", and imagery of healthy natural environments).[41]:62–65 There is no evidence that menthol cigarettes are healthier, but there is evidence that they are somewhat easier to become addicted to and harder to quit.[41]:25–27 Ventilated cigarettes (marketed as "light" etc.) do feel cooler, airier, and less harsh, and a smoking machine will give lower tar and nicotine readings for them. But they do not actually reduce human intake or health risks, as a human responds to the lower resistance to breathing through them by taking bigger puffs.[45] They were also designed to be equally addictive, as manufacturers did not want to lose customers.[40]

text: Targets[edit]

text: Unwilling smokers: customer retention[edit]

text: Smokers mostly want to quit and can't.[18][46] On average, smokers start as adolescents and make over 30 quit attempts, at a rate of about 1 per year, before breaking a nicotine addiction in their 40s or 50s.[47] Most say they feel addicted, and feel misery and disgust at their inability to quit (in surveys, 71-91% regret having started, over 80% intend to quit, around 15% plan to quit within the next month).[18] The industry calls this group "concerned smokers" and seeks to retain them as customers.[7] Techniques for lowering their quit rate include dissuading them from wanting to quit and offering them meaningless product choices which help them feel in control of their habit. For instance, downplaying the risks, and encouraging them to take pride in smoking as an identity, reduces desire to quit. Suggesting that they can reduce their risk by choosing to switch to another product (branded to suggest that it is less harmful or addictive) can reduce their cognitive dissonance[41]:63 and sense of lack of control, without offering a health improvement.[43][44][45][41]:62–65

text: Youth: new customers[edit]

text:
Replacement smokers
Younger adult smokers are the only source of replacement smokers. Repeated government studies (Appendix B) have shown that:
Less than one-third of smokers (31%) start after age 18.
Only 5% of smoker start after age 24
Thus, today's young adult smoking behavior will largely determine the trend of Industry volume over the next several decades. If younger adults turn away from smoking, the Industry must decline, just as a population that does not give birth will eventually dwindle. In such and environment, a positive RJR sales trend would require disproportionate share gains and/or steep price increases (which could depress volume).
Internal documents of the R. J. Reynolds Tobacco Company, circa 1985, in the collection of Stanford Research Into the Impact of Tobacco Advertising (note that statistics are out-of-date).

text: Smokers typically start young, often as teenagers. As a result, much cigarette advertising is intended to target youth, and depicts young people smoking and using tobacco as a form of leisure and enjoyment.[2]

text: Before 2009, many tobacco companies made flavored tobacco packaged often in colorful candy like wrappers to attract new users, many of which were a younger audience. However these flavored cigarettes were banned on September 22, 2009 by the Family Smoking Prevention and Tobacco Control Act. Despite this initiative, flavored cigarettes are still on the rise because tobacco companies change their products slightly so they are filtered or slim cigarettes, which are not banned by the act.[clarification needed][49]

text: The intended audience of tobacco advertising has changed throughout the years, with some brands specifically targeted towards a particular demographic. According to Reynolds American Inc, the Joe Camel campaign in the United States was created to advertise Camel brand to young adult smokers. Class action plaintiffs and politicians described the Joe Camel images as a "cartoon" intended to advertise the product to people below the legal smoking age. Under pressure from various anti-smoking groups, the Federal Trade Commission, and the U.S. Congress, Camel ended the campaign on 10 July 1997.[citation needed]

text: Vending machines, individually-sold single cigarettes, and product displays near schools, next to candy and sweet drinks, and at the eye-level of young children are all used around the world to sell nicotine-containing products. Even large brands are frequently advertised in ways that break local regulations.[50][51] In many countries, such marketing methods are not illegal. Where they are illegal, enforcement is often a problem. For instance, Dr. Suresh Kumar Arora, New Delhi's chief tobacco control officer, said: "We were wasting our time fining cigarette vendors and distributors. They had no idea of the law. Most are illiterate. Our teams would tear down posters and in no time, they would be up again because the real culprits were the big tobacco companies – ITC, Philip Morris (now Altria), Godfrey Phillip. I told them to stop giving posters to their dealers otherwise I would drag them through the courts. Since last May, Delhi has been free of tobacco posters, 100% free". He has, however, been unable to keep mobile vendors from illegally selling cigarettes next to schools.[50]

text: "Harm reduction" advertising[edit]

text:
Recommendations Based on the Archtype:
* Stress that smoking is for adults only
Make it difficult for minors to obtain cigarettes
Continue having smoking perceived as a legitimate, albeit morally ambiguous adult activity. Smoking should occupy the middle ground between activities that everyone can partake in vs. activities that only the fringe of society embraces.
Stress that smoking is dangerous.
Smoking is for people who like to take risks, who are not afraid of taboos, who take life as an adventure to prove themselves.
Emphasize the ritualistic elements of smoking, particularly fire and smoke.
Emphasize the individualism/conformity dichotomy
Stress the popularity of a brand, that choosing it will reinforce your identity and your integration into the group.
Recommendations of the 1991 "Archetype Project", commissioned by Philip Morris (now Altria) from Rapaille Associates: [2]

text: Some tobacco companies have sponsored ads that claim to discourage teen smoking. Such ads are unregulated. However, these ads have been shown, in independent studies, to increase the self-reported likelihood that teens will start smoking. They also cause adults to see tobacco companies as more responsible and less in need of regulation. Unlike promotional ads, tobacco companies do not track the effects of these ads themselves. These ads differ from independently-produced antismoking ads in that they do not mention the health effects of smoking, and present smoking as exclusively an "adult choice", undesirable "if you're a teen".[3]:190–196 There is more exposure to industry-sponsored "antismoking" ads than to antismoking ads run by public health agencies.[3]:189

text: Tobacco companies have also funded "anti-smoking" groups. On such organization, funded by Lorillard, enters into exclusive sponsorship agreements with sports organisations. This means that no other anti-smoking campaigns are allowed to be involved with the sporting organisation. Such sponsorships have been criticised by health groups.[8]

text: History[edit]

text: Nicotine marketing has continually developed new techniques in response to historical circumstances, societal and technological change, and regulation. Countermarketing has also changed, in both message and commoness, over the decades, often in response to pro-nicotine marketing.

text: The coughing, throat irritation, and shortness of breath caused by smoking are obvious, and tobacco was criticized as unhealthy long before the invention of the clinical study. In the 1604 A Counterblaste to Tobacco, James VI of Scotland and I of England described smoking as "A custome lothsome to the eye, hatefull to the Nose, harmefull to the braine, dangerous to the Lungs, and in the blacke stinking fume thereof, neerest resembling the horrible Stigian smoke of the pit that is bottomelesse", and urged his subjects not to use tobacco.[52] In the 1600s, many countries banned its use.[53] Pope Urban VIII issued a 1624 papal bull condemning tobacco and making its use in holy places punishable by excommunication;[54] Pope Benedict XIII repealed the ban one hundred years later.[55]

text: The first known nicotine advertisement in the United States was for the snuff and tobacco products and was placed in the New York daily paper in 1789. At the time, American tobacco markets were local. Consumers would generally request tobacco by quality, not brand name, until after the 1840s.[56]

text: Many European tobacco bans were repealed during the Revolutions of 1848.

text: Cigarettes were first made in Seville, from cigar scraps. British soldiers took up the habit during the Crimean War (1853–1856).[57] The American Civil War in the early 1860s also led to increased demand for tobacco from American soldiers, and in non-tobacco-growing regions.[57]

text: Public health measures against chewing tobacco (spitting, especially other than in a spitoon, spread diseases such as flu and tuberculosis) increased cigarette consumption.[57]

text: After the development of color lithography in the late 1870s, collectible picture series were printed onto cigarette cards, previously only used to stiffen the packaging.[56]

text: In 1913, a cigarette brand was advertised nationally for the first time in the US. RJ Reynolds advertised it as milder than competing cigarettes.[45]

text: Mass production and temperance, 1880–1914[edit]

text: Pre-rolled cigarettes, like cigars, were initially expensive, as a skilled cigarette roller could produce only about four cigarettes per minute on average[58] Cigarette-making machines were developed in the 1880s, replacing hand-rolling.[59]  One early machine could roll 120,000 cigarettes in 10 hours, or 200 a minute.[58][60][61] Mass production revolutionized the cigarette industry.[62] Cigarette companies began to reckon production in millions of cigarettes per day.[56]

text: Higher production and cheaper cigarettes gave companies an incentive to increase consumption. By the last quarter of the 19th century, magazines carried advertisements for different brands of cigarettes, snuff, and pipe tobacco.[59] Demand for cigarettes rose exponentially, ~doubling every five years in Canada and the US (until demand began to rise even faster, ~tripling during the four years of World War I).[57]:429, Fig.1

text: Anti-tobacco movements[edit]

text: In the late 1800s, the temperance movement was strongly involved in anti-tobacco compaigns, and particularly with the prevention of youth smoking. They argued that smoking was addictive, unhealthy, stunted the growth of children, and, in women, was harmful during pregnancy.[63]

text: By 1890, 26 American states had banned sales to minors. Over the next decade, further restrictions were legislated, including prohibitions on sale; measures were widely circumvented, for instance by selling expensive matches and giving away cigarettes with them, so there were further bans on giving out free samples of cigarettes.[57]

text: After women won the vote in the early 1900s, temperance groups successfully campaigned for Juvenile Smoking Laws throughout Australia. At this time, most adults there smoked pipes, and cigarettes were used only by juveniles.[63]

text: World War I[edit]

text: Free or subsidized branded cigarettes were distributed to troops during World War I.[59] Demand for cigarettes in North America, which had been ~doubling every five years, began to rise even faster, ~tripling during the four years of war.[57]:429, Fig.1

text: In the face of imminent violent death, the health harms of cigarettes became less of a concern, and there was public support for drives to get cigarettes to the front lines.[63] Billions of cigarettes were distributed to soldiers in Europe by national governments, the YMCA, the Salvation Army, and the Red Cross. Private individuals also donated money to send cigarettes to the front, even from jurisdictions where the sale of cigarettes was illegal. Not giving soldiers cigarettes was seen as unpatriotic.[57]

text: Interwar[edit]

text: By the time the war was over, a generation had grown up, and a large proportion of adults smoked, making anti-smoking campaigns substantially more difficult.[63] Returning soldiers continued to smoke, making smoking more socially acceptable. Temperance groups began to concentrate their efforts on alcohol.[63] By 1927, American states had repealed all their anti-smoking laws, except those on minors.[57]

text: Modern advertising was created with the innovative techniques used in tobacco advertising beginning in the 1920s.[65][66]

text: Advertising in the interwar period consisted primarily of full page, color magazine and newspaper advertisements. Many companies created slogans for their brand and used celebrity endorsements from famous men and women. Some advertisements contained fictional doctors reassuring customers that their specific brand was good for health.[67]

text: Smoking was also widely seen in films, possibly due to paid product placement.(See § Films, below.)

text: In 1924, menthol cigarettes were invented,[68] but they were not initially popular, remaining at a few percent of market share until marketing in the fifties.[41]:35–37

text: In the 1920s, tobacco companies continued to target women, aiming to increase the number of smokers.[69] At first, in light of the threat of tobacco prohibition from temperance unions, marketing was subtle; it indirectly and deniably suggested that women smoked. Testimonials from smoking female celebrities were used. Ads were designed to "prey on female insecurities about weight and diet", encouraging smoking as a healthy alternative to eating sweets.[70]

text: Campaigns used the traditional association that smoking was improper for women to advantage. They marketed cigarettes as "Torches of Freedom", and made a dependence-inducing drug a symbol of women's independence. Lung cancer rates in women rose sharply.[71]

text: In 1929 Edward Bernays, commissioned by the American Tobacco Company to get more women smoking, decided to hire women to smoke their "torches of freedom" as they walked in the Easter Sunday Parade in New York. He was very careful when picking women to march because "while they should be good looking, they should not look too model-y" and he hired his own photographers to make sure that good pictures were taken and then published around the world.[72]

text: In 1929, the Sturmabteilung, the paramilitary wing of the Nazi Party, founded a cigarette company as a way to raise funds and make itself less financially dependent on the party leadership. SA members were expected to smoke only SA brands.[73] There is evidence that coercion was used to promote the sale of these cigarettes. Through this scheme, a typical SA unit earned hundreds of Reichsmarks each month.[74] The brand also promoted political ideas, with sets of cigarette cards showing historical army uniforms.[75]

text: Medical concerns[edit]

text:
Old joke
Of course it is perfectly easy to give up smoking. One would not like to think that one has become such a slave to tobacco that one cannot do without it—a drug which weakens the heart, damages the nerves, gives you cancer and catarrh and so on. Personally I have given up smoking repeatedly.
"On Giving Up Smoking". Punch or The London Charivari. London. 1934-11-07. p. 506. ; this was an old joke even in 1934[76]

text: Skyrocketing European lung cancer rates drew attention from doctors in the twenties and thirties.[77] Lung cancer had been a vanishingly rare disease. Before 1900, there were only 140 documented cases worldwide.[78] Then, suddenly, lung cancer became a leading cause of death in many countries (a status it retains to this day).[78][3]:4[better source needed]

text: Initially, suspicion was cast on causes including road tar, car exhaust, the 1918 flu pandemic, racial mixing, and the use of chemical weapons in World War I. However, in 1929, a statistical analysis strongly linking lung cancer to smoking was published by Fritz Lickint of Dresden. He did a retrospective cohort study showing that those with lung cancer were, disproportionately, smokers. He also found that men got lung cancer at several times the rate of women, and that, in countries where more women smoked, the difference was much smaller.[78] In 1932, a study in Poland came to the same conclusion, pointing out that the geographic and gender patterns of Polish lung cancer deaths matched those of smoking, but no other suggested cause, such as industry or cars (rare in Poland at the time).[78]

text: The medical community was criticized for its slow response to these findings. One 1932 paper attributed the slow response to smoking being common among doctors, as well as the general population.[77] Some temperance activists had continued to attack tobacco as expensive, addictive, and leading to petty theft. In the thirties, they also began to publicize the medical findings.[63] There was popular awareness these dangers of smoking (see accompanying quote).

text: World War II[edit]

text: Despite these findings, free and subsidized branded cigarettes were again distributed to Allied troops during World War II.[59]

text: Cigarettes were included in American soldiers' C-rations, since many tobacco companies sent the soldiers cigarettes for free. Cigarette sales reached an all-time high at this point, as cigarette companies were not only able to get soldiers addicted, but specific brands also found a new loyal group of customers as soldiers who smoked their cigarettes returned from the war.[79]

text: Nazis came to oppose tobacco use on grounds of "racial hygiene". The well-funded Institute for Tobacco Hazards Research was founded. Some of those working with it were involved in mass murder and unethical medical experiments, and killed themselves at the end of the war, including Karl Astel, the head of the institute. The institute and other organizations directed anti-smoking campaigns at both the general public and doctors. Campaigns included pamphlets, reprints of academic articles and books, and smoking bans in many public places. An industry-funded counter-institute, the Tabacologia medicinalis, was shut down by Leonardo Conti.[78]

text: Tobacco companies continue to exploit associations with Nazis to fight anti-tobacco measures. Modern Germany has some of Europe's worst tobacco control policies,[78] and more Germans both smoke and die of it in consequence.[80][81]

text: In the late 1940s, scientific evidence that tobacco harmed health mounted.[67]

text: However, until the 1970s, most tobacco advertising was legal in the United States and most European nations. In the 1940s and 50s, tobacco was a major radio sponsor; in the 1950s and 60s, they became predominantly involved in televison.[3]:100In the United States, in the 1950s and 1960s, cigarette brands frequently sponsored television shows—notably To Tell the Truth and I've Got a Secret. Brand jingles were commonly used on radio and television. Major cigarette companies would advertise their brands in popular TV shows such as The Flintstones and The Beverly Hillbillies, which were watched by many children and teens.[82] In 1964, after facing much pressure from the public, The Cigarette Advertising Code was created by the Tobacco companies, which prohibited advertising directed to youth.[83]

text: Advertising continued to use celebrities and famous athletes. Popular comedian Bob Hope was used to advertise for cigarette companies.[83]  The African-American magazine Ebony often used athletes to advertise major cigarette brands.[84]

text: In the 1950s, manufacturers began adding filter tips to cigarettes to remove some of the tar and nicotine as they were smoked. "Safer," "less potent" cigarette brands were also introduced. Light cigarettes became so popular that, as of 2004, half of American smokers preferred them over regular cigarettes,[85] According to The Federal Government's National Cancer Institute (NCI), light cigarettes provide no benefit to smokers' health.[86][87]

text: Racial marketing strategies changed during the fifties, with more attention paid to racial market segmentation. The civil rights movement lead to the rise of African-American publications, such as Ebony. This helped tobacco companies to target separate marketing messages by race.[3]:57 Tobacco companies supported civil rights organizations, and advertised their support heavily. Industry motives were, according to their public statements, to support civil rights causes; according to an independent review of internal tobacco industry documents, they were "to increase African American tobacco use, to use African Americans as a frontline force to defend industry policy positions, and to defuse tobacco control efforts". There had been internal resistance to tobacco sponsorship, and some organizations are now rejecting nicotine funding as a matter of policy.[29]

text: Race-specific advertising exacerbated small (a few percent) racial differences in menthol cigarette product preferences into large (tens of percent) ones.[88] Menthol cigarettes are somewhat more addictive,[41] and it has been argued that race-specific marketing for a more addictive product is a social injustice.[89][90]

text: Despite it being illegal at the time, tobacco marketers gave out free cigarette samples to children in black neighbourhoods in the U.S.[91] Similar practices continue in parts of the world; a 2016 study found over 12% of South African students had been given free cigarettes by tobacco company representative, with lower rates in five other subsaharan countries.[92] Worldwide, 1 in 10 children had been offered free cigarettes by a tobacco company representative, according to a 200-2007 survey.[93]

text: Tobacco companies supported civil rights organizations, and advertised their support heavily. They also hired key figures in the civil rights movement. Industry motives were, according to their public statements, to support civil rights causes; according to an independent review of internal tobacco industry documents, they were "to increase African American tobacco use, to use African Americans as a frontline force to defend industry policy positions, and to defuse tobacco control efforts". Defenses of the industry mounted with the help of vulnerable groups include "our critics are elitist and racist". Some organizations are now rejecting nicotine funding as a matter of policy.[29]

text: In 1954, tobacco companies ran the ad "A Frank Statement." The ad was the first in a disinformation campaign, disputing reports that smoking cigarettes could cause lung cancer and had other dangerous health effects.[94] It also referred to "research of recent years",[94] although solid statistical evidence of a link between smoking and lung cancer had first been published 25 years earlier.[78]

text: Prior to 1964, many of the cigarette companies advertised their brand by claiming that their product did not have serious health risks. A couple of examples would be "Play safe with Philip Morris" and "More doctors smoke Camels". Such claims were made both to increase the sales of their product and to combat the increasing public knowledge of smoking's negative health effects.[83] A 1953 industry document claims that the survey brand prefernce among doctors was done on doctors entering a conference, and asked (among a great many camouflage questions) what brand they had on them; marketers had previously placed packs of their Camels in doctors' hotel rooms before the doctors arrived,[95] which probably biassed the results.

text: In 1964, Smoking and Health: Report of the Advisory Committee to the Surgeon General of the United States was published. It was based on over 7,000 scientific articles that linked tobacco use with cancer and other diseases. This report led to laws requiring warning labels on tobacco products and to restrictions on tobacco advertisements. As these began to come into force, tobacco marketing became more subtle (for instance, the Joe Camel campaign resulted in increased awareness and uptake of smoking among children).[96] However, restrictions did have an effect on adult quit rates, with its use declining to the point that by 2004, nearly half of all Americans who had ever smoked had quit.[97]

text: Post-advertising-restrictions; 1970 and later[edit]

text: The period after nicotine advertising restrictions were brought in is characterised by ingenious circumvention of progressively stricter regulations. The industry continued to dispute medical research: denying, for instance, that nicotine was addictive, while deliberately spiking their cigarettes with additional nicotine to make them more addictive.[67]

text: Advertising restrictions typically shift advertising spending to unrestricted media. Banned on television, ads move to print; banned in all conventional media, ads shift to sponsorships; banned as in-store advertising and packaging, advertising shifts to shill (undisclosed) marketing reps, sponsored online content, viral marketing, and other stealth marketing techniques.[3]:272–280

text: In the US, sport and event sponsorships and billboards became important in the 1970s and 80s, due to TV and radio advertising bans. Sponsors benefit from placing their advertising at sporting events, naming events after themselves, and recruiting political support from sporting agencies. In the 1980s and 90s, these sponsorships were banned in the US and many other countries. Spending has since shifted to point-of-sale advertising and promotional allowances (where legal), direct mail advertising, and Internet advertising. Stealth marketing is also becoming more common,[3]:100 partly to offset mistrust of the tobacco industry.[3]:Ch.6&7

text: One major Indian company gives annual bravery awards in its own name; some recipients have rejected or returned them.[98]

text: Nicotine use is frequently shown in movies. While academics had long speculated that there was paid product placement, it was not until internal industry documents were released that there was hard evidence of such practices.[3]:363–364 The documents show that in the 1980s and 1990s, cigarettes were shown return for ≤six-figure (US$) sponsorship deals. More money was paid for a star actor to be shown using nicotine. While this sponsorship is now banned in some countries, it is unclear whether the bans are effective, as such deals are generally not publicized or investigated.[3]:401

text: Smokers in movies are generally healthier, more successful, and more racially privileged than actual smokers. Health effects, including coughing and addiction, are shown or mentioned in only a few percent of cases, and are less likely to be mentioned in films targeted at younger viewers.[3]:372–374

text: In the nineties, internet access expanded in many countries; the web is a major medium for nicotine advertising.

text: Both Google and Microsoft have policies that prohibit the promotion of tobacco products on their advertising networks.[99][100] However, some tobacco retailers are able to circumvent these policies by creating landing pages that promote tobacco accessories such as cigar humidors and lighters.[citation needed] On Facebook, unpaid content, created and sponsored by tobacco companies, is widely used to advertise nicotine-containing products, with photos of the products, "buy now" buttons and a lack of age restrictions, in contravention of ineffectively enforced Facebook policies.[101][102][103][not in citation given]

text: In 1998, the Tobacco Master Settlement Agreement was reached between the then four largest United States tobacco companies Philip Morris (now Altria), R. J. Reynolds, Brown & Williamson and Lorillard.

text: In 2011, the US Food and Drug Administration wrote a major review of menthol cigarettes, which are somewhat more addictive but not healthier,[104] It was subsequently proposed that they should be banned, partially on grounds that race-specific marketing for a more addictive product is racist.Tavernise, Sabrina (2016-09-13). "Black Health Experts Renew Fight Against Menthol Cigarettes". The New York Times. Retrieved 2018-05-24.

text: E-cigarettes[edit]

text: E-cigarettes are marketed as an alternative to smoking.[105] Unsupported claims of safety and quitting smoking are common marketing claims targeted at smokers.[106] Television and radio e-cigarette advertising in some countries may be indirectly advertising traditional cigarette smoking.[105] A 2014 review said, "the e-cigarette companies have been rapidly expanding using aggressive marketing messages similar to those used to promote cigarettes in the 1950s and 1960s."[105] In the US, six large e-cigarette businesses spent $59.3 million on promoting e-cigarettes in 2013.[107]

text: Common marketing claims stated on brand websites are that e-cigarettes are safe and healthy.[108] It is marketed that e-cigarettes emit merely "water vapor".[105] The claim that e-cigarettes produce "only water vapor" is incorrect since the e-cigarette aerosol contains possibly harmful chemicals such as nicotine, carbonyls, heavy metals, and organic volatile compounds, in addition to particulate matter.[109]

text: E-cigarettes are heavily promoted, mostly via the Internet, as a healthy alternative to smoking in the US.[110] Easily circumvented age verification at company websites enables minors to access and be exposed to marketing for e-cigarettes.[111] E-cigarettes are marketed to youth[112] using cartoon characters and candy flavors.[113] E-cigarettes are also marketed on Facebook, where age restrictions are in many cases not implemented.[101]

text: Celebrity endorsements are also used to encourage e-cigarette use.[114] A national US television advertising campaign starred Steven Dorff exhaling a "thick flume" of what the ad describes as "vapor, not tobacco smoke", exhorting smokers with the message "We are all adults here, it's time to take our freedom back."[115] The ads, in a context of longstanding prohibition of tobacco advertising on TV, were criticized by organizations such as Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids as undermining anti-tobacco efforts.[115] Cynthia Hallett of Americans for Non-Smokers' Rights described the US advertising campaign as attempting to "re-establish a norm that smoking is okay, that smoking is glamorous and acceptable".[115] University of Pennsylvania communications professor Joseph Cappella stated that the setting of the ad near an ocean was meant to suggest an association of clean air with the nicotine product.[115]

text: Economics[edit]

text: As tobacco companies keep spending money on marketing until it stops being profitable, marginal changes in marketing typically have no measurable effect, but the total amount of marketing has a strong effect.[3]:276

text: Econometric studies have been done into the endogeneity[116] and other aspects of bans.[117][118]

text: Budgets[edit]

text: Tobacco companies have had particularly large budgets for their advertising campaigns. The Federal Trade Commission claimed that cigarette manufacturers spent $8.24 billion on advertising and promotion in 1999, the highest amount ever at that time. The FTC later claimed that in 2005, cigarette companies spent $13.11 billion on advertising and promotion, down from $15.12 billion in 2003, but nearly double what was spent in 1998. The increase, despite restrictions on the advertising in most countries, was an attempt at appealing to a younger audience, including multi-purchase offers and giveaways such as hats and lighters, along with the more traditional store and magazine advertising.[69]

text: Marketing consultants ACNielsen announced that, during the period September 2001 to August 2002, tobacco companies advertising in the UK spent £25 million, excluding sponsorship and indirect advertising, broken down as follows:

text:
£11 million on press advertising
£13.2 million on billboards
£714,550 on radio advertising
£106,253 on direct mail advertising

text: Figures from around that time also estimated that the companies spent £8m a year sponsoring sporting events and teams (excluding Formula One) and a further £70m on Formula One in the UK.[119]

text: The £25 million spent in the UK amounted to approximately US$0.60 per person in 2002. The 15.12 billion spent in the United States in 2003 amounted to more than $45 for every person in the United States, more than $36 million per day, and more than $290 for each U.S. adult smoker.

text: Gallery[edit]


document_title: List of men's footballers with 500 or more goals

question_text: who has scored the most goals in football ever

root

text: In top-level association football, 27 players have scored 500 or more goals over the course of their career, according to research by the Rec.Sport.Soccer Statistics Foundation. Only players who were active in top division football for all or most of their careers are considered. The ranking below takes into account goals scored in official matches played with national teams at all age levels and clubs in all divisions.[1]

tag: p

text: Ranking[edit]

text:
Unverified data is excluded from players' data; goal and match totals may be higher.
Players in bold are currently active; data is accurate as on 26 November 2017.[2][3]

text:
Rank
Player
Goals
Matches
Ratio
Years

1
 Bican, JosefJosef Bican (CZE)
805
530
1.52
1931–1956

2
 Romário (BRA)
772
994
0.78
1985–2007

3
 Pelé (BRA)
767
831
0.92
1957–1977

4
 Puskás, FerencFerenc Puskás (HUN)
746
754
0.99
1943–1966

5
 Müller, GerdGerd Müller (GER)
735
793
0.93
1962–1981

6
 Ronaldo, CristianoCristiano Ronaldo (POR)
637
916
0.7
2002–present

7
 Messi, LionelLionel Messi (ARG)
611
781
0.78
2004–present

8
 Deák, FerencFerenc Deák (HUN)
576
—
1940–1957

9
 Seeler, UweUwe Seeler (GER)
575
—
1953–1978

 Maravilha, TúlioTúlio Maravilha (BRA)
575
—
1988–2012

11
 Friedenreich, ArthurArthur Friedenreich (BRA)
558
—
1909–1935

12
 Willimowski, ErnstErnst Willimowski (POL)
554
—
1934–1955

13
 Eusébio (POR)
552
—
1957–1979

14
 McGrory, JimmyJimmy McGrory (SCO)
550
—
1922–1937

15
 Binder, FranzFranz Binder (AUT)
546
—
1949–1976

16
 Peyroteo, FernandoFernando Peyroteo (POR)
544
—
1937–1949

17
 Sánchez, HugoHugo Sánchez (MEX)
541
—
1976–1997

18
 Walter, FritzFritz Walter (GER)
539
—
1937–1959

19
 Takács, JózsefJózsef Takács (HUN)
523
—
1917–1934

20
 Zsengellér, GyulaGyula Zsengellér (HUN)
522
—
1935–1953

 Zico (BRA)
522
—
1971–1994

22
 Di Stéfano, AlfredoAlfredo Di Stéfano (ARG)
514
—
1945–1966

 Krankl, HansHans Krankl (AUT)
514
—
1970–1989

24
 Nordahl, GunnarGunnar Nordahl (SWE)
513
—
1937–1958

25
 Dinamite, RobertoRoberto Dinamite (BRA)
512
—
1971–1993

26
 Greaves, JimmyJimmy Greaves (ENG)
511
—
1957–1980

27
 Bene, FerencFerenc Bene (HUN)
508
—
1961–1978

tag: table

text: Source: Rec.Sport.Soccer Statistics Foundation[1]


document_title: Charlotte's Web

question_text: what was the rat's name on charlotte's web

question_tokens: what was the rat 's name on charlotte 's web

text: Charlotte's Web

text: Plot summary

text: After her father spares the life of a piglet from slaughtering it as runt of the litter, a little girl named Fern Arable nurtures the piglet lovingly, naming him Wilbur. On greater maturity, Wilbur is sold to Fern's uncle, Homer Zuckerman, in whose barnyard he is left yearning for companionship but is snubbed by other barn animals, until befriended by a barn spider named Charlotte, living on a web overlooking Wilbur's enclosure. Upon Wilbur's discovery that he is intended for slaughter, she promises to hatch a plan guaranteed to spare his life. Accordingly, she secretly weaves praise of him into her web, attracting publicity among Zuckerman's neighbors who attribute the praise to divine intervention. As time passes, more inscriptions appear on Charlotte's webs, increasing his renown. Therefore, Wilbur is entered in the county fair, accompanied by Charlotte and the rat Templeton, whom she employs in gathering inspiration for her messages. There, Charlotte spins an egg sac containing her unborn offspring, and Wilbur, despite winning no prizes, is later celebrated by the fair's staff and visitors (thus made too prestigious alive to justify killing him). Exhausted apparently by laying eggs, Charlotte remains at the fair and dies shortly after Wilbur's departure. Having returned to Zuckerman's farm, Wilbur guards Charlotte's egg sac and is saddened further when the new spiders depart shortly after hatching. The three smallest remain, however, and take up residence in the doorway where Charlotte used to live. Pleased at finding new friends, Wilbur names one of them Nellie, while the remaining two name themselves Joy and Aranea. The book then concludes by mentioning that more generations of spiders kept him company in subsequent years.

text: Characters

text:
Wilbur is a rambunctious pig, the runt of his litter. He is often strongly emotional.
Charlotte A. Cavatica, or simply Charlotte, is a spider who befriends Wilbur. In some passages, she is the heroine of the story.[2]
John Arable: Wilbur's first owner.
Fern Arable, John's daughter, who adopts Wilbur in his infancy, and later visits him. She is the only human in the story capable of understanding nonhuman conversation.
Templeton is a rat who helps Charlotte and Wilbur only when offered food. He serves as a somewhat caustic, self-serving comic relief to the plot.
Avery Arable is the elder brother of Fern. Like Templeton, he is a source of comic relief.
Homer Zuckerman is Fern’s uncle who keeps Wilbur in his barn. He has a wife, Edith, and an assistant named Lurvy.
Other animals in Zuckerman’s barn, with whom Wilbur converses, are a disdainful lamb, a talkative goose, and an intelligent "old sheep".
Henry Fussy is a boy of Fern’s age, of whom Fern becomes fond.
Dr. Dorian is the family physician/psychologist consulted by Fern's mother and something of a wise old man character.
Uncle is a large pig whom Charlotte disdains for coarse manners and Wilbur’s rival at the fair.
Charlotte's children are the 514 children of Charlotte. Although they were born at the barn, all but three of them go their own ways by ballooning.

tag: ul

text: History

text: White's editor Ursula Nordstrom said that one day, in 1952, E. B. White handed her a new manuscript, the only version of Charlotte's Web then in existence, which she read soon after and enjoyed.[3] Charlotte's Web was published three years after White began writing it.[4]

text: Since White published Death of a Pig in 1948,[5] an account of his own failure to save a sick pig (bought for butchering), Charlotte's Web can be seen as White's attempt "to save his pig in retrospect".[6] White's overall motivation for the book has not been revealed and he has written: "I haven't told why I wrote the book, but I haven't told you why I sneeze, either. A book is a sneeze".[7]

text: When White met the spider who originally inspired Charlotte, he called her Charlotte Epeira (after Epeira sclopetaria, the Grey Cross spider, now known as Larinioides sclopetarius), before discovering that the more modern name for that genus was Aranea.[8] In the novel, Charlotte gives her full name as "Charlotte A. Cavatica", revealing her as a barn spider, an orb-weaver with the scientific name Araneus cavaticus.

text: The arachnid anatomical terms (mentioned in the beginning of chapter nine) and other information that White used, came mostly from American Spiders by Willis J. Gertsch and The Spider Book by John Henry Comstock, both of which combine a sense of poetry with scientific fact.[9] White incorporated details from Comstock's accounts of baby spiders, most notably the "flight" of the young spiders on silken parachutes.[9] White sent Gertsch’s book to illustrator Garth Williams.[10] Williams’ initial drawings depicted a spider with a woman’s face, and White suggested that he simply draw a realistic spider instead.[11]

text: White originally opened the novel with an introduction of Wilbur and the barnyard (which later became the third chapter) but decided to begin the novel by introducing Fern and her family on the first page.[10] White’s publishers were at one point concerned with the book’s ending and tried to get White to change it.[12]

text: Charlotte's Web has become White's most famous book; but White treasured his privacy and that of the farmyard and barn that helped inspire the novel, which have been kept off limits to the public according to his wishes.[13]

text: Reception

text: Charlotte's Web was generally well-reviewed when it was released. In The New York Times, Eudora Welty wrote, "As a piece of work it is just about perfect, and just about magical in the way it is done."[14] Aside from its paperback sales, Charlotte's Web is 78th on the all-time bestselling hardback book list. According to publicity for the 2006 film adaptation (see below), the book has sold more than 45 million copies and been translated into 23 languages. It was a Newbery Honor book for 1953, losing to Secret of the Andes by Ann Nolan Clark for the medal. In 1970, White won the Laura Ingalls Wilder Medal, a major prize in the field of children's literature, for Charlotte's Web, along with his first children's book, Stuart Little, published in 1945. Seth Lerer, in his book Children’s Literature, finds that Charlotte represents female authorship and creativity, and compares her to other female characters in children’s literature such as Jo March in Little Women and Mary Lennox in The Secret Garden.[15] Nancy Larrick brings to attention the "startling note of realism" in the opening line, "Where's Papa going with that Ax?"[16]

text: Illustrator Henry Cole expressed his deep childhood appreciation of the characters and story, and calls Garth Williams' illustrations full of “sensitivity, warmth, humor, and intelligence.”[17] Illustrator Diana Cain Bluthenthal states that Williams' illustrations inspired and influenced her.[18]

text: There is an unabridged audio book read by White himself which reappeared decades after it had originally been recorded.[19] Newsweek writes that White reads the story "without artifice and with a mellow charm," and that "White also has a plangency that will make you weep, so don't listen (at least, not to the sad parts) while driving."[19] Joe Berk, president of Pathway Sound, had recorded Charlotte's Web with White in White’s neighbor's house in Maine (which Berk describes as an especially memorable experience) and released the book in LP.[20] Bantam released Charlotte’s Web alongside Stuart Little on CD in 1991, digitally remastered, having acquired the two of them for rather a large amount.[20]

text: In 2005, a school teacher in California conceived of a project for her class in which they would send out hundreds of drawings of spiders (each representing Charlotte’s child Aranea going out into the world so that she can return and tell Wilbur of what she has seen) with accompanying letters; they ended up visiting a large number of parks, monuments, and museums, and were hosted by and/or prompted responses from celebrities and politicians such as John Travolta and then-First Lady Laura Bush.[21]

text: In 2003 Charlotte's Web was listed at number 170 on the BBC's The Big Read poll of the UK's 200 "best-loved novels."[22] A 2004 study found that Charlotte's Web was a common read-aloud book for third-graders in schools in San Diego County, California.[23] Based on a 2007 online poll, the National Education Association named the book one of its "Teachers' Top 100 Books for Children."[24] It was one of the "Top 100 Chapter Books" of all time in a 2012 poll by School Library Journal.[25]

text: Its awards and nominations include:

text:
Newbery Honor Book (1953)[26]
Horn Book Fanfare (1953)[27]
Laura Ingalls Wilder Medal (1970) (awarded to White for his children's books: Charlotte's Web and Stuart Little)
Massachusetts Children's Book Award (1984)[28]

text: Adaptations

text: Film

text: The book was adapted into an animated feature of the same name in 1973 by Hanna-Barbera Productions and Sagittarius Productions with a score by the Sherman Brothers. In 2003, a direct-to-video sequel of that film, Charlotte's Web 2: Wilbur's Great Adventure, was released by Paramount Pictures. In 2006, Paramount Pictures, with Walden Media, Kerner Entertainment Company, and Nickelodeon Movies, produced a live-action/animated adaptation starring Dakota Fanning as Fern and the voice of Julia Roberts as Charlotte, released on December 15, 2006.

text: Stage

text: A musical production was created with music and lyrics by Charles Strouse.

text: Video game

text: A video game of the 2006 film was developed by Backbone Entertainment and published by THQ and Sega, and released on December 12, 2006, for the Game Boy Advance, Nintendo DS, PlayStation 2 and PC.


document_title: Resting potential

question_text: what is an increase in a cell's membrane potential

question_tokens: what is an increase in a cell 's membrane potential

text: Resting potential

text: Electroneutrality[edit]

text: In most quantitative treatments of membrane potential, such as the derivation of Goldman equation, electroneutrality is assumed; that is, that there is no measurable charge excess in any side of the membrane. So, although there is an electric potential across the membrane due to charge separation, there is no actual measurable difference in the global concentration of positive and negative ions across the membrane (as it is estimated below), that is, there is no actual measurable charge excess on either side. That occurs because the effect of charge on electrochemical potential is hugely greater than the effect of concentration so an undetectable change in concentration creates a great change in electric potential.[citation needed]

text: Generation of the resting potential[edit]

text: Cell membranes are typically permeable to only a subset of ions. These usually include potassium ions, chloride ions, bicarbonate ions, and others. To simplify the description of the ionic basis of the resting membrane potential, it is most useful to consider only one ionic species at first, and consider the others later. Since trans-plasma-membrane potentials are almost always determined primarily by potassium permeability, that is where to start.

text:
Panel 1 of the diagram shows a diagrammatic representation of a simple cell where a concentration gradient has already been established. This panel is drawn as if the membrane has no permeability to any ion. There is no membrane potential because despite there being a concentration gradient for potassium, there is no net charge imbalance across the membrane. If the membrane were to become permeable to a type of ion that is more concentrated on one side of the membrane, then that ion would contribute to membrane voltage because the permeant ions would move across the membrane with net movement of that ion type down the concentration gradient. There would be net movement from the side of the membrane with a higher concentration of the ion to the side with lower concentration. Such a movement of one ion across the membrane would result in a net imbalance of charge across the membrane and a membrane potential. This is a common mechanism by which many cells establish a membrane potential.
In panel 2 of the diagram, the cell membrane has been made permeable to potassium ions, but not the anions (An−) inside the cell. These anions are mostly contributed by protein. There is energy stored in the potassium ion concentration gradient that can be converted into an electrical gradient when potassium (K+) ions move out of the cell. Note that potassium ions can move across the membrane in both directions but by the purely statistical process that arises from the higher concentration of potassium ions inside the cell, there will be more potassium ions moving out of the cell. Because there is a higher concentration of potassium ions inside the cells, their random molecular motion is more likely to encounter the permeability pore (ion channel) that is the case for the potassium ions that are outside and at a lower concentration. An internal K+ is simply "more likely" to leave the cell than an extracellular K+ is to enter it. It is a matter of simple diffusion doing work by dissipating the concentration gradient. As potassium leaves the cell, it is leaving behind the anions. Therefore, a charge separation is developing as K+ leaves the cell. This charge separation creates a transmembrane voltage. This transmembrane voltage is the membrane potential. As potassium continues to leave the cell, separating more charges, the membrane potential will continue to grow. The length of the arrows (green indicating concentration gradient, red indicating voltage), represents the magnitude of potassium ion movement due to each form of energy. The direction of the arrow indicates the direction in which that particular force is applied. Thus, the building membrane voltage is an increasing force that acts counter to the tendency for net movement of potassium ions down the potassium concentration gradient.
In Panel 3, the membrane voltage has grown to the extent that its "strength" now matches the concentration gradients. Since these forces (which are applied to K+) are now the same strength and oriented in opposite directions, the system is now in equilibrium. Put another way, the tendency of potassium to leave the cell by running down its concentration gradient is now matched by the tendency of the membrane voltage to pull potassium ions back into the cell. K+ continues to move across the membrane, but the rate at which it enters and leaves the cell are the same, thus, there is no net potassium current. Because the K+ is at equilibrium, membrane potential is stable, or "resting" (EK).

text: The resting voltage is the result of several ion-translocating enzymes (uniporters, cotransporters, and pumps) in the plasma membrane, steadily operating in parallel, whereby each ion-translocator has its characteristic electromotive force (= reversal potential = 'equilibrium voltage'), depending on the particular substrate concentrations inside and outside (internal ATP included in case of some pumps). H+ exporting ATPase render the membrane voltage in plants and fungi much more negative than in the more extensively investigated animal cells, where the resting voltage is mainly determined by selective ion channels.

text: In most neurons the resting potential has a value of approximately −70  mV. The resting potential is mostly determined by the concentrations of the ions in the fluids on both sides of the cell membrane and the ion transport proteins that are in the cell membrane. How the concentrations of ions and the membrane transport proteins influence the value of the resting potential is outlined below.

text: The resting potential of a cell can be most thoroughly understood by thinking of it in terms of equilibrium potentials. In the example diagram here, the model cell was given only one permeant ion (potassium). In this case, the resting potential of this cell would be the same as the equilibrium potential for potassium.

text: However, a real cell is more complicated, having permeabilities to many ions, each of which contributes to the resting potential. To understand better, consider a cell with only two permeant ions, potassium, and sodium. Consider a case where these two ions have equal concentration gradients directed in opposite directions, and that the membrane permeabilities to both ions are equal. K+ leaving the cell will tend to drag the membrane potential toward EK. Na+ entering the cell will tend to drag the membrane potential toward the reversal potential for sodium ENa. Since the permeabilities to both ions were set to be equal, the membrane potential will, at the end of the Na+/K+ tug-of-war, end up halfway between ENa and EK. As ENa and EK were equal but of opposite signs, halfway in between is zero, meaning that the membrane will rest at 0 mV.

text: Note that even though the membrane potential at 0  mV is stable, it is not an equilibrium condition because neither of the contributing ions is in equilibrium. Ions diffuse down their electrochemical gradients through ion channels, but the membrane potential is upheld by continual K+ influx and Na+ efflux via ion transporters. Such situation with similar permeabilities for counter-acting ions, like potassium and sodium in animal cells, can be extremely costly for the cell if these permeabilities are relatively large, as it takes a lot of ATP energy to pump the ions back. Because no real cell can afford such equal and large ionic permeabilities at rest, resting potential of animal cells is determined by predominant high permeability to potassium and adjusted to the required value by modulating sodium and chloride permeabilities and gradients.

text: In a healthy animal cell Na+ permeability is about 5% of the K+ permeability or even less, whereas the respective reversal potentials are +60 mV for sodium (ENa)and −80 mV for potassium (EK). Thus the membrane potential will not be right at EK, but rather depolarized from EK by an amount of approximately 5% of the 140 mV difference between EK and ENa. Thus, the cell's resting potential will be about −73 mV.

text: In a more formal notation, the membrane potential is the weighted average of each contributing ion's equilibrium potential. The size of each weight is the relative conductance of each ion. In the normal case, where three ions contribute to the membrane potential:

text: where

text:
Em is the membrane potential, measured in volts
EX is the equilibrium potential for ion X, also in volts
gX is the relative conductance of ion X in arbitrary units (e.g. siemens for electrical conductance)
gtot is the total conductance of all permeant ions, in this case gK+ + gNa+ + gCl−

text: Membrane transport proteins[edit]

text: For determination of membrane potentials, the two most important types of membrane ion transport proteins are ion channels and ion transporters. Ion channel proteins create paths across cell membranes through which ions can passively diffuse without direct expenditure of metabolic energy. They have selectivity for certain ions, thus, there are potassium-, chloride-, and sodium-selective ion channels. Different cells and even different parts of one cell (dendrites, cell bodies, nodes of Ranvier) will have different amounts of various ion transport proteins. Typically, the amount of certain potassium channels is most important for control of the resting potential (see below). Some ion pumps such as the Na+/K+-ATPase are electrogenic, that is, they produce charge imbalance across the cell membrane and can also contribute directly to the membrane potential. Most pumps use metabolic energy (ATP) to function.

text: Equilibrium potentials[edit]

text: For most animal cells potassium ions (K+) are the most important for the resting potential.[1] Due to the active transport of potassium ions, the concentration of potassium is higher inside cells than outside. Most cells have potassium-selective ion channel proteins that remain open all the time. There will be net movement of positively charged potassium ions through these potassium channels with a resulting accumulation of excess negative charge inside of the cell. The outward movement of positively charged potassium ions is due to random molecular motion (diffusion) and continues until enough excess negative charge accumulates inside the cell to form a membrane potential which can balance the difference in concentration of potassium between inside and outside the cell. "Balance" means that the electrical force (potential) that results from the build-up of ionic charge, and which impedes outward diffusion, increases until it is equal in magnitude but opposite in direction to the tendency for outward diffusive movement of potassium. This balance point is an equilibrium potential as the net transmembrane flux (or current) of K+ is zero. A good approximation for the equilibrium potential of a given ion only needs the concentrations on either side of the membrane and the temperature. It can be calculated using the Nernst equation:

text: where

text:
Eeq,K+ is the equilibrium potential for potassium, measured in volts
R is the universal gas constant, equal to 8.314 joules·K−1·mol−1
T is the absolute temperature, measured in kelvins (= K = degrees Celsius + 273.15)
z is the number of elementary charges of the ion in question involved in the reaction
F is the Faraday constant, equal to 96,485 coulombs·mol−1 or J·V−1·mol−1
[K+]o is the extracellular concentration of potassium, measured in mol·m−3 or mmol·l−1
[K+]i is likewise the intracellular concentration of potassium

text: Potassium equilibrium potentials of around −80 millivolts (inside negative) are common. Differences are observed in different species, different tissues within the same animal, and the same tissues under different environmental conditions. Applying the Nernst Equation above, one may account for these differences by changes in relative K+ concentration or differences in temperature.

text: For common usage the Nernst equation is often given in a simplified form by assuming typical human body temperature (37 °C), reducing the constants and switching to Log base 10. (The units used for concentration are unimportant as they will cancel out into a ratio). For Potassium at normal body temperature one may calculate the equilibrium potential in millivolts as:

text: Likewise the equilibrium potential for sodium (Na+) at normal human body temperature is calculated using the same simplified constant. You can calculate E assuming an outside concentration, [K+]o, of 10mM and an inside concentration, [K+]i, of 100mM. For chloride ions (Cl−) the sign of the constant must be reversed (−61.54 mV). If calculating the equilibrium potential for calcium (Ca2+) the 2+ charge halves the simplified constant to 30.77 mV. If working at room temperature, about 21 °C, the calculated constants are approximately 58 mV for K+ and Na+, −58 mV for Cl− and 29 mV for Ca2+. At physiological temperature, about 29.5 °C, and physiological concentrations (which vary for each ion), the calculated potentials are approximately 67 mV for Na+, −90 mV for K+, −86 mV for Cl− and 123 mV for Ca2+.

text: Resting potentials[edit]

text: The resting membrane potential is not an equilibrium potential as it relies on the constant expenditure of energy (for ionic pumps as mentioned above) for its maintenance. It is a dynamic diffusion potential that takes this mechanism into account—wholly unlike the equilibrium potential, which is true no matter the nature of the system under consideration. The resting membrane potential is dominated by the ionic species in the system that has the greatest conductance across the membrane. For most cells this is potassium. As potassium is also the ion with the most negative equilibrium potential, usually the resting potential can be no more negative than the potassium equilibrium potential. The resting potential can be calculated with the Goldman-Hodgkin-Katz voltage equation using the concentrations of ions as for the equilibrium potential while also including the relative permeabilities of each ionic species. Under normal conditions, it is safe to assume that only potassium, sodium (Na+) and chloride (Cl−) ions play large roles for the resting potential:

text: This equation resembles the Nernst equation, but has a term for each permeant ion. Also, z has been inserted into the equation, causing the intracellular and extracellular concentrations of Cl− to be reversed relative to K+ and Na+, as chloride's negative charge is handled by inverting the fraction inside the logarithmic term. *Em is the membrane potential, measured in volts *R, T, and F are as above *Ps is the relative permeability of ion s *[s]Y is the concentration of ion s in compartment Y as above. Another way to view the membrane potential, considering instead the conductance of the ion channels rather than the permeability of the membrane, is using the Millman equation (also called the Chord Conductance Equation):

text: or reformulated

text: where gtot is the combined conductance of all ionic species, again in arbitrary units. The latter equation portrays the resting membrane potential as a weighted average of the reversal potentials of the system, where the weights are the relative conductances of each ion species (gX/gtot). During the action potential, these weights change. If the conductances of Na+ and Cl− are zero, the membrane potential reduces to the Nernst potential for K+ (as gK+ = gtot). Normally, under resting conditions gNa+ and gCl− are not zero, but they are much smaller than gK+, which renders Em close to Eeq,K+. Medical conditions such as hyperkalemia in which blood serum potassium (which governs [K+]o) is changed are very dangerous since they offset Eeq,K+, thus affecting Em. This may cause arrhythmias and cardiac arrest. The use of a bolus injection of potassium chloride in executions by lethal injection stops the heart by shifting the resting potential to a more positive value, which depolarizes and contracts the cardiac cells permanently, not allowing the heart to repolarize and thus enter diastole to be refilled with blood.

text: Although the GHK voltage equation and Millman's equation are related, they are not equivalent. The critical difference is that Millman's equation assumes the current-voltage relationship to be ohmic, whereas the GHK voltage equation takes into consideration the small, instantaneous rectifications predicted by the GHK flux equation caused by the concentration gradient of ions. Thus, a more accurate estimate of membrane potential can be calculated using the GHK equation than with Millman's equation.[2]

text: Measuring resting potentials[edit]

text: In some cells, the membrane potential is always changing (such as cardiac pacemaker cells). For such cells there is never any "rest" and the "resting potential" is a theoretical concept. Other cells with little in the way of membrane transport functions that change with time have a resting membrane potential that can be measured by inserting an electrode into the cell.[3] Transmembrane potentials can also be measured optically with dyes that change their optical properties according to the membrane potential.

text: Summary of resting potential values in different types of cells[edit]

text:
Cell types
Resting potential

Hair cell (Cochlea)
-15 to -40mV[4]

Skeletal muscle cells
−95 mV[5]

Smooth muscle cells
–60 mV

Astroglia
–80 to –90 mV

Neurons
–60 to –70 mV[6]

Erythrocytes
–8.4 mV[7]

Chondrocytes
-8mV[6]

Aorta Smooth muscle tissue
-45mV[6]

Photoreceptor cells
–40 mV

text: History[edit]

text: Resting currents in nerves were measured and described by Julius Bernstein in 1902 where he proposed a "Membrane Theory" that explained the resting potential of nerve and muscle as a diffusion potential.[8]