document_title: Uniforms of the United States Navy

question_text: when did the navy get rid of dungarees

question_tokens: when did the navy get rid of dungarees

text: Uniforms of the United States Navy

text: Dress uniforms[edit]

text: The United States Navy has three categories of dress uniforms, from least to most formal: service, full, and dinner dress.

text: Service dress[edit]

text: Service dress uniforms are worn for official functions not rising to the level of full or dinner dress. They are also commonly worn when traveling in official capacity, or when reporting to a command. The civilian equivalent is a business suit. They are seasonal, with the white uniform worn in summer and the blue in winter. Service Dress Blue may be worn year round for travel only. Ribbons are worn over the left breast pocket in all variations of the service dress uniform. The All-Weather Coat, Overcoat, or Reefer may be worn with service dress uniforms in cold or inclement weather.

text: Officers and chief petty officers[edit]

text: Service Dress Blue[edit]

text: The Service Dress Blue (SDB) uniform consists of a navy blue suit coat and trousers (or the optional skirt for women) that are nearly black in color, a white shirt, and a four-in-hand necktie for men or a neck tab for women. The material is generally wool or a wool blend, depending on the vendor. The men's jacket is double breasted with six gold-colored buttons, and the women's jacket has a single row of four gold-colored buttons. Rank insignia is the gold sleeve stripes for commissioned officers, while rating badges and service stripes are worn on the left sleeve by Chief Petty Officers (CPOs). The prescribed headgear is the white combination cap, although a navy blue garrison cap is optional, unless stated otherwise by the prescribing authority in some situations when the jacket is not worn. Beginning in 2016, the Navy began phasing out the female combination cap and now prescribes a cover similar to the male version for female officers and CPOs.[2] Commissioned and warrant officers wear a cap badge of the American shield and eagle in silver upon gold crossed anchors; CPOs wear a single fouled anchor. The combination cover's chinstrap is gold for commissioned and warrant officers, narrower gold for midshipmen, and black for CPOs.[3] Female officers and chief petty officers wear beltless slacks with the SDB, although since January 2017, belted slacks can be worn as an alternative.[4]

text: Service Dress White[edit]

text: While both styles share the same 100% Polyester CNT fabric (formerly cotton), The Service Dress White uniform has been different for the men's and women's variations. Men wear a high stand-collared white tunic, with shoulder boards for officers or the metal anchor collar devices for CPOs, white trousers, and white shoes. This uniform is informally called "chokers" due to the standing collar. The material, formerly cotton, today is a weave of polyester known as "Certified Navy Twill". Women wear a uniform similar to the Service Dress Blue but with a white coat and skirt or trousers. The white combination cap is the prescribed headgear.

text: A noticeable difference between the male uniforms and the female uniforms is the placement of the women officer's rank insignia lacing on the sleeves (in the same manner as on the blue uniform) and the placement of CPO rank insignia (the fouled anchor with USN monogram and five-pointed cocked "line" stars) on the lapels of the jacket. However, the Navy has announced female uniform changes to resemble the men's uniforms, and that female officers and CPOs will start wearing stand-collared tunics like males in early 2017 and they will completely replace the old-style uniform in January 2020.

text: Junior enlisted sailors[edit]

text: Service Dress Blues for male junior enlisted personnel are based on the standard Navy jumper in navy blue, colloquially referred to as "crackerjacks" because of the Navy-uniformed figure that adorns the Cracker Jack snack box. They consist of navy blue wool jumper with three rows of white stripes on the collar and cuffs. There are two white stars, one at each corner of the collar. A traditional white hat or "Dixie cup" is also worn, as well as black leather shoes. A black silk or synthetic fiber neckerchief, rolled diagonally, is worn around the neck, under the collar, with the ends tied in a square knot in the center of the chest. The trousers for the dress blue uniform are flared as "bell bottoms". These trousers have a broad-fall, opening with thirteen buttons (which, contrary to popular belief, do not represent the original Thirteen Colonies of the United States). The female junior enlisted sailors' Service Dress Blue, introduced in the 1970s,[5][6] is similar to the CPO/Officer service dress blues, with the exception that silver-colored buttons, rather than gold, are on the jacket. This uniform is being phased out and will be replaced by a female-cut variant of the "crackerjacks" with the transition beginning in October 2016 and to be completed by January 2020.[7]

text: Until 2016, the Service Dress Whites, for both sexes, consist of white straight-leg or bell-bottom trousers with a fly front (or optional skirt for women), black leather shoes, a white jumper with plain navy collar, the black neckerchief worn in the same fashion as with the Service Dress Blues, and the white Dixie cup cap for males and combination cover with a silver eagle emblem and the letters "USN" for females. The Service Dress White jumper is actually derived from the former Undress White, with its wide cuff-less sleeves and no piping. However, beginning in October 2015, The Service Dress White blouses will be changed to feature navy blue piping on cuffed sleeves, stars and navy blue piping on the navy collar, and a yoke, making it a 'photo-negative' of the Service Dress Blue jumper.[8]

text: Ribbons are worn with these uniforms over the top left pocket opening, along with warfare insignia. If these uniforms are to be assigned as the Uniform of the Day, a Plan of the Day/Plan of the Week will state either "Service Dress White" or "Service Dress Blue." Either the all-weather Coat or peacoat may be worn with this uniform in cold or inclement weather. The color of the enlisted rank insignia and service stripes for the Service Dress Blues is either gold or red based upon the U.S. Navy Good Conduct Variation. The colors on the Service Dress Whites are always black.

text: In May 2012, the Navy announced[9] upcoming changes to the Service Dress Blues and Service Dress Whites, adding side zippers to both uniform blouses, and a zipper will also be added to Service Dress Blue trousers. Women will no longer wear the chiefs' and officers' style uniforms and combination covers, and will wear a women's-cut variation of the jumper style uniforms with White hats, "dixie cups", like the men.[10] This new uniform roll-out began in 2016 and will be completed by 2021.[11]

text: The U.S. Navy announced in 2014 that female sailors have been testing out a female-cut version of the male combination covers. Soon thereafter, it was announced by the U.S. Navy that the female-cut "bucket-styled" combination covers will be replaced completely by newer ones more resembling the already extant male versions, to maintain a more unisex appearance across all sailors. The new covers will completely replace the female versions for chief petty officers and commissioned officers by the end of October 2018;[12] their replacement was originally scheduled for the end of October 2016 but was extended by another two years.[13] The enlisted female covers were replaced in October 2016 for dress whites as scheduled, but remain authorized and mandatory for the four-button enlisted service dress blue uniform until that uniform is retired at the end of December 2019.

text: Full dress[edit]

text: Full Dress uniforms are worn for ceremonies such as changes of command, retirements, commissionings and decommissionings, funerals, weddings, or when otherwise appropriate. Full Dress is similar to Service Dress except that instead of ribbons, full-size medals are worn above the left breast pocket, with ribbons worn on the opposite side for decorations without corresponding medals. Swords or cutlasses are authorized for wear by officers and Chief Petty Officers,[14] and may be required for Lt. Commander and above. For the U.S. Navy Ceremonial Guard in Washington, D.C., the enlisted (E6 and below) Full Dress uniforms are further modified with the wearing of a white pistol belt, ascot, and dress aiguilette (the latter two are white for winter and navy blue for summer), and white canvas leggings. Other honor guards are only authorized leggings and white pistol belt.

text: Dinner dress[edit]

text: The dinner dress uniforms of the United States Navy are the most formal and have the most variations. For officers, there are Dinner Dress Blue and Dinner Dress White, Dinner Dress Blue Jacket and Dinner Dress White Jacket, and Formal Dress. Although trousers are authorized, women frequently wear the appropriate color skirt. Dinner Dress Blue and White are identical to their Service Dress versions, but worn with miniature medals and badges with no ribbons. Dinner Dress Blue is additionally worn with a dress shirt and black bow tie. These variants are commonly worn by many junior officers and enlisted personnel as substitutes for the more formal Dinner Dress Jacket variant which is only prescribable for Lieutenant Commander and above and optional for Lieutenant and below. The Dinner Dress Blue/White Jacket uniforms feature a short jacket with three buttons on either side, worn open with a black bow tie and cummerbund (women substitute a neck tab for the bow tie). Male officers show rank stripes on the sleeves of the jacket for the blue version and on shoulder boards for the white version, while women officers only wear sleeve stripes. This uniform is equivalent to black tie in usage.

text: The Formal Dress variation is the most formal, and is identical to the Dinner Dress Blue Jacket uniform but worn with a white waistcoat with gold buttons in place of the cummerbund, a white bow tie, and matching mother-of-pearl studs and cuff links. Though rarely used, men can also substitute a tailcoat for the standard dinner dress jacket with this uniform. The female version is substantially the same as Dinner Dress Blue Jacket, but substitutes the mother-of-pearl studs and cuff links for gold. This uniform is equivalent to white tie in usage. Additionally, this uniform is only prescribed for chiefs and officers.

text: Headgear is not required for dinner dress uniforms unless an outer jacket is worn.

text: Those holding the rank of Lieutenant and below have the option of using the Dinner Dress uniform when Dinner Dress Jacket is prescribed. The enlisted sailors who are Chief Petty Officer and above wear a uniform similar to the officers, but with rank insignia and service stripes on the left sleeve. While enlisted who are Petty Officer First Class and below have optional Dinner Dress Jacket uniforms similar to the officers and chiefs, they may also wear their Dinner Dress uniform, which is the traditional Service Dress "sailor suit", with miniature medals instead of ribbons.

text: Service uniforms[edit]

text: Service uniforms are the U.S. Navy's daily wear uniforms, and exist in several variations. They are intended for use in office environments, in positions that interact with the public, and in watch situations. Skirts are authorized for women in all service uniforms.

text: Officers and chief petty officers[edit]

text: Service Khaki[edit]

text: The Navy first authorized a khaki uniform in 1913 as a practical garment for early naval aviators; they were given permission to wear Marine Corps khaki uniforms with naval insignia, when flying or working on aircraft.[15] Khakis were authorized aboard submarines in 1931 and as a working uniform on all ships ten years later.

text: The Service Khaki uniform today is reserved for commissioned officers (grades O-1 through O-10), chief warrant officers (current grades W-2 through W-5, W-1 not in use) and chief petty officers (grades E-7 through E-9). It is a khaki button-up shirt and trousers, worn with a gold belt buckle. The shirt features two front flap pockets and a pointed collar. Ribbons are worn above the left pocket of the shirt, with the warfare insignia above them. A nametag may be worn above the right pocket, and rank insignia is worn on the collar. The regulations for ribbons state the highest three awards, or all ribbons can be worn at once. There are two kinds of headgear authorized: a khaki combination cap is standard, but a khaki garrison cover is also authorized.[16] Currently black and brown oxford shoes are authorized for all officers and CPOs.[17] However, tradition and social pressure tend to restrict the wearing of brown shoes to members of the aviation community. Females are authorized to wear the same over-blouse as junior enlisted sailors.

text: Summer White Service[edit]

text: The Summer White Service uniform (formerly known as Tropical White Long; nicknamed the "milkman" and "Good Humor") consists of a short-sleeved white button-up shirt worn open-collared, white trousers and belt, and white dress shoes. Authorized headwear is the combination cap. Officers wear shoulder boards with this uniform, while chiefs wear metal collar insignia. The women's shirt for all ranks has shoulder straps, but carry nothing except for shoulder boards worn by officers. Like Service Khakis, Summer Whites are available in several materials (poly/cotton and Certified Navy Twill). When assigned as the Uniform of the Day, a Plan of the Day/Plan of the week will state "Summer White." Either the All-Weather Coat, Blue jacket, or Peacoat may be worn with this uniform. While once authorized for junior enlisted, it is now restricted to officers and chiefs. Members E-6 and below previously wore a short-sleeved Summer White uniform with rate insignia on the left sleeve, but the uniform was discontinued by the Navy in December 2010.

text: Junior enlisted[edit]

text: Navy Service Uniform[edit]

text: The U.S. Navy underwent a comprehensive review of every uniform from 2004 through 2007, intending to replace the different working uniform for all hands and the seasonal service uniforms with a single year-round service uniform for personnel E-1 through E-6. Accordingly, the Navy Service Uniform has replaced the Winter Blue Uniform and Summer White Uniform (both discussed below), which were phased out on 31 December 2010 when the rollout of the New Service Uniform was completed. Enlisted personnel now have a single Service Uniform. Navy Junior ROTC units also received this new uniform, where, unlike in the U.S. Navy proper, it is worn by both cadet officers and enlisted cadets.

text: The Navy Service Uniform is a year-round service uniform to withstand day-to-day classroom and office-like environments where the service uniform is typically worn. It consists of a short-sleeve khaki shirt for males and a khaki weskit-style blouse for females, made from a wash and wear 75% polyester, 25% wool blend, with permanent military creases, black trousers for males with beltless slacks for females and optional beltless skirt, and a black unisex garrison cap. Silver anodized-metal rank insignia is worn on shirt/blouse collars and cap. The service uniform also includes a black relaxed-fit Eisenhower-style jacket with a knit stand-up collar and epaulets, on which petty officers wear large, silver anodized-metal rate insignia. Those entitled to wear gold chevrons continue to wear gold chevrons on the large metal rate insignia on the jacket.

text: Working uniforms[edit]

text: Working uniforms are described by the navy as being worn when other uniforms may become unduly soiled or are otherwise inappropriate for the task at hand. These are worn at sea and in industrial environments ashore. In July 2010, the Navy Working Uniform and coveralls became the only authorized working uniforms.

text: Navy Working Uniform[edit]

text: The Navy Working Uniform (NWU) is a utility uniform with multiple pockets on the shirt and trousers. Three versions of the uniform exist, each with a multi-color digital camouflage print pattern similar to those introduced by other services. Type I is predominantly blue with some gray for the majority of sailors. It was originally developed for shipboard use, but proved unsuitable for shipboard environments and is due to be discontinued in 2019. Type II is a desert digital pattern currently restricted to SEALs and other sailors such as Seabees assigned to Naval Special Warfare Units when in desert environments. Type III is a woodland digital pattern for sailors in shore commands and riverine units. The camouflage patterns are similar to the MARPAT Marine Corps Combat Utility Uniform worn by U.S. Marines.

text: The colors of the NWU Type I, according to the U.S. Navy, were intended to reflect the navy's heritage and connection to seaborne operations,[18] while hiding wear and stains, something unavoidable with the utilities and working khakis used previously.[19] The colors were chosen to match the most commonly used paint colors aboard ship, extending the lifetime of the uniform on long deployments where uniforms often come into contact with freshly painted surfaces. An anchor, USS Constitution, and eagle (ACE) emblem is embroidered on the left breast pocket on all Type I NWUs. Accessories include a navy blue cotton T-shirt, an eight-point utility cover, and a web belt with closed buckle. The uniform is worn with rank insignia on both collar points and on the front panel of the utility cover, with sew-on name and "U.S. NAVY" tapes, also on the new digital background pattern, having gold-colored lettering for officers, CPOs and midshipmen. All ranks below CPO wear silver-lettered name tapes. The NWU Type I was phased into service beginning in January 2009.[20]

text: The Type II and III patterns are overall darker than their respective MARPAT progenitors, modified with different color shades and a vertically-aligned pixel pattern for the woodland version (compared to the horizontal alignment of woodland MARPAT).[21] The additional patterns addressed the fact that the blue and grey Type I pattern was not meant for a tactical environment.[22] Rank insignia is embroidered and worn on a tab in the center of the torso, name and "U.S. Navy" taps are embroidered in brown (Type II) or black (Type III). Backlash from Marines, including an objection from Commandant Conway, led to restrictions when wear regulations were released in 2010.[23] The Type II is restricted for wear to Naval Special Warfare personnel, while Type III was restricted to Navy ground units until late 2016.[24] The ACE emblem is omitted from the NWU Type II and NWU Type III.

text: The uniforms are primarily composed of a 50/50 nylon and cotton blend, which eliminates the need for a "starch and press" appearance and reduces the possibility of snags and tears from sharp objects (thus making the garment last longer). However this blend combines high flammability with the strength to hold onto the sailor's body while burning.[25][26]

text: In August 2016 the U.S. Navy announced that it is eliminating the NWU Type I in favor of the Type III which will completely replace it by 1 October 2019 for wear as the standard working uniform ashore for all Navy personnel.[27][28] Type III will begin being issued to new navy recruits in October 2017. The Type II will remain restricted to wear by Naval Special Warfare sailors when in desert environments. The Navy's goal of developing a single working uniform for wear aboard ship and ashore and by all ranks and rates which the NWU Type I was supposed to fulfill was never realized by the Type I. Soon after its introduction it was found to be unsuitable for shipboard wear because of its lack of flame resistance and so was banned from wear aboard ship (except for when in port) thus making it essentially a uniform to be worn while ashore only. As a uniform for wear ashore only, a pattern designed to conceal stains aboard ships is not nearly as effective at concealment as a pattern designed to conceal people on land, thus the IIIs are used ashore. The Navy continues to work to develop a new shipboard working uniform.

text: All-weather garments include a unisex pullover sweater, a fleece jacket, and a parka, all of which are available in matching camouflage patterns.[29] Beginning in 2016 the Navy had planned to also issue a lightweight version of the NWU more suitable to hot environments.[2]

text: Black safety boots, identical to those worn by United States Coast Guard personnel with their Operational Dress Uniform, are worn with the NWU Type I. Brown or tan boots can be authorized for wear with the Type II and III, though black is the standard color for sailors located in the contiguous United States. Boots come in two versions: black smooth leather boots, and black suede no-shine boots for optional wear while assigned to non-shipboard commands.

text: Shipboard Working Uniform[edit]

text: The U.S. Navy issued a new model coverall for use as a shipboard working uniform beginning in early 2014. The new flame resistant variant (FRV) coverall is used aboard all ships. It has largely replaced for shipboard use polyester cotton blend coveralls that provided inadequate fire protection and the NWU Type I for the same reason. The all cotton FRVs are dark blue in color compared to the older coveralls, which are lighter.[30][31] They use rectangular velcro-backed nametags similar to those worn on flight crew suits, rather than the nametapes of the previous coverall.

text: U.S. Fleet Forces Command (FFC) continues a multi-phase wear test of improved flame resistant variant (IFRV) working uniform components for shipboard wear. FFC most recently conducted in-depth focus groups with fleet sailors aimed at refining the design of the IFRV coverall.[32] The IFRV coverall was approved for issue on 17 January 2017. Additional feedback from the focus groups, subsequently validated by a senior level working group, resulted in the preliminary design of a more professional looking two-piece utility shipboard uniform that can be worn both at sea and operational support jobs ashore. Wear tests of the prototype two-piece variants are expected to occur in 2017.[33][34]

text: Coats[edit]

text: All enlisted sailors may wear the navy blue pea coat with a rate insignia for petty officer third class and up on the left sleeve, a navy blue "All Weather Coat" with rate insignia worn on the collar, or a navy blue Working Uniform Jacket with rate insignia worn on the collar.

text: Officers and Chiefs may wear the calf-length wool "bridge coat" or waist-length reefer, with gold buttons and rank insignia worn on the epaulettes, or the all-weather coat, with rank insignia also worn on the shoulder or collar, depending on rank.

text: All sailors are authorized to wear the "Eisenhower" jacket with short-sleeved service uniforms with appropriate rank devices on the shoulder epaulets. The "Eisenhower" jacket is a waist length, black jacket with knit cuffs, and is named for its association with the famous general and president. The khaki windbreaker, previously authorized only with the service khaki uniform, was retired on 30 September 2016.

text: Naval Aviators, Naval Flight Officers, Naval Flight Surgeons, Naval Aviation Physiologists, and Naval Aircrewmen are authorized to wear G-1 seal-brown goatskin-leather flight jackets, with warfare insignia listed on a name tag (rank optional) over the left breast pocket, either permanently stitched to the leather or attached with a Velcro hook-and-loop fastener. These jackets were previously adorned with various "mission patches," which indicate places the wearer has served. Today, patches on the G-1 are limited to a maximum of three in addition to the nametag, i.e., a unit insignia on the right breast, an aircraft type insignia on the right sleeve and an aircraft type insignia or embroidered U.S. flag on the left sleeve.

text: Also, the Navy issues foul-weather or cold-weather jackets as appropriate for the environment, which are generally olive or Navy blue in color. These jackets are considered "Organizational Clothing". They do not belong to the sailor, and are not allowed for wear off of the ship unless working in the near vicinity of the ship.

text: Special uniform situations[edit]

text: In certain duty stations, Navy personnel are issued woodland or desert utility uniforms. These were similar to the other military services' utility uniforms. The Navy is in the process of phasing out woodland-pattern and three-color desert Battle Dress Utilities in favor of combat uniforms in digital Type II (desert) and Type III (woodland) camouflage based on, but using different colors from, the Marine Corps' MARPAT. Currently issue of Type II is restricted to SEALs and SWCC crews; Type III is issued to personnel such as Seabees and aviation support crew stationed ashore in desert combat zones. In August 2016 the Navy announced that Type III would be issued to all Navy personnel ashore in lieu of the blue Type I NWU, which is to be phased out.

text: Navy personnel attached to Marine Corps units[edit]

text: As the Marines do not have medical personnel and chaplains, the Navy provides them.[35] The officers and enlisted include doctors, physician assistants, dentists, nurses, hospital corpsmen, chaplains, religious program specialists, and Naval Gunfire Liaison Officers. There are also specialized ratings that will be attached to Marine commands such as Navy Divers for example. Because of this relationship, these personnel are authorized to wear U.S. Marine Corps utility (desert/woodland) uniforms with Navy rank insignia replacing the Marine insignia for enlisted personnel (Navy and Marine officer rank insignia are identical) and with a "U.S. Navy" patch replacing the "U.S. Marines" one. They wear the 8-point utility cover, but it lacks the Marine Corps emblem. Additionally, Navy personnel attached to Marine units can elect to wear Marine service uniforms, with Navy insignia. Those opting to wear Marine Corps service uniforms must meet Marine Corps grooming and physical appearance standards, which are more stringent than Navy standards. This does not apply to the MARPAT uniforms, as this uniform is required for wear in the field when attached to Marine units, regardless of adherence to Marine Corps grooming standards. Navy personnel are not authorized to wear the Marine Corps Dress Blue Uniform; instead Navy Dress Blue and White uniforms are worn.[36]

text: Other wear of combat utilities[edit]

text: In addition to Marine Corps detachments, combat utilities are also worn by Navy SEAL teams, along with SWCC crews who conduct clandestine maritime operations including supporting SEAL platoons and SOF cells. The Combat Utility Uniform (CUU) is authorized for those in the Explosive Ordnance Disposal (EOD) and Fleet Diver communities. Combat utilities are also authorized for those attached to the Naval Construction Force (NCF) (Seabee), Navy's Expeditionary Logistics Group, or the Navy's Expeditionary Combat Command (NECC). Also, Navy personnel assigned to some joint headquarters units, like Central Command in Qatar and Iraq, wear Desert Utility Uniforms (DUU). Navy personnel such as Individual Augmentees, Combat Camera Groups, Detainee OPS, and some in the special warfare community have been wearing the Army's ACU (Army Combat Uniform) when working closely with or attached to Army commands.[37]

text: Naval aviation personnel[edit]

text: Pilots, Naval Flight Officers, and Naval Aircrewmen are authorized to wear green or desert flight suits (made of nomex for fire protection), with rank insignia for officers stitched on the shoulders, and a name tag/warfare insignia on the left breast pocket. Either a Command/Navy ballcap or a Khaki Garrison Cap (for Commissioned Officers and CPOs) are worn with this uniform. Green flight suits are the standard wear; however, wing commanders may authorize desert flight suits for personnel located in hot climates. As of 2012, flight suits may now be worn off base in the same manner as the Navy Working Uniform.

text: Coveralls are authorized to be worn with either the all-weather coat or utility jacket (Petty Officers only).

text: Flight deck[edit]

text: Due to the extreme noise on the flight deck of an aircraft carrier, personnel handling the aircraft have specific-colored flight deck jerseys which by sight describes that person's function and is also the basis for referring to these personnel as "Skittles". Due to the inevitable wear, lubricant stains, and short service life, flight deck personnel often wear a variety of trousers (NWUs, khakis, etc.) with the jerseys on deck.:[38]

text:
Purple: Aviation Fuel Handlers
Blue: Plane Handlers, Tractor Drivers, Elevator Operators
Yellow: Flight Deck Officers and Plane Directors
Green: Operations Personnel, Catapult and Arresting Gear Personnel, Ground Support Equipment Maintenance Personnel, Squadron Maintenance Personnel, Cargo handling personnel, Hook runners, Landing Signalmen Enlisted (LSE), and Photographers
White: Safety Observers, Squadron Final Checkers (F/C), Landing Signal Officers (LSO), Corpsmen, LOX Handlers, Air Transfer Officers, Combat Cargo (CC) and visitors
Red: Ordnance Handlers,[39] EOD Personnel, Crash and Salvage Crews
Brown: Plane Captains (Crew Chiefs and Mechanics)

text: USS Constitution[edit]

text: The ship USS Constitution is the oldest commissioned ship in the U.S. Navy, the only one of the six original United States frigates still in existence. Constitution is presented to the public as the ship appeared during the War of 1812, and personnel stationed aboard Constitution still wear uniforms according to regulations posted in 1813. These uniforms are worn on ceremonial occasions, such as the annual turn-around cruise in Boston every Independence Day.[40]

text: U.S. Naval Academy[edit]

text: Midshipmen at the United States Naval Academy, in addition to regular Navy uniforms, also wear parade dress of traditional 19th-century military cut, with stand collars and double rows of gold buttons.

text: Obsolete uniforms[edit]

text: Aviation Working Khaki[edit]

text: Navy Uniform Regulations Change No. 11 issued 22 June 1917 authorized naval aviators to wear a summer service flying uniform of Marine Corps khaki of the same pattern as the officers' service dress white uniform tunic and trousers. It was to be worn with high, laced tan leather shoes only "when on immediate and active duty with aircraft", and might be worn under similarly colored moleskin or khaki canvas coveralls as a "working dress" uniform.[41]

text: Naval aviators typically flew patrol bombers from shore bases until the first United States aircraft carrier USS Langley was commissioned on 20 March 1922. Differing uniforms afloat precipitated a 13 October 1922 Bureau of Navigation letter: "Uniforms for aviation will be the same as for other naval officers, doing away with the green and khaki, which may be worn until June 1, 1923, but only at air stations." Khaki aviation uniforms of a somewhat different pattern were reinstated on 8 April 1925.[41]

text: Service Dress Khaki[edit]

text: During World War II, a single-breasted heavy cotton twill jacket with shoulder boards was worn with cotton twill trousers over a long-sleeved cotton shirt with a black necktie as "Service Dress Khaki", allowing cleaning in shipboard laundry facilities. Later on, through the Vietnam War, the trousers and jacket were often made of light wool or wool-blend fabric as routine access to dry-cleaning facilities became available. The uniform was dropped in 1975 by then-Chief of Naval Operations, Admiral Elmo Zumwalt, in order to reduce the number of items in the officer's seabag. A revived version of the uniform was announced in 2006 on a test basis. It was authorized for wear by commissioned officers and CPOs during the summer months and in tropical climates.[42] Some commentators, including the periodical Navy Times, spoke of this uniform as having a "throwback" look.[43]

text: The uniform reintroduced a khaki service coat worn with a black necktie and shoulder boards. The prescribed headgear was a combination cap with khaki cover, or optionally a khaki garrison cap. It was intended to provide a more practical alternative to the Service Dress Whites and a more formal alternative to the Service Khakis. This uniform was frequently worn in public by then-CNO and subsequently Joint Chiefs Chairman Admiral Mike Mullen; on 1 May 2011, Mullen was seen wearing this uniform in the iconic photograph in the White House Situation Room during the Navy SEAL raid on Osama bin Laden's compound. In October 2012, cost considerations led to the cancellation of the full-scale reintroduction of the uniform, and the uniform was dropped from the Navy.[44][45]

text: Service Dress Blue Yankee[edit]

text: The rarely seen Service Dress Blue Yankee uniform replaced the dark trousers and black shoes of Service Dress Blue with white trousers and shoes from the white uniform. Prescribed for officers.[46]

text: Winter Blue[edit]

text: The Winter Blue uniform was authorized for all ranks. Due to its near-black color, it was called the "Johnny Cash" uniform (a reference to the song/album Man in Black by the singer of the same name)[47][48] It was a long sleeve black button-up shirt and black belt and trousers (optional skirt for females), with the headgear either the combination cover (all E-7 and above, female E-6s and below) or white Dixie Cup (male E-6s and below). Garrison caps were an optional secondary headgear, allowed to be worn for all ranks.[49][50]

text: As a service uniform, ribbons and badges were worn, and officers and Chief Petty Officers wore metal collar insignia, while enlisted E-6 and below wore just the rating badge on the left arm. All men wore ties, females necktabs, with an optional silver clip for Petty Officers First Class and below, others a gold clip.

text: Working Khaki[edit]

text: The Working Khaki uniform was worn by Officers and Chief Petty Officers, primarily aboard ship or in selected working areas at bases ashore. Originally it was simply the Service Dress Khaki uniform worn without the coat and tie. Similar to, but less formal than, the Service Khaki, it consisted of a short or long-sleeve khaki uniform shirt, with warfare insignia and badges (i.e. command pins, nametags, etc., but no ribbons) worn on the top of the left pocket, and pin-on metal rank devices located on the collar. It also came with a set of khaki trousers, a khaki belt with a gold belt buckle, a command or "U.S. Navy" ballcap (garrison cap optional), and black or brown low quarter shoes, black or brown boots, or black leather safety shoes. It was often referred to as the "Wash Khaki" uniform, because it was a 100% cotton uniform that could be laundered but required pressing, differentiating it from the Summer Khaki made of Certified Navy Twill (CNT) or a poly-wool blend that is considered acceptable for wear ashore and off base, but which requires dry-cleaning. At the beginning of January 2011, the working khakis were replaced by the Navy Working Uniform, although the Navy Junior ROTC still uses them.

text: Aviation Working Green[edit]

text: A winter working green uniform for commissioned officers and Chief Petty Officers in the Naval Aviation community was authorized on 7 September 1917 in conjunction with adoption of the naval aviator wings breast insignia. The initial uniform pattern was the same as the officers' service dress white uniform tunic and trousers. Like the summer khaki uniform, it was to be worn with high, laced tan leather shoes. Like the aviation khaki uniform, the green uniform was temporarily banished during the early years of United States aircraft carrier operations from 1922 until a modified design was reauthorized in 1925.[51] The final version, discontinued in January 2011, was somewhat similar to the Navy's revived Service Dress Khaki uniform in cut and design and bore additional similarities to the Marine Corps' Service Dress "Alpha" green uniform. It consisted of a green wool coat and green wool trousers with bronze buttons and a long-sleeve khaki shirt with black tie. Rank insignia consisted of black embroidery on sleeves in a style similar to the gold sleeve braid for officers, or rating marks and service "hash" marks for Chief Petty Officers, on Service Dress Blue uniforms. Metal rank insignia was worn concurrently on the collar points of the khaki shirt by line officers and CPOs. For staff corps officers, rank insignia was worn on the right collar point and staff corps insignia on the left collar point (typically Medical Corps for Naval Flight Surgeons, etc.) of the shirt. Warfare insignia and, if applicable, Command at Sea and/or Command Ashore insignia, were worn on the jacket and optionally on the shirt. Command nametags were also optional on both the blouse and/or shirt. Brown shoes were typically worn, although this transitioned to black between 1975 and 1986 when brown shoes were discontinued. Following the reinstatement of brown shoes in 1986, brown shoes again became the most common footwear. Authorized headgear included a combination cover in green, or a green garrison cover.

text: During World War II and the Korean War, ribbons were also authorized with this uniform, making it a de facto "service uniform" or "liberty uniform," authorized for wear off base. But by the early 1960s, it had become limited to that of a "working uniform" for use on base or aboard ship only. It was infrequently worn, primarily due its expense and its 100% wool fabric that typically made it unsuitable outside of the winter months; in the working environments where AWGs were authorized, aviators typically found working khakis or flight suits more convenient.

text: The AWG uniform was formally phased out on 1 January 2011. The Navy Working Uniform took its place.[52]

text: Tropical Uniforms[edit]

text: The rarely seen Tropical White Uniform (also referred to as Tropical White Short) was similar to the Summer White Service uniform, except white knee shorts and knee socks were worn. It was colloquially known as the "Captain Steubing" uniform, after the character on The Love Boat TV show. Exceptionally rarely worn, though authorized with this uniform, was a pith helmet, with a Naval Officer's insignia at the front, above the brim.

text: Tropical working uniforms existed, but were variations on the working khaki and utility uniforms. Knee shorts and black knee socks are worn, along with short sleeved button-up shirts.

text: Summer White/Blue ("Salt and Pepper")[edit]

text: Initially worn by E-6 and below beginning in the mid-1970s with the temporary phaseout (until 1982) of the traditional "crackerjack" uniforms for E-6 and below, it was later expanded to include Chief Petty Officers and commissioned officers. Best known by the nickname "salt and peppers," the uniform consisted of a summer white shirt and winter blue trousers for males and summer white blouse and winter blue trousers or winter blue skirt for females. Headgear consisted of a combination cover (e.g., coinciding with the mid-1970s/pre-1982 period when use of the "crackerjack" uniform and "Dixie Cup" headgear was suspended for male E-6 and below) and black shoes. Although naval personnel still retained all the components that made up this uniform, its use was discontinued in 1983. Though the U.S. Navy proper discontinued the uniform in 1983, Navy Junior ROTC units continued to wear it for decades after, until they themselves finally discontinued their usage in June 2010.[53]

text: Service Dress Gray[edit]

text: This short-lived uniform for officers and CPOs was only authorized from 1943–49, but was a common sight on the East Coast and in the Atlantic/European Theater during World War II. It was identical in cut and material to the Service Dress Khaki uniform but medium gray in color with black buttons, worn with a matching gray shirt and garrison or combination cover. Officers' shoulder boards were likewise gray, with stars/corps insignia and rank stripes in black. "Working grays" were the same uniform worn without the jacket and tie. The gray uniform was introduced by then-Chief of Naval Operations Ernest King, who thought khaki was more appropriate to land forces; Admiral Nimitz disliked it and discouraged its wear in the Pacific Fleet.

text: CPO Whites[edit]

text: From 1893 until 1975, Chief Petty Officers wore a Service Dress White uniform consisting of white cotton trousers and double-breasted reefer jacket with black necktie. Rating badges and service stripes in black were worn on the left sleeve. This uniform was also worn by members of Navy bands regardless of rank. Officer-pattern whites were authorized for CPOs in 1981.

text: Dungarees[edit]

text: Dungarees[54] were the junior enlisted (E1-E6) working uniform worn from 1913 through the 1990s; through World War II dungarees with a garrison or combination cover were also worn by CPOs engaged in dirty jobs. Unlike later working uniforms, dungarees were not allowed to be worn outside of military installations; service members were allowed to wear the uniform to and from the installation in a vehicle, but were not authorized to make any stops between while in the dungarees. In fact, until World War II dungarees could only be worn in port in ships' interior spaces, below the main deck or inside gun turrets.[citation needed]

text: Dungarees consisted of a short or long-sleeve blue chambray shirt, white T-shirt, and bell-bottom denim jeans (the jeans in question had heptagonal "patch" pockets sewn on the front of the pant-legs rather than the traditional "slash" pockets often seen on civilian-worn jeans). Head gear was the white "dixie cup" cover for men and an early form of the black garrison cap or a black beret for women; after graduation from boot camp, the command ball cap was optional (and in practice more common). Starting in 1995, the white hat was no longer authorized for wear with dungarees, and the command (or Navy) ballcap became the predominant cover. During cold weather a black watch cap was allowed.

text: The sailor's last name was stenciled in white on the pants just above the back pocket on the right side. The name was also placed in black on the shirt just above the right breast pocket, usually stenciled on. Names could also be reinforced with embroidered thread of the appropriate color on both the pants and shirt. Rate badges (for petty officers) and warfare devices were iron-on. The rate badges consisted of an all-black eagle (nicknamed a "crow") and chevrons, omitted the rating device found on other enlisted uniforms' rate badges.

text: Low black leather boots called "boondockers" were issued with the dungaree uniform, however, sailors were allowed to wear black leather jump boots. Flight deck personnel were issued a type of taller cap-toe boot similar in design to jump boots known colloquially as "wing walkers". These types of boots had zig-zag patterned out-soles to avoid gathering FOD (Foreign Object Debris) between the ridges that could litter the flight deck and cause potential damage to aircraft. "Dealer/Chelsea" style ankle boots (known colloquially as Lox boots) with elastic-sides were issued to personnel working with Liquid oxygen for easier removal in case the boots would freeze upon contact.

text: Utilities[edit]

text: The enlisted utilities uniform was worn by junior enlisted sailors, from paygrades E-1 to E-6, from the mid-1990s until 2010, when they were phased out in favor of the NWU. Utilities consisted of dark blue chino cloth trousers with a polyester–cotton blend shirt, and were considered an updated version of the dungarees uniform. Utilities were meant to be worn in a working environment but were authorized to be worn outside military installations, unlike coveralls.

text: Usually sailors wore the command ball cap with this uniform, although a black watch cap was allowed in cold weather. Cloth name tapes were worn similar to that used on utility uniforms of the other services. In 1995 a tape with the words "U.S. NAVY" began being included above the left breast pocket with embroidered enlisted warfare insignia authorized above it, and an embroidered rating badge. The footwear for this uniform was full black, round-toed boots (referred to as boondockers), preferably with steel toes. The blue utility jacket was authorized in climates not cold enough as to warrant wearing the black All-Weather Coat.

text: Enlisted Undress Blues[edit]

text: Prior to the introduction of the Winter Blue/Winter Working Blue uniform, personnel E-6 and below in office and classroom environments were authorized to wear the Undress Blue uniform; this broadly resembled the Dress Blue "crackerjack" uniform but carried no piping or stars, and the sleeves were wide and cuffless like those of the current Dress Whites. Before 1941 this was the standard working uniform for all "above-deck" duties since dungarees were not permitted anywhere the public might see them. Ribbons and neckerchief were not worn and the uniform was not authorized for liberty.

text: Enlisted Dress Whites (prewar)[edit]

text: Until 1941, the summer and tropical equivalent to the Dress Blue "crackerjacks" was a white cotton jumper uniform with blue tar flap and cuffs, adorned with white piping and stars like the blue uniform. This uniform was discontinued "for the duration" and was never reinstated; instead the Undress Whites with the addition of ribbons and neckerchief became the summer dress uniform for sailors.

text: The "Flat Hat"[edit]

text: From 1852 until 1962 (although in practice rarely worn after the middle of World War II), enlisted sailors were issued a round, flat blue wool hat with a ribbon around the band similar to that worn by the Royal Navy. The "Donald Duck" was worn with the Service Dress Blue uniform on more formal occasions in lieu of the white "Dixie cup." The ribbon until 1941 carried the name of the wearer's ship embroidered in gold; as a wartime security measure this was replaced with a generic "U.S. Navy."


document_title: Japanese militarism

question_text: who had the most influence over the japanese government by the mid 1930s

root

text: Japanese militarism

text: History[edit]

text: Rise of militarism[edit]

text: The military had a strong influence on Japanese society from the Meiji Restoration. Almost all leaders in Japanese society during the Meiji period (whether in the military, politics or business) were ex-samurai or descendants of samurai, and shared a set of values and outlooks. The early Meiji government viewed Japan as threatened by western imperialism, and one of the prime motivations for the Fukoku Kyohei policy was to strengthen Japan's economic and industrial foundations, so that a strong military could be built to defend Japan against outside powers.

tag: p

text: The rise of universal military conscription, introduced by Yamagata Aritomo in 1873, along with the proclamation of the Imperial Rescript to Soldiers and Sailors in 1882 enabled the military to indoctrinate thousands of men from various social backgrounds with military-patriotic values and the concept of unquestioning loyalty to the Emperor as the basis of the Japanese state (kokutai). Yamagata like many Japanese was strongly influenced by the recent striking success of Prussia in transforming itself from an agricultural state to a leading modern industrial and military power. He accepted Prussian political ideas, which favored military expansion abroad and authoritarian government at home. The Prussian model also devalued the notion of civilian control over the independent military, which meant that in Japan, as in Germany, the military could develop into a state within a state, thus exercising greater influence on politics in general.[1]

text: Following the German victory in the Franco-Prussian War, the Army Staff College and the Japanese General Staff paid close attention to Major Jakob Meckel's views on the superiority of the German military model over the French system as the reason for German victory. In response to a Japanese request, Prussian Chief of Staff Helmuth von Moltke sent Meckel to Japan to become an O-yatoi gaikokujin.[2] In Japan, Meckel worked closely with future Prime Ministers General Katsura Tarō and General Yamagata Aritomo, and with army strategist General Kawakami Soroku. Meckel made numerous recommendations which were implemented, including reorganization of the command structure of the army into divisions and regiments, thus increasing mobility, strengthening the army logistics and transportation structure with the major army bases connected by railways, establishing artillery and engineering regiments as independent commands, and revising the universal conscription system to abolish virtually all exceptions. A bust of Meckel was sited in front of the Japanese Army Staff College from 1909 through 1945.[3]

text: Although his period in Japan (1885–1888) was relatively short, Meckel had a tremendous impact on the development of the Japanese military. He is credited with having introduced Clausewitz's military theories[4] and the Prussian concept of war games (kriegspiel) in a process of refining tactics.[5] By training some sixty of the highest-ranking Japanese officers of the time in tactics, strategy and organization, he was able to replace the previous influences of the French advisors with his own philosophies. Meckel especially reinforced Hermann Roesler's ideal of subservience to the Emperor by teaching his pupils that Prussian military success was a consequence of the officer class's unswerving loyalty to their sovereign Emperor, as expressly codified in Articles XI-XIII of the Meiji Constitution.[6]

text: The rise of political parties in the late Meiji period was coupled with the rise of secret and semi-secret patriotic societies, such as the Genyōsha (1881) and Kokuryukai (1901), which coupled political activities with paramilitary activities and military intelligence, and supported expansionism overseas as a solution to Japan's domestic issues.

text: Japan felt looked down on by Western countries during the late 19th century. The phrase fukoku kyōhei (rich nation, strong army) was created during this time and shows how Japanese officials saw imperialism as the way to gain respect and power. [7] With a more aggressive foreign policy, and victory over China in the First Sino-Japanese War and over Russia in the Russo-Japanese War, Japan joined the imperialist powers. The need for a strong military to secure Japan's new overseas empire was strengthened by a sense that only through a strong military would Japan earn the respect of western nations, and thus revision of the unequal treaties.

text: Economic factors[edit]

text: During the 19th century, Great Power status was considered dependent on resource-rich colonial empires, both as a source of raw materials for military and industrial production, and international prestige.

text: Due to the lack of resources in Japanese home islands, raw materials such as iron, oil, and coal largely had to be imported. The success of Japan in securing Taiwan (1895) and Korea (1910) had brought Japan primarily agricultural colonies. In terms of resources, the Japanese military looked towards Manchuria's iron and coal, Indochina's rubber, and China's vast resources. However, the army was at variance with the zaibatsu financial and industrial corporations on how to manage economic expansion, a conflict also affecting domestic politics.[8]

text: Independence of the military[edit]

text: Also forming part of the basis for the growth of militarism was the freedom from civilian control enjoyed by the Japanese armed forces. In 1878, the Imperial Japanese Army established the Imperial Japanese Army General Staff office, modeled after the Prussian General Staff. This office was independent of, and equal (and later superior) to the Ministry of War of Japan in terms of authority. The Imperial Japanese Navy soon followed with the Imperial Japanese Navy General Staff. These General Staff offices were responsible for the planning and execution of military operations, and reported directly to the emperor. As the Chiefs of the General Staff were not cabinet ministers, they did not report to the Prime Minister of Japan, and were thus completely independent of any civilian oversight or control.

text: The Army and the Navy also had decisive say on the formation (and survival) of any civilian government. Since the law required that the posts of Army Minister and Navy Minister be filled by active duty officers nominated by their respective services, and since the law also required that a prime minister resign if he could not fill all of his cabinet posts, both the Army and the Navy had final say on the formation of a cabinet, and could bring down the cabinet at any time by withdrawing their minister and refusing to nominate a successor. In reality, while this tactic was used only one time (ironically to prevent a General, Kazushige Ugaki, from becoming Prime Minister in 1937), the threat always loomed large when the military made any demands on the civilian leadership.

text: Growth of ultranationalism[edit]

text: During the Taishō period, Japan saw a short period of democratic rule (the so-called "Taisho democracy"), and several diplomatic attempts were made to encourage peace, such as the Washington Naval Treaty and participation in the League of Nations. However, with the beginning of the Shōwa era, the apparent collapse of the world economic order with the Great Depression starting in 1929, coupled with the imposition of trade barriers by western nations and an increasing radicalism in Japanese politics including issues of domestic terrorist violence (including an assassination attempt on the emperor in 1932 and a number of attempted coups d'état by ultra-nationalist secret societies) led to a resurgence of so-called "jingoistic" patriotism, a weakening of democratic forces and a belief that the military could solve all threats both domestic and foreign. Patriotic education also strengthened the sense of a hakko ichiu, or a divine mission to unify Asia under Japanese rule.

text: Those who continued to resist the "military solution" including nationalists with unquestionable patriotism, such as generals Jotaro Watanabe and Tetsuzan Nagata and ex-Foreign Minister Kijūrō Shidehara were driven from office or an active role in the government.

text: A turning point came with the ratification of the London Naval Treaty of 1930. Prime Minister Osachi Hamaguchi and his Minseito party agreed to a treaty which would severely limit Japanese naval power. This treaty was strongly opposed by the military, who claimed that it would endanger national defense, and was portrayed by the opposition Rikken Seiyukai party as having been forced upon Japan by a hostile United States, which further inflamed growing anti-foreign sentiment.

text: The Japanese system of party government finally met its demise with the May 15 Incident in 1932, when a group of junior naval officers and army cadets assassinated Prime Minister Inukai Tsuyoshi. Although the assassins were put on trial and sentenced to fifteen years' imprisonment, they were seen popularly as having acted out of patriotism and the atmosphere was set where the military was able to act with little restraint.

text: Growth of military adventurism[edit]

text: Japan had been involved in the Asian continent continuously from the First Sino-Japanese War, Boxer Rebellion, Russo-Japanese War, World War I and the Siberian Intervention. During the term of Prime Minister Tanaka Giichi from 1927 to 1929, Japan sent troops three times to China to obstruct Chiang Kai-shek's unification campaign. In June 1928, adventurist officers of the Kwantung Army embarked on unauthorized initiatives to protect Japanese interests in Manchuria, including the assassination of a former ally, warlord Zhang Zuolin, in hopes of sparking a general conflict.

text: The Manchurian Incident of September 1931 did not fail, and it set the stage for the Japanese military takeover of all of Manchuria. Kwantung Army conspirators blew up a few meters of South Manchurian Railway Company track near Mukden, blamed it on Chinese saboteurs, and used the event as an excuse to invade and seize the vast territory.

text: In Tokyo one month later, in the Imperial Colors Incident, military figures failed in an attempt to establish a military dictatorship, but again the news was suppressed and the military perpetrators were not punished.

text: In January 1932, Japanese forces attacked Shanghai in the First Shanghai Incident, waging a three-month undeclared war there before a truce was reached. The civilian government in Tokyo was powerless to prevent these military adventures, and instead of being condemned, the Kwangtung Army's actions enjoyed considerable popular support.

text: Inukai's successors, military men chosen by Saionji Kinmochi, the last surviving genrō, recognized Manchukuo and generally approved the army's actions in securing Manchuria as an industrial base, an area for Japanese emigration, and a potential staging ground for war with the Soviet Union. Various army factions contended for power amid increasing suppression of dissent and more assassinations. In the February 26 Incident of 1936, the Army's elite First Infantry Division staged an attempted coup d'état in yet another effort to overthrow civilian rule. The revolt was put down by other military units, and its leaders were executed after secret trials. Despite public dismay over these events and the discredit they brought to numerous military figures, Japan's civilian leadership capitulated to the army's demands in the hope of ending domestic violence. Increases were seen in defense budgets, naval construction (Japan announced it would no longer accede to disarmament treaties), and patriotic indoctrination as Japan moved toward a wartime footing.[3]

text: In November 1936, the Anti-Comintern Pact, an agreement to exchange information and collaborate in preventing communist activities, was signed by Japan and Germany (Italy joined a year later). War was launched against China with the Marco Polo Bridge Incident of July 7, 1937 in which a clash near Beijing between Chinese and Japanese troops quickly escalated into the full-scale warfare of the Second Sino-Japanese War, followed by the Soviet-Japanese Border Wars and the Pacific War.

text: Despite the military's long tradition of independence from civilian control, its efforts at staging a coup d'état to overthrow the civilian government, and its forcing Japan into war through insubordination and military adventurism, the military was ultimately unable to force a military dictatorship on Japan.

text: Under Prime Minister Konoe Fumimaro, the Japanese government was streamlined to meet war-time conditions and under the National Mobilization Law was given absolute power over the nation's assets. In 1940, all political parties were ordered to dissolve into the Imperial Rule Assistance Association, forming a one-party state based on totalitarian values. Even so, there was much entrenched opposition from the government bureaucrats, and in the 1942 general election for the Japanese Diet, the military was still unable to do away with the last vestiges of party politics. This was partly due to the fact that the military itself was not a monolithic structure, but was rent internally with its own political factions. Even Japan's wartime Prime Minister, Hideki Tōjō, had difficulty controlling portions of his own military.

text: Japan's overseas possessions, greatly extended as a result of early successes in the Pacific War were organized into a Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, which was to have integrated Asia politically and economically—under Japanese leadership—against Western domination.

text: Opposition to militarism[edit]

text: Despite the apparently monolithic national consensus on the official aggressive policies pursued by the Imperial government in the first part of the Shōwa era, some substantial opposition did exist. This was one of various forms of Japanese dissidence during the Shōwa period.

text: The most organized open opposition to militarism was from the Japanese Communist Party. In the early 1930s Communist activists attempted to influence army conscripts, but the party was suppressed during the mid-1930s within Japan.

text: Personal opposition included individuals from the fields of party politics, business and culture. Some notable examples include:

text:
Hara Takashi, a commoner and liberal thinker of the Rikken Seiyūkai, had become prime minister in 1918 with the rallying cry of "Militarism is dead." Three years later, however, Hara was assassinated.
Kijūrō Shidehara followed a non-interventionist policy toward China, attempting to stabilize its relations with Great Britain and the United States. The term "Shidehara diplomacy" came to describe Japan's liberal foreign policy during the 1920s, and was assailed by military interests who believed it was weakening the country.
Baron Takuma Dan, director of Mitsui Bank, was an important opponent of Japan overseas interventions and was known for his pro-American views. He was murdered on March 5, 1932 in the League of Blood Incident.
Minobe Tatsukichi, a respected professor at Tokyo Imperial University declared the emperor to be a part of the constitutional structure of Japan rather than a sacred power beyond the state itself in 1935. His constitutional interpretation was overwhelmingly accepted by bureaucrats until the 1930s. In the increasingly militant 1930s, these ideas led to attacks against Minobe in the House of Peers and his resignation from that body.
Saitō Takao, a graduate of Yale University was a member of the Rikken Minseito party. On February 2, 1940, he made a speech in the Diet in which he sharply questioned the prosecution and justification of Japan's "holy war" in China. He was expelled from the Diet on March 7, 1940 and his speech also led to the creation of the League of Diet Members Believing the Objectives of the Holy War by Fumimaro Konoe.
Admiral Sōkichi Takagi, an opponent of Japan's decision to declare war on the United States, was asked by Navy Minister Shigetarō Shimada to compile a report analyzing Japanese defeats during the Pacific campaign of 1942. His analysis convinced Takagi of Japan's inevitable defeat. Believing that the only solution for Japan was the elimination of the Tojo-led government and a truce with the United States, Takagi began planning for the assassination of Prime Minister Hideki Tōjō before his removal from office in July 1944.
Kanō Jigorō, creator of Judo and founder of the modern Japanese educational system, member of Japan's Olympic Committee, and de facto foreign minister for Japan was a staunch opponent of militarism. Concerned that his Judo school, the Kodokan, would be used as a military training center, he obtained a promise from the Emperor that it would not be. Alternate sources list different causes of death, and some consider his passing to be suspicious.

tag: ul

text: Japan attacking Pearl Harbor[edit]

text: The surprise attack on Pearl Harbor happened on December 7, 1941. Multiple events led to the attack, such as the Japanese peoples' opposition to Westernism and the breaking off of negotiations between Japan and the United States.[9][better source needed] Japan had plans to take over other Asian countries, which resulted in the US to strip any war materials and resources to be sold to the Japanese and froze all assets and bank accounts in the US. The US fleet moved from being stationed in California to be moved in Pearl Harbor to somewhat control Japan's aggression and imposed on an embargo of essential materials, because Japan was trying to take over and control more territories.[9][better source needed]

text: Post-war[edit]

text: Despite efforts to totally militarize Japanese society during the war, including such measures as the National Service Draft Ordinance and the National Spiritual Mobilization Movement, Japanese militarism was discredited by the failure of Japan's military in World War II and by the American occupation. After the surrender of Japan, many of its former military leaders were tried for war crimes before the Tokyo tribunal, its government, educational system revised and had pacifism written into the post-war Constitution of Japan as one of its key tenets.

text: While many[who?] believe that nationalism is on the rise, due to the country's economic downfall and increased push to revise article nine to assist in international peacekeeping operations, many[who?] also believe that it has very little to do with militarism in general. Others[who?] are concerned that the public showings of respect to war criminals enshrined along with the war dead by the political leaders is a worrisome new development bringing a new dynamic to the region.[1]

text: Timeline[edit]

text:
1931: Hamaguchi dies and Wakatsuki Reijirō becomes prime minister (April 14). Inukai Tsuyoshi becomes prime minister (December 13) and increases funding for the military in China. Mukden Incident occurs.
1932: After an attack on Japanese monks in Shanghai (January 18), Japanese forces shell the city (January 29). Manchukuo is established with Henry Pu Yi as emperor (February 29). Inukai is assassinated during a coup attempt and Saitō Makoto becomes prime minister (May 15). Japan is censured by the League of Nations (December 7).
1933: Japan leaves the League of Nations (March 27).
1934: Keisuke Okada becomes prime minister (July 8). Japan withdraws from the Washington Naval Treaty (December 29).
1936: Coup attempt, the February 26 Incident, crushed by Hirohito. Kōki Hirota becomes prime minister (March 9). Japan signs its first pact with Germany (November 25) and occupies Tsingtao (December 3). Mengchiang established in Inner Mongolia.
1937: Senjūrō Hayashi becomes prime minister (February 2). Prince Konoe Fumimaro becomes prime minister (June 4). The Sino-Japanese War starts with the Battle of Lugou Bridge (July 7). Japan captures Peking (July 31). Japanese troops occupy Nanking (December 13), beginning the Nanking massacre.
1938: Battle of Taierzhuang (March 24). Canton falls to Japanese forces (October 21).
1939: Hiranuma Kiichirō becomes prime minister (January 5). Japanese forces suffers a military defeat at Battles of Khalkhin Gol against Soviet forces (September 15). Abe Nobuyuki becomes prime minister (August 30).
1940: Mitsumasa Yonai becomes prime minister (January 16). Konoe becomes prime minister for a second term (July 22). Hundred Regiments Offensive (August–September). Japan occupies French Indochina in the wake of the fall of Paris to the Germans, and signs the Tripartite Pact (September 27).
1941: Japan and Soviet Union signs a non aggression pact (April 13). General Hideki Tōjō becomes prime minister (October 18). Japanese naval forces attack Pearl Harbor, Hawaii (December 7) (see Attack on Pearl Harbor), prompting the United States to declare war on Japan (December 8). Japan conquers Hong Kong (December 25).
1942: Singapore surrenders to Japan (February 15). Japan bombs Australia (February 19). Indian Ocean raid (March 31-April 10). Doolittle Raid on Tokyo (April 18). Battle of the Coral Sea (May 4 – 8). Sanko sakusen implemented in North China. American forces in the Philippines surrender (May 8). Japan defeated at the Battle of Midway (June 6).
1943: U.S. victory in Battle of Guadalcanal (February 9). Japan defeated at Battle of Tarawa (November 23).
1944: Tojo resigns and Kuniaki Koiso becomes prime minister (July 22).
1945: U.S. bombers begin firebombing of major Japanese cities. Japan defeated at Battle of Iwo Jima (March 26). Admiral Kantarō Suzuki becomes prime minister (April 7). Manila massacre. Japan defeated at Battle of Okinawa (June 21). U.S. drops atomic bombs on Hiroshima (August 6), and on Nagasaki in the same day that USSR entered in the War against Japan (August 9). Japan surrenders (September 2): Allied occupation begins.


question_text: i am the pretty thing that lives in the house ending meaning

text: Plot[edit]

text: Retired horror author Iris Blum suffers from dementia and lives in a remote New England house built in the early 19th century. Ms. Blum's estate manager, Mr. Waxcap, hires live-in nurse Lily Saylor to care for her. In a voice-over Lily explains that she just turned 28 years old, and that she will never reach 29 years old. Lily declares that a house with a death in it can never be bought or sold; it can only be "borrowed" from its ghosts.

text: Lily begins to experience strange events. On her first night in the house, the telephone is wrenched out of her hands by an unseen force. A spot of black mold appears on a section of wall and slowly grows as the months pass. Lily often finds a corner of the rug at the base of the stairs has been flipped up, but she is the only person in the house who walks on the first floor. Ms. Blum only calls Lily "Polly," never using her real name. Mr. Waxcap explains that Polly Parsons is the protagonist of Ms. Blum's most popular novel, The Lady in the Walls. Lily presses him about how the novel ends, but he says she must read it herself. Lily responds that she is easily scared, and cannot bring herself to read it. Later, Lily opens a copy of the book in Ms. Blum's study, and it has a dried chrysanthemum pressed between the pages. Steeling herself to read, Lily learns the novel's central conceit: that Ms. Blum communicated with the long-dead Polly, and is retelling Polly's story. Lily puts the book down after a few pages, too frightened to continue. While rinsing berries in the kitchen, black mold spots cover Lily's hands and arms, then her arms bloat and turn sickly gray as if they are rotting, but a second later she looks down again and everything is normal. She glimpses a figure dressed in white reflected on a TV screen, but no one is there when she turns around.

text: Discovering a moldy box labeled "Polly," Lily reads Ms. Blum's handwritten notes for the novel, and she comes to believe that Ms. Blum's conceit may be more than a fictional device; it may be based on an actual murder committed in the house. In a flashback, Polly is a bride, and a man, presumably her groom, kills her with a hammer in front of a part of the wall that has been stripped of its boards - the same section where mold is growing in the present. The man, covered in blood, hammers those boards in place, hiding Polly's body in the walls. Ms. Blum confronts Lily, believing her to be Polly, telling her that beauty never lasts and that she's going to rot and "fall apart like flowers."

text: On the final night of Lily's life, she descends the stairs to investigate a knocking sound, finds the wall boards piled beside the re-opened old burial place in the wall, sees Polly's ghost, and dies, overcome by terror. Since Ms. Blum never receives visitors and no longer has a nurse, she too dies.

text: Later, Mr. Waxcap finds the corpses and we see a new family move into the house who are seemingly unaware of all the ghosts they are "borrowing it from."

text: Cast[edit]

text:
Ruth Wilson as Lily Saylor
Paula Prentiss as Iris Blum
Bob Balaban as Mr. Waxcap
Lucy Boynton as Polly Parsons

text: Production[edit]

text: Writer-director Osgood Perkins originally intended for the story to be about the daughter of a male horror novelist, but he said that "one day, it just changed".[2] Casting became easier once the film was financed; Perkins cited Wilson's talent and excitement for the project as two of the reasons she was chosen to play Lily. Prentiss – a family friend who, as well as her husband Richard Benjamin, had performed with Perkins' father, Anthony Perkins – was the director's only choice to play Iris.[2]

text: Release[edit]

text: I Am the Pretty Thing That Lives in the House premiered at the Toronto International Film Festival on September 10, 2016.[1] It debuted on Netflix on October 28.[2]

text: Reception[edit]

text: Rotten Tomatoes, a review aggregator, reports that 64% of nine surveyed critics gave the film a positive review; the average rating is 4.3/10.[3] Dennis Harvey of Variety wrote that the film's atmosphere can not overcome its minimalist and familiar writing.[4] Stephen Dalton of The Hollywood Reporter called it "classy vintage horror with a literary flavor" and compared it to the works of David Lynch, Stanley Kubrick, and Roman Polanski.[5] April Wolfe of The Village Voice described it as "the most atmospherically faithful adaptation ever of a Shirley Jackson book that never existed" and concluded that the film was "the very best of gothic horror."[6] In rating it 2/5 stars, Nigel M. Smith of The Guardian wrote, "Osgood Perkins layers on the dread in his haunted house thriller. But as it becomes clear that there's no worthwhile story, the scares dissipate fast."[7] A. A. Dowd of The A.V. Club called it a creepy, slow burn drama that works despite its lack of a conventional payoff.[8]


document_title: Last Tango in Halifax

question_text: who plays john in last tango in halifax

question_tokens: who plays john in last tango in halifax

text: Last Tango in Halifax

text: Overview[edit]

text: Celia Dawson and Alan Buttershaw are both widowed and in their seventies. They were attracted to each other in the 1950s, but never expressed their feelings, and Celia moved away with her parents. In the present day, they are reunited after being persuaded to join Facebook by their respective grandchildren.[8] Alan has loved Celia since he was 16 years old,[9] whilst Celia is described as a woman who is "unfulfilled" and was unhappily married to a man she grew to hate.[9] After their reunion, Alan and Celia discover that they still feel as passionately for each other as they did when they were teenagers. Their story is described as a "testament of the uplifting power of love at any age".[8]

text: Alan and Celia's romance is depicted alongside the troubles of their own grown-up daughters, and the series' official description says that its portrayal of family is "as dark as it is comic".[8] Alan's daughter Gillian and Celia's daughter Caroline are complete opposites: widowed Gillian runs a farm and works part-time in a supermarket,[9] whilst Oxford-educated[9] Caroline is the headmistress of a successful school.[8] Their parents' engagement affects both daughters' lives. Gillian wonders how she and her son will cope without her father around to help,[10] whilst Caroline, struggling with depression and her feelings for a female colleague, feels that her mother's unconventional romance gives her "permission to finally admit to being who she really is".[11]

text: Production[edit]

text: Concept and writing[edit]

text: The series is based on lead writer Sally Wainwright's personal experiences.[1] She described it as "the most personal thing I've ever written".[12] Her mother, Dorothy, lost contact with a childhood friend, Alec Walker,[1] when she was 15, but they reconnected on the social networking website Friends Reunited 60 years later[12] and within six months were married. Wainwright said the relationship between her mother and Alec "was so beautiful and uplifting that it inspired everyone around them".[13] When she told the story to her colleague Nicola Shindler, Shindler suggested she turn her experience into a television series. Shindler became the series' executive producer and according to Wainwright, the script was sold "instantly".[13]

text: The character of Celia is based on Dorothy; Wainwright has noted that her mother "became so passionate and emotional" after falling in love again.[13] Some scenes in the series are based on true events. In one episode Celia and Alan are shown laughing at an argument between Caroline and her husband in the next room; Wainwright recalls discovering her mother and stepfather in the same situation after Wainwright had had an argument with her husband Austin.[13] Caroline's discomfort with Celia's discussing her sex life is based on a conversation Wainwright had with her mother. Dorothy's husband died three years into their marriage, but according to Wainwright she was "delighted" to have their relationship dramatised; Wainwright believes Last Tango in Halifax is "a celebration of how fantastic the whole thing was".[13]

text: Though largely biographical, the series does contain some invented story lines. In real life, Alec and Dorothy's families had a good relationship from the start; in the TV series, Caroline and Gillian initially have a feud.[13] Whilst Jacobi and Reid's storyline is predominantly uplifting, the actions of their onscreen families were intended to provide a contrast. With regard to Alan and Celia's dysfunctional families, Wainwright states that they "bring drama and chaos at every turn" and that the series aims to "get under the skin of these characters".[1]

text: Through Caroline, the series explores various LGBT themes. A source of contention for Celia is her daughter entering into a same sex relationship and later coming out to her. Anne Reid spoke positively of the storyline, stating that she believes a lot of people of her own generation are homophobic. She felt that her own character "might show them [and] might change them" just as Celia must become more accepting to avoid losing Alan. Jacobi concurred: Alan has "a streak of tolerance in him ... that perhaps Celia doesn't".[14] In series three, the division between Celia and Caroline widens after Celia refuses to attend Caroline's wedding to another woman. Wainwright felt that killing off Caroline's partner Kate would be the most effective way to propel the drama onwards and to develop the emotional lives of the remaining characters going forward. She was conflicted over this decision, having grown attached to the character of Kate, and actress Nina Sosanya, and wrote two versions of the fourth episode; the unaired one would have seen Kate survive.[15]

text: Characters and casting[edit]

text: Discussing the casting of Derek Jacobi and Anne Reid, Wainwright stated: "we went for the best and we got them".[1] The Guardian felt that one of the series' successes was the unlikely casting of a "theatrical knight" (Jacobi) and a "TV Stalwart" (Reid).[16] Wainwright had not anticipated being able to secure an actor of Jacobi's calibre for the role of Alan, stating that she "never imagined getting someone like him in one of my dramas", believing him to be in "a different stratosphere".[13] Upon casting Jacobi, Wainright felt that in addition to looking similar to Alec Walker, Jacobi embodied his personality perfectly, particularly his sense of humour.[13] Jacobi was surprised to be offered the role of Alan; as his reputation centred on parts that were either "posh", "classical" or "costume". He enjoyed having the chance to play someone who is "an ordinary fellow".[17] He also felt the series provided a chance to depict a "love story between two older characters that isn't patronising or stereotyped in any way".[9] Wainwright felt that the two lead actors had a palpable chemistry that reflected her mother's second marriage.[1][13] Reid and Jacobi also influenced the creative process — after Reid discovered Jacobi could jive, they implored Wainright to include a dance scene in an episode.[1][18] Jacobi also inspired a scene in which two of Alan's friends (played by Roy Barraclough and Paul Copley)[19] vie to be his best man.[13] A teenage version of Alan is portrayed in flashback by Nico Mirallegro.[20]

text: Reid was Wainwright's personal choice for the role of Celia, describing the actress as "so down to earth and compelling to watch".[13] Reid had tired of playing older characters for whom their age was a defining characteristic, stating that she had been sent lots of scripts wherein "where the minute anyone's over 65, they turn into a doddering old idiot".[21] She hoped that Last Tango in Halifax would "give hope to older people",[22] opining that the relationship between Celia and Alan was free from ageism.[21] Reid identified herself with Celia's personality — believing herself to be quite reckless and outgoing [18]— though stated that unlike her character she has no desire to enter another relationship.[22] She enjoyed working with her friend Sarah Lancashire, who previously played her onscreen daughter in Rose and Maloney, and suggested that the two share similar looks.[21] Reid described filming the series as "one of the best times in my career" and stated that she was proud of the work put in.[9] Amelia Young plays a teenage Celia during a flashback sequence in episode six.[20]

text: Lancashire discerned that the series was "very special" within reading two pages of the script. Other factors that persuaded her to commit to the series included the casting of Reid and Jacobi, and the series' juxtaposition of a heart-warming story with elements of humour.[9] In terms of her character, Lancashire identified with Caroline being "a working woman trying to keep everything under control".[9] She stated the series' ensemble cast was "the closest I’ve come to being in a theatre company on television" due to how well the actors worked together.[23] The cast had all assumed that Last Tango in Halifax would only run for one series.[23] Filming of the second series clashed with filming of the second series of the BBC One period drama The Paradise, which also starred Sarah Lancashire. This necessitated her having to leave her role in The Paradise halfway through the second series in order to reprise her role as Caroline in Last Tango in Halifax.[24] In an interview in 2013 Lancashire stated that the decision to return to Last Tango in Halifax was the easiest she had made in her working life stating "as an actor you can wait an entire career to be involved in a project like this."[25] The role resulted in her receiving the most fan mail of her career. Lancashire was surprised and humbled by the responses from women stating that Caroline's same sex relationship had personally inspired them.[25] She stated that in her approach to the character she did not focus on Caroline's sexuality, but the "humanity of her".[25] Due to the underrepresentation of gay characters on television, Lancashire felt it particularly important that Caroline's experience would not be portrayed inaccurately.[25] In 2014 Wainwright recalled being "blown away" by Lancashire's performances in the rushes for the series, which partly inspired her to script the series Happy Valley in which Lancashire plays the lead role.[26]

text: Nicola Walker completes the main cast as Gillian. She admired the character's honesty, bravery and lack of self-pity, and identified strongly with her tendency to speak before thinking things through and her deep love for her father.[9] In 2014 The Daily Telegraph described the role as a "game-changer" in the trajectory of Walker's career.[27] Though ultimately successful in winning the role Walker initially believed that she would not get the part due to a lack of confidence in her northern accent, and the presence of northern actresses in the audition.[27] Her approach to the character saw her delve into Gillian's psychology with Walker particularly interested in the contradiction between Gillian's sexual confidence and her use of sex as a form of self-punishment.[27] She felt the series showed a very adult approach to storytelling, stating that she had "never come across a character like Gillian before" and praising the variety of strong female roles.[28] The Independent noted the significance of the series having three female leads over the age of 40, stating that this, alongside Caroline's lesbian storyline and Gillian's attitude towards sex made the series "quietly subversive" when compared against primetime television as a whole.[28]

text: In addition to its main characters, Last Tango in Halifax features a regular supporting cast. Nina Sosanya plays Caroline's romantic partner Kate, who she decides to marry over the course of the series. Gerard Gilbert of The Independent describes the relationship between the couple as "one of the most normalised lesbian relationships ever shown on the small screen."[17] Nina Sosanya noted that she enjoyed filming with Sarah Lancashire and that the pair would "giggle a lot like completely juvenile idiots" whilst filming their love scenes.[17] Other characters introduced in the first series include Caroline's husband John (Tony Gardner) and his lover Judith (Ronni Ancona), Gillian's brother-in-law, Robbie (Dean Andrews), and Paul (Sacha Dhawan), a youth with whom Gillian has a sexual relationship. Josh Bolt plays Gillian's son Raff, whilst Edward Ashley and Louis Greatorex play Caroline's teenage sons William and Lawrence.[19][20][29][30][31][32] The second series expanded the families of Alan and Celia. Timothy West appears as Alan's brother Ted whilst Gemma Jones plays Celia's sister Muriel.[33][34] The third series later introduces Rupert Graves as Gary, who is revealed to be Alan's illegitimate son,[35] and Michelle Hurst as Kate's mother Ginika.[17][36]

text: Filming[edit]

text: The first series was filmed in Yorkshire and in Altrincham between January and April 2012. Altrincham was used to represent scenes set in Harrogate, such as those set at Caroline's house.[37] The second series began filming in July 2013.[38] Filming took place at Holdsworth House in Halifax in August 2013[39] and also at Hoghton Tower, a fortified manor house in Lancashire, in August 2013. This resulted in the Tower's being closed to the public between 19 and 28 August.[40] In September the University of York supplied ten students from the Department of Theatre, Film and Television to work as extras on the series.[41] Filming for the third series began in Yorkshire and at Peover Hall, near Knutsford, Cheshire in July 2014.[42]

text: Episodes[edit]

text:
Series
Episodes
Originally aired

Series premiere
Series finale

1
6
20 November 2012
19 December 2012

2
6
19 November 2013
24 December 2013

3
6
28 December 2014[43]
1 February 2015

tag: table

text: Broadcast and reception[edit]

text: The series premièred to overnight ratings of 6.160 million viewers, 25.6% of the available audience, as the highest rated show at 9 pm on 20 November.[44] The series finale, airing 19 December 2012, also won its time-slot, achieving an overnight series high of 6.290 million viewers, 26.6% of the available audience.[45] Consolidated figures released by the Broadcasters' Audience Research Board (BARB) revealed that the series première achieved a consolidated rating of 7.304 million viewers,[46] whilst the finale had 7.480 million.[46] The overall series average in terms of viewing figures was 7.316 million viewers.[nb 1] The Independent reported that the early consolidated ratings received by the programme made it the highest rated new mid-week television drama of 2012.[47] In September 2013, the series began airing on the American broadcast television network PBS.[48]

text: Critical reception[edit]

text: The series has attracted mostly positive reviews, largely focused on the depiction of its two septuagenarian lead characters. Jane Shilling of The Daily Telegraph labelled the series "a triumph against TV's ageism" in an examination of the portrayal of elderly people in the media.[49] Shilling singled out Jacobi and Reid's performances, stating that they provide a "mixture of gravity and levity" that "brings a transcendent quality to their characters' resolute ordinariness". Lucy Harmer, an executive member of the charity Age UK, also praised the series for portraying two "normal, healthy and sane" older characters, citing the depiction of Internet use by the elderly as something ordinary. She compared the treatment of older characters in the series to Hilary Boyd's novel Thursdays in the Park and the film The Best Exotic Marigold Hotel (2012).[50] The Huffington Post's Caroline Frost thought the series was reminiscent of the dialogue and sensibility of the playwright Alan Bennett. She wrote the story was poignant and praised a central theme underlining "how many people make do with their day-to-day business and responsibilities, while still holding on to their private dreams",[51] Andrew Anthony of The Guardian had his "low expectations ... squarely confounded", giving particular praise to the dialogue and the central performances.[16] Jane Simon of the Daily Mirror felt that Last Tango in Halifax experienced a mid-series dip, though she praised what she felt was a triumphant finale. She also praised Wainwright's script and the lead quartet of Jacobi, Reid, Lancashire, and Walker for creating "characters you can believe in even when they're behaving appallingly".[52] The series was reviewed favourably by the American website AfterEllen, which reports on the depiction of gay and bisexual women in the media. Correspondent Jill Guccini stated that she "started off watching this series thinking it was a cute little show about some oldies falling in love", but at the end of the series believed it was "some of the finest television I've seen, anywhere, ever".[53]

text: Critical reception in the United States was also largely positive following PBS' acquisition of the show. Mary McNamara of the Los Angeles Times labelled the series as "the best new show of the fall" describing it as "a rapturous mix of absurdly fairy-tale-romance and frantic modern complications, set in the picturesque drear of Yorkshire and brought to life by masterfully shaded performances." She opined that Reid and Jacobi "are capable of doing more with a startled look or careful smile ... than most actors can do in seven pages of dialogue".[54] Matthew Gilbert of The Boston Globe acknowledged that the public might not find the series appealing based on its title and premise alone, stating that PBS' description of the programme made it sound "as saccharine and hackneyed as a Geritol commercial". Upon viewing the series however, he praised the added dimensions of the series and wrote that it was "so much more interesting" than the central premise suggested. He also felt that Walker and Lancashire played an important part; "both add[ing] a necessary amount of bitter to the sweet".[55] Mike Hale of The New York Times was more cynical about the series, describing it as a "warm comforter of a series" and "treacle". However he felt that series also distinguished itself from this category of media by its "relatively dry style and careful modulation of tone and volume" in addition to "a crackerjack cast".[56]

text: Accolades[edit]

text: The first series of Last Tango in Halifax was nominated for four awards at the 2013 British Academy Television Awards, which took place on 12 May 2013. Actors Derek Jacobi, Anne Reid, and Sarah Lancashire earned respective nominations in the Best Actor, Best Actress, and Best Supporting Actress categories. The series itself was nominated for the British Academy Television Award for Best Drama Series, and ultimately won.[57] Additionally, Wainwright was named best Drama Writer at the 2013 British Academy Television Craft Awards for her writing of the series.[58] The series was nominated for Best Drama Series at the 2013 Broadcasting Press Guild Awards whilst Sally Wainwright was nominated for the writer's award for her contribution to both Last Tango in Halifax and Scott & Bailey.[59] In 2014, Sarah Lancashire and Nicola Walker were both nominated for a British Academy Television Award in the category for "Best Supporting Actress" for their roles in Last Tango in Halifax. Lancashire won the award for her role as Caroline.[60]

text: Possible adaptations[edit]

text: In October 2013, it was reported in news outlets that American actress, screenwriter, and producer Diane Keaton had acquired the rights to remake Last Tango in Halifax for American audiences on the subscription cable channel HBO.[61] Sally Wainwright mentioned this development at a Broadcasting Press Guild event and stated that though she did not expect to be closely involved in the remake, she would have an associate producer role.[61] However, the following day Red Production Company released a statement stating that a remake would likely be delayed since the original series was still airing on American channel PBS.[62] In April 2014, it was reported that the series would be remade for French television by BBC Worldwide France and the production company NEWEN.[63]

text: Notes[edit]

text: Jump up ^ Calculated by combining the individual viewing figures for each episode, sourced from the Broadcasters' Audience Research Board (7.304 million, 6.779 million, 7.508 million, 7.334 million, 7.492 million, 7.480 million)[46] and dividing by six.

tag: ol


document_title: Fore (golf)

question_text: where does the term four come from in golf

text: Fore (golf)

text: "Fore!", originally an Australian interjection, is used to warn anyone standing or moving in the flight of a golf ball.[1] The mention of the term in an 1881 Australian Golf Museum indicates that the term was in use at least as early as that period.[2]

text: It is believed[according to whom?] to come from the military "beware before", which an artilleryman about to fire would yell alerting nearby infantrymen to drop to the ground to avoid the shells overhead. (Before may mean "in front of (the gun being fired)"; fore may mean "(look) ahead".)

text: Other possible origins include the term being derived from the term "fore-caddie", a caddie waiting down range from the golfer to find where the ball lands. These caddies were often warned about oncoming golf balls by a shout of the term "fore-caddie" which was eventually shortened to just "fore!".[2][3] The Colonel Bogey March is based on the descending minor third which the original Colonel Bogey whistled instead of yelling Fore around 1914.[4]

text: Notes[edit]

text:
Jump up ^ SND: Fore
^ Jump up to: a b Why Do Golfers Yell "Fore" for Errant Shots? retrieved June 15, 2007
Jump up ^ Derivation 4 Fore! and Caddie retrieved June 15, 2007
Jump up ^ The Windsor Magazine: An Illustrated Monthly for Men and Women Vol. 33, no. 192 (December 1910)


document_title: The Combine Harvester

question_text: who sang i got a brand new combine harvester

text: The Combine Harvester

text:
"The Combine Harvester"

Single by Brendan Grace, The Wurzels

Released
1975, 1976[1]

Format
Single

Genre
Novelty, scrumpy and Western

Length
3:03

Label
Solo, EMI[1]

Producer(s)
Tommy Ellis, Bob Barratt[1]

text: "The Combine Harvester" is a novelty song which was a number-one hit for Brendan Grace in Ireland in 1975 and then The Wurzels in the UK in 1976. The song is a parody of Melanie Safka's 1971 hit, Brand New Key, with rustic lyrics replacing the original theme of roller-skating.[2]

text: In the UK, the song was released by The Wurzels, an act from Somerset with a rustic West Country style which they called "Scrumpy and Western". It reached number one on 12 June 1976 and stayed there for two weeks.[1]

text: Charts[edit]

text:
Chart
Peak
position

Irish Singles Chart
1

UK Singles Chart
1