document_title: Spermatogenesis

question_text: how often does spermatogeneis—the production of sperm—occur

question_tokens: how often does spermatogeneis -- the production of sperm -- occur

text: Spermatogenesis

text: Purpose[edit]

text: Spermatogenesis produces mature male gametes, commonly called sperm but more specifically known as spermatozoa, which are able to fertilize the counterpart female gamete, the oocyte, during conception to produce a single-celled individual known as a zygote. This is the cornerstone of sexual reproduction and involves the two gametes both contributing half the normal set of chromosomes (haploid) to result in a chromosomally normal (diploid) zygote.

text: To preserve the number of chromosomes in the offspring – which differs between species – each gamete must have half the usual number of chromosomes present in other body cells. Otherwise, the offspring will have twice the normal number of chromosomes, and serious abnormalities may result. In humans, chromosomal abnormalities arising from incorrect spermatogenesis results in congenital defects and abnormal birth defects (Down Syndrome, Klinefelter's Syndrome) and in most cases, spontaneous abortion of the developing foetus.

text: Location in humans[edit]

text: Spermatogenesis takes place within several structures of the male reproductive system. The initial stages occur within the testes and progress to the epididymis where the developing gametes mature and are stored until ejaculation. The seminiferous tubules of the testes are the starting point for the process, where spermatogonial stem cells adjacent to the inner tubule wall divide in a centripetal direction—beginning at the walls and proceeding into the innermost part, or lumen—to produce immature sperm. Maturation occurs in the epididymis. The location [Testes/Scrotum] is specifically important as the process of spermatogenesis requires a lower temperature to produce viable sperm, specifically 1°-8 °C lower than normal body temperature of 37 °C (98.6 °F).[3] Clinically, small fluctuations in temperature such as from an athletic support strap, causes no impairment in sperm viability or count.[4]

text: Duration[edit]

text: For humans, the entire process of spermatogenesis is variously estimated as taking 74 days[5][6] (according to tritium-labelled biopsies) and approximately 120 days[7] (according to DNA clock measurements). Including the transport on ductal system, it takes 3 months. Testes produce 200 to 300 million spermatozoa daily.[8] However, only about half or 100 million of these become viable sperm.[9]

text: Stages[edit]

text: The entire process of spermatogenesis can be broken up into several distinct stages, each corresponding to a particular type of cell in humans. In the following table, ploidy, copy number and chromosome/chromatid counts are for one cell, generally prior to DNA synthesis and division (in G1 if applicable). The primary spermatocyte is arrested after DNA synthesis and prior to division.

text:
Cell type
ploidy/chromosomes in human
DNA copy number/chromatids in human
Process entered by cell

spermatogonium (types Ad, Ap and B)
diploid (2N) / 46
2C / 46
spermatocytogenesis (mitosis)

primary spermatocyte
diploid (2N) / 46
4C / 2x46
spermatidogenesis (meiosis I)

two secondary spermatocytes
haploid (N) / 23
2C / 2x23
spermatidogenesis (meiosis II)

four spermatids
haploid (N) / 23
C / 23
spermiogenesis

four functional spermatozoids
haploid (N) / 23
C / 23
spermiation

text: Spermatocytogenesis[edit]

text: Spermatocytogenesis is the male form of gametocytogenesis and results in the formation of spermatocytes possessing half the normal complement of genetic material. In spermatocytogenesis, a diploid spermatogonium, which resides in the basal compartment of the seminiferous tubules, divides mitotically, producing two diploid intermediate cells called primary spermatocytes. Each primary spermatocyte then moves into the adluminal compartment of the seminiferous tubules and duplicates its DNA and subsequently undergoes meiosis I to produce two haploid secondary spermatocytes, which will later divide once more into haploid spermatids. This division implicates sources of genetic variation, such as random inclusion of either parental chromosomes, and chromosomal crossover, to increase the genetic variability of the gamete.

text: Each cell division from a spermatogonium to a spermatid is incomplete; the cells remain connected to one another by bridges of cytoplasm to allow synchronous development. It should also be noted that not all spermatogonia divide to produce spermatocytes; otherwise, the supply of spermatogonia would run out. Instead, spermatogonial stem cells divide mitotically to produce copies of themselves, ensuring a constant supply of spermatogonia to fuel spermatogenesis.[10]

text: Spermatidogenesis[edit]

text: Spermatidogenesis is the creation of spermatids from secondary spermatocytes. Secondary spermatocytes produced earlier rapidly enter meiosis II and divide to produce haploid spermatids. The brevity of this stage means that secondary spermatocytes are rarely seen in histological studies.

text: Spermiogenesis[edit]

text: During spermiogenesis, the spermatids begin to form a tail by growing microtubules on one of the centrioles, which turns into basal body. These microtubules form an axoneme. Later the centriole is modified in the process of centrosome reduction.[11] The anterior part of the tail (called midpiece) thickens because mitochondria are arranged around the axoneme to ensure energy supply. Spermatid DNA also undergoes packaging, becoming highly condensed. The DNA is packaged firstly with specific nuclear basic proteins, which are subsequently replaced with protamines during spermatid elongation. The resultant tightly packed chromatin is transcriptionally inactive. The Golgi apparatus surrounds the now condensed nucleus, becoming the acrosome.

text: Maturation then takes place under the influence of testosterone, which removes the remaining unnecessary cytoplasm and organelles. The excess cytoplasm, known as residual bodies, is phagocytosed by surrounding Sertoli cells in the testes. The resulting spermatozoa are now mature but lack motility, rendering them sterile. The mature spermatozoa are released from the protective Sertoli cells into the lumen of the seminiferous tubule in a process called spermiation.

text: The non-motile spermatozoa are transported to the epididymis in testicular fluid secreted by the Sertoli cells with the aid of peristaltic contraction. While in the epididymis the spermatozoa gain motility and become capable of fertilization. However, transport of the mature spermatozoa through the remainder of the male reproductive system is achieved via muscle contraction rather than the spermatozoon's recently acquired motility.

text: Role of Sertoli cells[edit]

text: At all stages of differentiation, the spermatogenic cells are in close contact with Sertoli cells which are thought to provide structural and metabolic support to the developing sperm cells. A single Sertoli cell extends from the basement membrane to the lumen of the seminiferous tubule, although the cytoplasmic processes are difficult to distinguish at the light microscopic level.

text: Sertoli cells serve a number of functions during spermatogenesis, they support the developing gametes in the following ways:

text:
Maintain the environment necessary for development and maturation, via the blood-testis barrier
Secrete substances initiating meiosis
Secrete supporting testicular fluid
Secrete androgen-binding protein (ABP), which concentrates testosterone in close proximity to the developing gametes

Testosterone is needed in very high quantities for maintenance of the reproductive tract, and ABP allows a much higher level of fertility

Secrete hormones affecting pituitary gland control of spermatogenesis, particularly the polypeptide hormone, inhibin
Phagocytose residual cytoplasm left over from spermiogenesis
Secretion of anti-Müllerian hormone causes deterioration of the Müllerian duct[12]
Protect spermatids from the immune system of the male, via the blood-testis barrier
Contribute to the spermatogonial stem cell niche

tag: ul

text: The intercellular adhesion molecules ICAM-1 and soluble ICAM-1 have antagonistic effects on the tight junctions forming the blood-testis barrier.[13] ICAM-2 molecules regulate spermatid adhesion on the apical side of the barrier (towards the lumen).[13]

text: Influencing factors[edit]

text: The process of spermatogenesis is highly sensitive to fluctuations in the environment, particularly hormones and temperature. Testosterone is required in large local concentrations to maintain the process, which is achieved via the binding of testosterone by androgen binding protein present in the seminiferous tubules. Testosterone is produced by interstitial cells, also known as Leydig cells, which reside adjacent to the seminiferous tubules.

text: Seminiferous epithelium is sensitive to elevated temperature in humans and some other species, and will be adversely affected by temperatures as high as normal body temperature. Consequently, the testes are located outside the body in a sack of skin called the scrotum. The optimal temperature is maintained at 2 °C (man)–8 °C (mouse) below body temperature. This is achieved by regulation of blood flow[14] and positioning towards and away from the heat of the body by the cremasteric muscle and the dartos smooth muscle in the scrotum.

text: Dietary deficiencies (such as vitamins B, E and A), anabolic steroids, metals (cadmium and lead), x-ray exposure, dioxin, alcohol, and infectious diseases will also adversely affect the rate of spermatogenesis.[citation needed] In addition, the male germ line is susceptible to DNA damage caused by oxidative stress, and this damage likely has a significant impact on fertilization and pregnancy.[15] Exposure to pesticides also affects spermatogenesis.[16]

text: Hormonal control[edit]

text: Hormonal control of spermatogenesis varies among species. In humans the mechanism is not completely understood; however it is known that initiation of spermatogenesis occurs at puberty due to the interaction of the hypothalamus, pituitary gland and Leydig cells. If the pituitary gland is removed, spermatogenesis can still be initiated by follicle stimulating hormone (FSH) and testosterone.[17] In contrast to FSH, LH appears to have little role in spermatogenesis outside of inducing gonadal testosterone production.[17][18]

text: FSH stimulates both the production of androgen binding protein (ABP) by Sertoli cells, and the formation of the blood-testis barrier. ABP is essential to concentrating testosterone in levels high enough to initiate and maintain spermatogenesis. Intratesticular testosterone levels are 20–100 or 50–200 times higher than the concentration found in blood, although there is variation over a 5- to 10-fold range amongst healthy men.[19][20] FSH may initiate the sequestering of testosterone in the testes, but once developed only testosterone is required to maintain spermatogenesis.[17] However, increasing the levels of FSH will increase the production of spermatozoa by preventing the apoptosis of type A spermatogonia. The hormone inhibin acts to decrease the levels of FSH. Studies from rodent models suggest that gonadotropins (both LH and FSH) support the process of spermatogenesis by suppressing the proapoptotic signals and therefore promote spermatogenic cell survival.[21]

text: The Sertoli cells themselves mediate parts of spermatogenesis through hormone production. They are capable of producing the hormones estradiol and inhibin. The Leydig cells are also capable of producing estradiol in addition to their main product testosterone. Estrogen has been found to be essential for spermatogenesis in animals.[22][23] However, a man with estrogen insensitivity syndrome (a defective ERα) was found produce sperm with a normal sperm count, albeit abnormally low sperm viability; whether he was sterile or not is unclear.[24] Levels of estrogen that are too high can be detrimental to spermatogenesis due to suppression of gonadotropin secretion and by extension intratesticular testosterone production.[25] Prolactin also appears to be important for spermatogenesis.[18]


document_title: Parliament of Australia

question_text: where was the first parliament held in australia

question_tokens: where was the first parliament held in australia

root

text: Parliament of Australia

text: History[edit]

text: The Commonwealth of Australia came into being on 1 January 1901 with the federation of the six Australian colonies. The inaugural election took place on 29 and 30 March and the first Australian Parliament was opened on 9 May 1901 in Melbourne by Prince George, Duke of Cornwall and York, later King George V.[9] The only building in Melbourne that was large enough to accommodate the 14,000 guests was the western annexe of the Royal Exhibition Building. After the official opening, from 1901 to 1927, the Parliament met in Parliament House, Melbourne, which it borrowed from the Parliament of Victoria (which sat, instead, in the Royal Exhibition Building until 1927). (The western annexe was demolished in the 1960s.)

tag: p

text:
The Big Picture, opening of the Parliament of Australia, 9 May 1901, by Tom Roberts

Victorian Parliament House, where the Federal Parliament met until 1927

tag: table

text: Old Parliament House[edit]

text: It had always been intended that the national Parliament would sit in a new national capital.[10] This was a compromise at Federation due to the rivalry between the two largest Australian cities, Sydney and Melbourne, which both wished to become the new capital. The site of Canberra was selected for the location of the nation's capital city in 1908.[11] A competition was announced on 30 June 1914 to design Parliament House, with prize money of £7,000. However, due to the start of World War I the next month, the competition was cancelled. It was re-announced in August 1916, but again postponed indefinitely on 24 November 1916. In the meantime, John Smith Murdoch, the Commonwealth's Chief Architect, worked on the design as part of his official duties. He had little personal enthusiasm for the project, as he felt it was a waste of money and expenditure on it could not be justified at the time. Nevertheless, he designed the building by default.[12]

text: The construction of Old Parliament House, as it is called today, was commenced on 28 August 1923[13] and completed in early 1927. It was built by the Commonwealth Department of Works, using tradesmen and materials from all over Australia. The final cost was about £600,000, which was more than three times the original estimate. It was designed to house the parliament for a maximum of 50 years until a permanent facility could be built, but was actually so used for more than 60 years.

text: The building was opened on 9 May 1927 by the Duke and Duchess of York (later King George VI and Queen Elizabeth The Queen Mother). The opening ceremonies were both splendid and incongruous, given the sparsely built nature of Canberra of the time and its small population. The building was extensively decorated with British Empire and Australian flags and bunting. Temporary stands were erected bordering the lawns in front of the Parliament and these were filled with crowds. A Wiradjuri elder, Jimmy Clements, was one of only two aboriginal Australians present, having walked for about a week from Brungle Station (near Tumut) to be at the event.[14] Dame Nellie Melba sang the National Anthem (at that time God Save the King). The Duke of York unlocked the front doors with a golden key, and led the official party into King's Hall where he unveiled the statue of his father, King George V. The Duke then opened the first parliamentary session in the new Senate Chamber.[15]

text: New Parliament House[edit]

text: In 1978 the Fraser government decided to proceed with a new building on Capital Hill, and the Parliament House Construction Authority was created.[16] A two-stage competition was announced, for which the Authority consulted the Royal Australian Institute of Architects and, together with the National Capital Development Commission, made available to competitors a brief and competition documents. The design competition drew 329 entries from 29 countries.[17]

text: The competition winner was the Philadelphia-based architectural firm of Mitchell/Giurgola, with the on-site work directed by the Italian-born architect Romaldo Giurgola,[18] with a design which involved burying most of the building under Capital Hill, and capping the edifice with an enormous spire topped by a large Australian flag. The façades, however, included deliberate imitation of some of the patterns of the Old Parliament House, so that there is a slight resemblance despite the massive difference of scale. The building was also designed to "sit above" Old Parliament House when seen from a distance.[17]

text: Construction began in 1981, and the House was intended to be ready by Australia Day, 26 January 1988, the 200th anniversary of European settlement in Australia.[17] It was expected to cost A$220 million. Neither the deadline nor the budget was met. In the end it cost more than A$1.1 billion to build.[19]

text: The New Parliament House was finally opened by Queen Elizabeth II, Queen of Australia on 9 May 1988,[20] the anniversary of the opening of both the first Federal Parliament in Melbourne on 9 May 1901,[21] and of the Provisional Parliament House in Canberra on 9 May 1927.[22]

text: Composition and electoral systems[edit]

text: The Constitution establishes the Commonwealth Parliament, consisting of three components: the Queen of Australia, the Senate and the House of Representatives.[1]

text: Most of the constitutional functions of the Crown are given to the Governor-General, whom the Queen appoints on the advice of the Prime Minister to act as her representative in Australia. Specifically, the Constitution gives the Governor-General the power to assent to legislation, refuse to assent, or to reserve a bill for the Queen's pleasure. However, by convention, the Governor-General does not exercise these powers, other than in accordance with the advice of the Prime Minister.

text: Senate[edit]

text: The upper house of the Australian Parliament is the Senate, which consists of 76 members. Like the United States Senate, on which it was partly modelled, the Australian Senate includes an equal number of Senators from each state, regardless of population. Unlike it, however, the Australian Senate has always been directly elected. (The US Senate has been directly elected only from 1913.)[23]

text: The Constitution allows Parliament to determine the number of Senators by legislation, provided that the six original states are equally represented. Furthermore, the Constitution provides that each original state is entitled to at least six Senators. However, neither of these provisions applies to any newly admitted states, or to territories. Pursuant to an Act of Parliament passed in 1973, Senators are elected to represent the territories.[24] Currently, the two Northern Territory Senators represent the residents of the Northern Territory as well as the Australian external territories of Christmas Island and the Cocos (Keeling) Islands. The two Australian Capital Territory Senators represent the Australian Capital Territory, the Jervis Bay Territory and since 1 July 2016, Norfolk Island.[25] While only half of the State Senate seats go up for re-election each three years (except in the case of a double dissolution) as they serve six year terms, all of the Territory Senators must face the voters every three years.

text: Until 1949, each state elected the constitutional minimum of six Senators. This number increased to ten from the 1949 election, and was increased again to twelve from the 1984 election. The system for electing Senators has changed several times since Federation. The original arrangement involved a first-past-the-post block voting or "winner takes all" system, on a state-by-state basis. This was replaced in 1919 by preferential block voting. Block voting tended to produce landslide majorities and even "wipe-outs". For instance, from 1920 to 1923 the Nationalist Party of Australia had 35 of the 36 Senators, and from 1947 to 1950, the Australian Labor Party had 33 of the 36 Senators.[26]

text: In 1948, single transferable vote proportional representation on a state-by-state basis became the method for electing Senators. This change has led to the rise of a number of minor parties such as the Democratic Labor Party, Australian Democrats and Australian Greens who have taken advantage of this system to achieve parliamentary representation and the balance of power.[4] From the 1984 election, group ticket voting was introduced in order to reduce a high rate of informal voting but in 2016, group tickets were abolished to avoid undue influence of preference deals amongst parties that were seen as distorting election results[27] and a form of optional preferential voting was introduced.

text: Section 15 of the Constitution provides that a casual vacancy of a State Senator shall be filled by the State Parliament. If the previous Senator was a member of a particular political party the replacement must come from the same party, but the State Parliament may choose not to fill the vacancy, in which case Section 11 requires the Senate to proceed regardless. If the State Parliament happens to be in recess when the vacancy occurs, the Constitution provides that the State Governor can appoint someone to fill the place until fourteen days after the State Parliament resumes sitting. The State Parliament can also be recalled to ratify a replacement.

text: House of Representatives[edit]

text: The lower house of the Australian Parliament, the House of Representatives is made up of single member electorates with roughly the same population. As is convention in the Westminster System, the party or coalition of parties that has the majority in this House forms the Government with the leader of that party or coalition becoming the Prime Minister. If the government loses the confidence of the House, they are expected to call a new election or resign.

text: Parliament may determine the number of members of the House of Representatives but the Constitution provides that this number must be "as nearly as practicable, twice the number of Senators"; this requirement is commonly called the "nexus provision". Hence, the House presently consists of 150 members. Each state is allocated seats based on its population; however, each original state, regardless of size, is guaranteed at least five seats. The Constitution does not guarantee representation for the territories. Parliament granted a seat to the Northern Territory in 1922, and to the Australian Capital Territory in 1948; these territorial representatives, however, had only limited voting rights until 1968.[28] Federal electorates have their boundaries redrawn or redistributed whenever a state or territory has its number of seats adjusted, if electorates are not generally matched by population size or if seven years have passed since the most recent redistribution.[29]

text: From 1901 to 1949, the House consisted of either 74 or 75 members (the Senate had 36). Between 1949 and 1984, it had between 121 and 127 members (the Senate had 60 until 1975, when it increased to 64). In 1977, the High Court ordered that the size of the House be reduced from 127 to 124 members to comply with the nexus provision.[30] In 1984, both the Senate and the House were enlarged; since then the House has had between 148 and 150 members (the Senate has 76).

text: From the beginning of Federation until 1918, first-past-the-post voting was used in order to elect members of the House of Representatives but since the 1918 Swan by-election which Labor unexpectedly won with the largest primary vote due to vote splitting amongst the conservative parties, the Nationalist Party of Australia government, a predecessor of the modern-day Liberal Party of Australia, changed the lower house voting system to Instant-runoff voting, which in Australia is known as full preferential voting, as of the subsequent 1919 election.[6][7] This system has remained in place ever since, allowing the Coalition parties to safely contest the same seats.[31] Full-preference preferential voting re-elected the Bob Hawke government at the 1990 election, the first time in federal history that Labor had obtained a net benefit from preferential voting.[32]

text: Both Houses[edit]

text: It is not possible to be simultaneously a member of both the Senate and the House of Representatives,[33] but a number of people have been members of both Houses at different times in their parliamentary career (see List of people who have served in both Houses of the Australian Parliament).

text: Only Australian citizens are eligible for election to either house.[34] They must not also hold citizenship of a "foreign power".[35] When the Constitution was drafted, all Australians were British subjects, so the word "foreign" meant non-British. But, in the landmark case Sue v Hill (1999), the High Court of Australia ruled that, at least since the Australia Act 1986, Britain has been a "foreign power", so that British citizens are also excluded.[36]

text: Compulsory voting was introduced for federal elections in 1924. The immediate justification for compulsory voting was the low voter turnout (59.38%) at the 1922 federal election, down from 71.59% at the 1919 federal election. Compulsory voting was not on the platform of either the Stanley Bruce-led Nationalist/Country party coalition government or the Matthew Charlton-led Labor opposition. The actual initiative for change was made by Herbert Payne, a backbench Tasmanian Nationalist Senator who on 16 July 1924 introduced a private Senator's bill in the Senate. Payne's bill was passed with little debate (the House of Representatives agreeing to it in less than an hour), and in neither house was a division required, hence no votes were recorded against the bill.[37] The 1925 federal election was the first to be conducted under compulsory voting, which saw the turnout figure rise to 91.4%. The turnout increased to about 95% within a couple of elections and has stayed at about that level since.[38]

text: Since 1973, citizens have had the right to vote upon turning 18. Prior to this it was 21.[39]

text: Australian Federal Police officers armed with assault rifles have been situated in both chambers of the Federal Parliament since 2015. It is the first time in Australian history that a parliament has possessed armed personnel.[40]

text: Procedure[edit]

text: Each of the two Houses elects a presiding officer. The presiding officer of the Senate is called the President; that of the House of Representatives is the Speaker. Elections for these positions are by secret ballot. Both offices are conventionally filled by members of the governing party, but the presiding officers are expected to oversee debate and enforce the rules in an impartial manner.[41]

text: The Constitution authorises Parliament to set the quorum for each chamber. The quorum of the Senate is one-quarter of the total membership (nineteen); that of the House of Representatives is one-fifth of the total membership (thirty). In theory, if a quorum is not present, then a House may not continue to meet. In practice, members usually agree not to notice that a quorum is not present, so that debates on routine bills can continue without other members having to be present. Sometimes the Opposition will "call a quorum" as a tactic to annoy the Government or delay proceedings, particularly when the Opposition feels it has been unfairly treated in the House. The session of the relevant House is suspended until a quorum is present. It is the responsibility of the Government whips to ensure that, when a quorum is called, enough Government members are present to make up a quorum.

text: Both Houses may determine motions by voice vote: the presiding officer puts the question, and, after listening to shouts of "Aye" and "No" from the members, announces the result. The announcement of the presiding officer settles the question, unless at least two members demand a "division", or a recorded vote. In that case the bells are rung throughout Parliament House summoning Senators or Members to the chamber. During a division, members who favour the motion move to the right side of the chamber, whereas those opposed move to the left. They are then counted by the "tellers" (Government and Opposition whips), and the motion is passed or defeated accordingly. In the Senate, in order not to deprive a state of a vote in what is supposed to be a states' house, the President is permitted a vote along with other Senators (however, that right is rarely exercised); in the case of a tie, the President does not have a casting vote and the motion fails.[42] In the House of Representatives, the Speaker does not vote, except in the case of a tie (see casting vote).[41]

text: Most legislation is introduced into the House of Representatives and goes through a number of stages to become a law. The first stage is a first reading, where the legislation is introduced to the chamber, then there is a second reading, where a vote is taken on the general outlines of the bill. The legislation can then be considered by a House committee, which reports back to the House on any recommendations. This is followed by a consideration in detail stage, where the House can explore the bill in detail and make any amendments. This is finally followed by a third reading, where the bill is either passed or rejected by the House. If passed, the legislation is then sent to the Senate, which has a similar structure of debate and passage except that the consideration in detail stage is replaced by a similar, Committee of the whole. Once a bill has been passed by both Houses in the same form, it is then presented to the Governor-General for Royal Assent.[43]

text: Functions[edit]

text: The principal function of the Parliament is to pass laws, or legislation. Any Senator or Member may introduce a proposed law (a bill), except for a money bill (a bill proposing an expenditure or levying a tax), which must be introduced in the House of Representatives.[44] In practice, the great majority of bills are introduced by ministers. Bills introduced by other Members are called private members' bills. All bills must be passed by both Houses to become law. The Senate has the same legislative powers as the House, except that it may not amend money bills, only pass or reject them. The enacting formula for Acts of Parliament is simply "The Parliament of Australia enacts:".[45]

text: The Commonwealth legislative power is limited to that granted in the Constitution. Powers not specified are considered "residual powers", and remain the domain of the states. Section 51 grants the Commonwealth power over areas such as taxation, external affairs, defence and marriage. Section 51 also allows State parliaments to refer matters to the Commonwealth to legislate.[46]

text: Section 96 of the Australian Constitution gives the Commonwealth Parliament the power to grant money to any State, "on such terms and conditions as the Parliament thinks fit". In effect, the Commonwealth can make grants subject to States implementing particular policies in their fields of legislative responsibility. Such grants, known as "tied grants" (since they are tied to a particular purpose), have been used to give the federal parliament influence over state policy matters such as public hospitals and schools.[47]

text: The Parliament performs other functions besides legislation. It can discuss urgency motions or matters of public importance: these provide a forum for debates on public policy matters.[48] Senators and Members can move motions of censure against the government or against individual ministers. On most sitting days in both Houses there is a session called Question Time at which Senators and Members address questions to the Prime Minister and other ministers.[49] Senators and Members can also present petitions from their constituents.[50] Both Houses have an extensive system of committees in which draft bills are debated, evidence is taken and public servants are questioned. There are also joint committees, composed of members from both Houses.

text: Conflict between the Houses[edit]

text: In the event of conflict between the two Houses over the final form of legislation, the Constitution provides for a simultaneous dissolution of both Houses – known as a double dissolution.[8] Section 57 of the Constitution states that, "If the House of Representatives passes any proposed law, and the Senate rejects or fails to pass it, or passes it with amendments to which the House of Representatives will not agree, and if after an interval of three months the House of Representatives, in the same or the next session, again passes the proposed law with or without any amendments which have been made, suggested, or agreed to by the Senate, and the Senate rejects or fails to pass it, or passes it with amendments to which the House of Representatives will not agree, the Governor-General may dissolve the Senate and the House of Representatives simultaneously."[51]

text: In an election following a double dissolution, each state elects their entire 12-seat Senate delegation, while the two territories represented in the Senate each elect their two senators as they would in a regular federal election. Because all seats are contested in the same election, it is easier for smaller parties to win seats under the single transferable vote system: the quota for the election of each senator in each Australian state in a full Senate election is 7.69% of the vote, while in a normal half-Senate election the quota is 14.28%.[52]

text: If the conflict continues after such an election, the Governor-General may convene a joint sitting of both Houses to consider the bill or bills, including any amendments which have been previously proposed in either House, or any new amendments. If a bill is passed by an absolute majority of the total membership of the joint sitting, it is treated as though it had been passed separately by both Houses, and is presented for royal assent. With proportional representation, and the small majorities in the Senate compared to the generally larger majorities in the House of Representatives, and the requirement that the number of members of the House be "nearly as practicable" twice that of the Senate, a joint sitting after a double dissolution is more likely than not to lead to a victory for the House over the Senate. This provision has only been invoked on one occasion, after the election following the 1974 double dissolution.[53] However, there are other occasions when the two Houses meet as one: see Joint meetings of the Australian Parliament.

text: Committees[edit]

text: In addition to the work of the main chambers, both the Senate and the House of Representatives also have a large number of committees which deal with matters referred to them by their respective Houses. They provide the opportunity for all Members and Senators to ask questions of ministers and public officials as well as conduct inquiries, examine policy and legislation.[54] Once a particular inquiry is completed the members of the committee can then produce a report, to be tabled in Parliament, outlining what they have discovered as well as any recommendations that they have produced for the Government to consider.[55]

text: The ability of the Houses of Parliament to establish committees is referenced in Section 49 of the Constitution, which states that, "The powers, privileges, and immunities of the Senate and of the House of Representatives, and of the members and the committees of each House, shall be such as are declared by the Parliament, and until declared shall be those of the Commons House of Parliament of the United Kingdom, and of its members and committees, at the establishment of the Commonwealth."[56][55]

text: Parliamentary committees can be given a wide range of powers. One of the most significant powers is the ability to summon people to attend hearings in order to give evidence and submit documents. Anyone who attempts to hinder the work of a Parliamentary committee may be found to be in contempt of Parliament. There are a number of ways that witnesses can be found in contempt, these include; refusing to appear before a committee when summoned, refusing to answer a question during a hearing or to produce a document, or later being found to have lied to or misled a committee. Anyone who attempts to influence a witness may also be found in contempt.[57] Other powers include, the ability to meet throughout Australia, to establish subcommittees and to take evidence in both public and private hearings.[55]

text: Proceedings of committees are considered to have the same legal standing as proceedings of Parliament, they are recorded by Hansard, except for private hearings, and also operate under Parliamentary privilege. Every participant, including committee members and witnesses giving evidence, are protected from being prosecuted under any civil or criminal action for anything they may say during a hearing. Written evidence and documents received by a committee are also protected.[57][55]

text: Types of committees include:[57]

text: Standing Committees, which are established on a permanent basis and are responsible for scrutinising bills and topics referred to them by the chamber; examining the government's budget and activities (in what is called the budget estimates process); and for examining departmental annual reports and activities.

text: Select Committees, which are temporary committees, established in order to deal with particular issues.

text: Domestic Committees, which are responsible for administering aspects of the Parliament's own affairs. These include the Selection Committees of both Houses that determine how the Parliament will deal with particular pieces of legislation and private members business and the Privileges Committees that deal with matters of Parliamentary Privilege.

text: Legislative Scrutiny Committees, which examine legislation and regulations to determine their impact on individual rights and accountability.

text: Joint Committees are also established to include both members of the House of Representatives and the Senate.

text: Relationship with the Government[edit]

text: Under the Constitution, the Governor-General has the power to appoint and dismiss "Ministers of State" who administer government departments. In practice, the Governor-General chooses ministers in accordance with the traditions of the Westminster System that the Government be drawn from the party or coalition of parties that has a majority in the House of Representatives, with the leader of the largest party becoming Prime Minister.

text: These ministers then meet in a council known as Cabinet. Cabinet meetings are strictly private and occur once a week where vital issues are discussed and policy formulated. The Constitution does not recognise the Cabinet as a legal entity; it exists solely by convention. Its decisions do not in and of themselves have legal force. However, it serves as the practical expression of the Federal Executive Council, which is Australia's highest formal governmental body.[58] In practice, the Federal Executive Council meets solely to endorse and give legal force to decisions already made by the Cabinet. All members of the Cabinet are members of the Executive Council. While the Governor-General is nominal presiding officer, she or he almost never attends Executive Council meetings. The Governor-General is bound by convention to follow the advice of the Executive Council on almost all occasions, giving it de facto executive power.[59] A senior member of the Cabinet holds the office of Vice-President of the Executive Council and acts as presiding officer of the Executive Council in the absence of the Governor-General. The Federal Executive Council is the Australian equivalent of the Executive Councils and privy councils in other Commonwealth realms such as the Queen's Privy Council for Canada and the Privy Council of the United Kingdom.[60]

text: A minister is not required to be a Senator or Member of the House of Representatives at the time of their appointment, but their office is forfeited if they do not become a member of either house within three months of their appointment. This provision was included in the Constitution (section 64) to enable the inaugural Ministry, led by Edmund Barton, to be appointed on 1 January 1901, even though the first federal elections were not scheduled to be held until 29 and 30 March.[61]

text: After the 1949 election, John Spicer and Bill Spooner became ministers in the Menzies Government on 19 December, despite their terms in the Senate not beginning until 22 February 1950.[62]

text: The provision was also used after the disappearance and presumed death of the Liberal Prime Minister Harold Holt in December 1967. The Liberal Party elected John Gorton, then a Senator, as its new leader, and he was sworn in as Prime Minister on 10 January 1968 (following an interim ministry led by John McEwen). On 1 February, Gorton resigned from the Senate to stand for the 24 February by-election in Holt's former House of Representatives electorate of Higgins due to the convention that the Prime Minister be a member of the lower house. For 22 days (2 to 23 February inclusive) he was Prime Minister while a member of neither house of parliament.[63]

text: On a number of occasions when Ministers have retired from their seats prior to an election, or stood but lost their own seats in the election, they have retained their Ministerial offices until the next government is sworn in.

text: Departments[edit]

text: There are 18 departments of the Australian Government, most of which are administered by multiple Ministers.[64]

text:
Attorney-General's Department
Department of Agriculture and Water Resources
Department of Communications and the Arts
Department of Defence
Department of Education and Training
Department of Jobs and Small Business
Department of Finance
Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade
Department of Health
Department of Home Affairs
Department of Human Services
Department of Industry, Innovation and Science
Department of Infrastructure and Regional Development
Department of Social Services
Department of the Environment and Energy
Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet
Department of Veterans' Affairs
Department of the Treasury

text: Role of the Senate[edit]

text: The Constitution of Australia established the Senate as part of the new system of dominion government in newly federated Australia. From a comparative governmental perspective, the Australian Senate exhibits distinctive characteristics. Unlike upper Houses in other Westminster system governments, the Senate is not a vestigial body with limited legislative power. Rather it was intended to play – and does play – an active role in legislation. Rather than being modelled solely after the House of Lords, as the Canadian Senate was, the Australian Senate was in part modelled after the United States Senate, by giving equal representation to each state. The Constitution intended to give less populous states added voice in a Federal legislature, while also providing for the revising role of an upper house in the Westminster system.[65]

text: One of the functions of the Senate, both directly and through its committees, is to scrutinise government activity. The vigour of this scrutiny has been fuelled for many years by the fact that the party in government has seldom had a majority in the Senate. Whereas in the House of Representatives the government's majority has sometimes limited that chamber's capacity to implement executive scrutiny, the opposition and minor parties have been able to use their Senate numbers as a basis for conducting inquiries into government operations.[66]

text: The constitutional text denies the Senate the power to originate or amend appropriation bills, in deference to the conventions of the classical Westminster system. Under a traditional Westminster system, the executive government is responsible for its use of public funds to the lower house, which has the power to bring down a government by blocking its access to supply – i.e. revenue appropriated through taxation. The arrangement as expressed in the Australian Constitution, however, still leaves the Senate with the power to reject supply bills or defer their passage – undoubtedly one of the Senate's most contentious and powerful abilities.[67]

text: Because of the federal nature of our Constitution and because of its provisions the Senate undoubtedly has constitutional power to refuse or defer supply to the Government. Because of the principles of responsible government a Prime Minister who cannot obtain supply, including money for carrying on the ordinary services of government, must either advise a general election or resign. If he refuses to do this I have the authority and indeed the duty under the Constitution to withdraw his Commission as Prime Minister. The position in Australia is quite different from a position in the United Kingdom. Here the confidence of both Houses on supply is necessary to ensure its provision. In United Kingdom the confidence of the House of Commons alone is necessary. But both here and in the United Kingdom the duty of the Prime Minister is the same in a most important aspect – if he cannot get supply he must resign or advise an election.

text: The ability to block supply was the origin of the 1975 Australian constitutional crisis. The Opposition used its numbers in the Senate to defer supply bills, refusing to deal with them until an election was called for both Houses of Parliament, an election which it hoped to win. The Prime Minister of the day, Gough Whitlam, contested the legitimacy of the blocking and refused to resign. The crisis brought to a head two Westminster conventions that, under the Australian constitutional system, were in conflict – firstly, that a government may continue to govern for as long as it has the support of the lower house, and secondly, that a government that no longer has access to supply must either resign or be dismissed. The crisis was resolved in November 1975 when Governor-General Sir John Kerr dismissed Whitlam's government and appointed a caretaker government on condition that elections for both Houses of parliament be held.[68] This action in itself was a source of controversy and debate continues on the proper usage of the Senate's ability to block supply and on whether such a power should even exist.[69]

text: The blocking of supply alone cannot force a double dissolution. There must be legislation repeatedly blocked by the Senate which the government can then choose to use as a trigger for a double dissolution.[70]

text: Privileges[edit]

text: Members of the Australian Parliament do not have legal immunity: they can be arrested and tried for any offence. They do, however, have Parliamentary privilege: they cannot be sued for anything they say in Parliament about each other or about persons outside the Parliament.[71] This privilege extends to reporting in the media of anything a Senator or Member says in Parliament. The proceedings of parliamentary committees, wherever they meet, are also covered by privilege, and this extends to witnesses before such committees.

text: From the beginning of Federation until 1987, Parliamentary privilege operated under Section 49 of the Constitution, which established the privileges of both Houses and their members to be the same as the House of Commons of the United Kingdom at the time of the Constitution's enactment. The Parliament was also given the power to amend its privileges.[56] In 1987, the Parliament passed the "Parliamentary Privileges Act", which clarified the meaning and extent of privilege as well as how the Parliament deals with breaches.[72]

text: There is a legal offence called contempt of Parliament. A person who speaks or acts in a manner contemptuous of the Parliament or its members can be tried and, if convicted, imprisoned. The Parliament previously had the power to hear such cases itself, and did so in the Browne–Fitzpatrick privilege case, 1955. This power has now been delegated to the courts. There have been few convictions. In May 2007, Harriet Swift, an anti-logging activist from New South Wales was convicted and reprimanded for contempt of Parliament, after she wrote fictitious press releases and letters purporting to be from Federal MP Gary Nairn as an April Fools' Day prank.[73]

text: Broadcasting[edit]

text: Radio broadcasts of Parliamentary proceedings began on 10 July 1946.[74] They were originally broadcast on Radio National. Since August 1994 they have been broadcast on ABC NewsRadio, a government-owned channel set up specifically for this function. It operates 24 hours a day and broadcasts other news items when parliament is not sitting.

text: The first televised parliamentary event was the historic 1974 Joint Sitting.[75] Regular free-to-air television broadcasts of Question Time began in August 1990 from the Senate and February 1991 from the House of Representatives. Question Time from the House of Representatives is televised live, and the Senate Question Time is recorded and broadcast later that day. Other free-to-air televised broadcasts include: the Treasurer's Budget speech and the Leader of the Opposition's reply to the Budget two days later; the opening of Parliament by the Governor-General; the swearing-in of Governors-General; and addresses to the Parliament by visiting heads of state.

text: In 2009, the Pay TV company Foxtel launched A-SPAN, now called A-PAC or "Australia's Public Affairs Channel", which broadcasts live sittings of the House of Representatives and the Senate, parliamentary Committee meetings and political press conferences.[76]

text: The Parliament House official website provides free extensive daily proceedings of both chambers as well as committee hearings live on the Internet.[77]

text: Current Parliament[edit]

text: The current Parliament is the 45th Australian Parliament. The most recent federal election was held on 2 July 2016 and the 45th Parliament first sat on 30 August.

text: The outcome of the 2016 election saw the first-term incumbent Liberal/National Coalition re-elected with 76 seats in the 150-seat House of Representatives, a bare one-seat majority government − the closest federal majority result since the 1961 election. The Coalition lost 14 seats. The Shorten Labor opposition won 69 seats, an increase of 14 seats. On the crossbench the Australian Greens, the Nick Xenophon Team, Katter's Australian Party, and independents Andrew Wilkie and Cathy McGowan won a seat each.[78][79]

text: The Senate result saw the Liberal/National Coalition with 30 seats (−3), Labor with 26 (+1), the Greens with 9 (−1), One Nation with 4 (+4) and Nick Xenophon Team with 3 (+2). Derryn Hinch won a seat, while Liberal Democrat David Leyonhjelm, Family First's Bob Day, and Jacqui Lambie retained their seats. The number of crossbenchers increased by two to a record 20. The Liberal/National Coalition required at least nine additional votes to reach a Senate majority, an increase of three.[80][81][82] The Liberal/National Coalition and Labor parties agreed that the first elected six of twelve Senators in each state would serve a six-year term, while the last six elected in each state would serve a three-year term, despite two previous bipartisan senate resolutions to use an alternative method to allocate long and short term seats. By doing this, Labor and the Coalition each gained one Senate seat from 2019.[83][84][85][86]

text: Bob Day, of the Family First Party, resigned from the Senate on 1 November 2016 following the collapse of his business. His eligibility to have stood in the 2016 election was referred by the Senate to the High Court, sitting as the Court of Disputed Returns.[87] In April 2017 the court found that Day was not validly elected at the 2016 election and ordered that a special recount of South Australian ballot papers be held in order to determine his replacement.[88] The court announced that Lucy Gichuhi was elected in his place on 19 April 2017.[89][90] On 26 April 2017, Family First merged with the Australian Conservatives; however, Gichuhi declined to join the new party, announcing she would sit as an independent.[91]

text: Rodney Culleton, who had left Pauline Hanson's One Nation Party on 19 December 2016 to become an independent, had his eligibility to stand in the 2016 election challenged on two constitutional grounds. Among the grounds of ineligibility provided in Constitution section 44, a person cannot sit in either house of the Parliament if they are bankrupt or have been convicted of a criminal offence carrying a potential prison sentence of one year or more.

text: Culleton was declared bankrupt by the Federal Court on 23 December 2016. On 11 January 2017, after receiving an official copy of the judgment, the President of the Senate declared Culleton's seat vacant. Culleton's appeal against that judgment was dismissed by a full court of the Federal Court on 3 February 2017.[92]

text: This judgment was followed later on the same day by the High Court's decision that Culleton was ineligible owing to conviction for a criminal offence carrying a potential prison sentence of one year or more. This was a decision as the Court of Disputed Returns following a reference by the Senate at the same time as with Day. It was decided that, since Culleton's liability to a two-year sentence for larceny had been in place at the time of the 2016 election, he had been ineligible for election and that this was not affected by the subsequent annulment of that conviction; the Court also held that the resulting vacancy should be filled by a recount of the ballot, in a manner to be determined by a single Justice of the Court.[93] Following that recount, on 10 March 2017 the High Court named Peter Georgiou as his replacement, returning One Nation to 4 seats.[94]

text: On 7 February 2017, South Australian Senator Cory Bernardi resigned from the Liberal Party, to form a new party called the Australian Conservatives.[95]

text: In July 2017 a co-deputy leader of the Greens, Senator Scott Ludlam, resigned from the Senate on discovering that he was a dual citizen (born in New Zealand) and therefore, under Constitution s 44(i), had been ineligible to sit in the Parliament.[96][97] The revelation prompted Ludlam's fellow co-deputy leader of the Greens, Senator Larissa Waters, to examine her citizenship status and, on discovering that she too was a dual citizen (born in Canada), she also resigned.[98] The Senate has referred their cases to the High Court as Court of Disputed Returns and it is expected that both seats will be filled by a recount of the 2016 election, respectively in Western Australia and in Queensland, resulting in the seats being filled by the candidates who came next in each State.

text: During July and August 2017 several other members of the Parliament, in both houses and including ministers, have been challenged for breach of Constitution s 44, mostly but not only with regard to citizenship. They are not resigning and their cases too are being referred to the High Court as Court of Disputed Returns.

text: Historical compositions[edit]

text: Senate[edit]

text: The Senate has included representatives from a range of political parties, including several parties that have seldom or never had representation in the House of Representatives, but which have consistently secured a small but significant level of electoral support, as the table shows.

text: Results represent the composition of the Senate after the elections. The full Senate has been contested on eight occasions; the inaugural election and seven double dissolutions. These are underlined and highlighted in puce.[99]

text:
Election
Year
Labor
Liberal[j]
National[k]
Democratic
Labor
Democrats
Greens
CLP
Independent
Other
parties
Total
seats
Electoral
system

1st
1901
8
11[l]
17

36
Plurality-at-large voting

2nd
1903
8
12[l]
14

1
1
Revenue Tariff
36
Plurality-at-large voting

3rd
1906
15
6[l]
13

2

36
Plurality-at-large voting

4th
1910
22
14

36
Plurality-at-large voting

5th
1913
29
7

36
Plurality-at-large voting

6th
1914
31
5

36
Plurality-at-large voting

7th
1917
12
24

36
Plurality-at-large voting

8th
1919
1
35

36
Preferential block voting

9th
1922
12
24

36
Preferential block voting

10th
1925
8
25
3

36
Preferential block voting

11th
1928
7
24
5

36
Preferential block voting

12th
1931
10
21
5

36
Preferential block voting

13th
1934
3
26
7

36
Preferential block voting

14th
1937
16
16
4

36
Preferential block voting

15th
1940
17
15
4

36
Preferential block voting

16th
1943
22
12
2

36
Preferential block voting

17th
1946
33
2
1

36
Preferential block voting

18th
1949
34
21
5

60
Single transferable vote

19th
1951
28
26
6

60
Single transferable vote

20th
1953
29
26
5

60
Single transferable vote

21st
1955
28
24
6
2

60
Single transferable vote

22nd
1958
26
25
7
2

60
Single transferable vote

23rd
1961
28
24
6
1

1

60
Single transferable vote

24th
1964
27
23
7
2

1

60
Single transferable vote

25th
1967
27
21
7
4

1

60
Single transferable vote

26th
1970
26
21
5
5

3

60
Single transferable vote

27th
1974
29
23
6

1
1
Liberal Movement
60
Single transferable vote

28th
1975
27
26
6

1
1
1
Liberal Movement
64
Single transferable vote

29th
1977
27
27
6

2

1
1

64
Single transferable vote

30th
1980
27
28
3

5

1
1

64
Single transferable vote

31st
1983
30
23
4

5

1
1

64
Single transferable vote

32nd
1984
34
27
5

7

1
1
1
Nuclear Disarmament
76
Single transferable vote (Group voting ticket)

33rd
1987
32
26
7

7

1
2
1
Nuclear Disarmament
76
Single transferable vote (Group voting ticket)

34th
1990
32
28
5

8

1
1
1
Greens (WA)
76
Single transferable vote (Group voting ticket)

35th
1993
30
29
6

7

1
1
2
Greens (WA) (2)
76
Single transferable vote (Group voting ticket)

36th
1996
29
31
5

7

1
1
2
Greens (WA), Greens (Tas)
76
Single transferable vote (Group voting ticket)

37th
1998
29
31
3

9
1
1
1
1
One Nation
76
Single transferable vote (Group voting ticket)

38th
2001
28
31
3

8
2
1
2
1
One Nation
76
Single transferable vote (Group voting ticket)

39th
2004
28
33
5

4
4
1

1
Family First
76
Single transferable vote (Group voting ticket)

40th
2007
32
32
4

5
1
1
1
Family First
76
Single transferable vote (Group voting ticket)

41st
2010
31
28 + (3 LNP)
2
1

9
1
1

76
Single transferable vote (Group voting ticket)

42nd
2013
25
23 + (5 LNP)
3 + (1 LNP)
1

10
1
1
6
Family First,
Liberal Democrats,
Motoring Enthusiast,
Palmer United (3)
76
Single transferable vote (Group voting ticket)

43rd
2016
26
21 + (3 LNP)
3 + (2 LNP)

9
1

11
Family First,
Liberal Democrats,
Jacqui Lambie,
Justice Party,
Nick Xenophon Team (3),
One Nation (4)
76
Single transferable vote (Optional preferential voting)

text: House of Representatives[edit]

text: A two-party system has existed in the Australian House of Representatives since the two non-Labor parties merged in 1909. The 1910 election was the first to elect a majority government, with the Australian Labor Party concurrently winning the first Senate majority. Prior to 1909 a three-party system existed in the chamber. A two-party-preferred vote (2PP) has been calculated since the 1919 change from first-past-the-post to preferential voting and subsequent introduction of the Coalition. ALP = Australian Labor Party, L+NP = grouping of Liberal/National/LNP/CLP Coalition parties (and predecessors), Oth = other parties and independents.

text:
House of Representatives results and polling

Election
Year
Labour
Free Trade
Protectionist
Independent
Other
parties
Total
seats

1st
1901
14
28
31
2

75

Election
Year
Labour
Free Trade
Protectionist
Independent
Other
parties
Total
seats

2nd
1903
23
25
26

1
Revenue Tariff
75

Election
Year
Labour
Anti-Socialist
Protectionist
Independent
Other
parties
Total
seats

3rd
1906
26
26
21
1
1
Western Australian
75

text:
Primary vote
2PP vote
Seats

ALP
L+NP
Oth.
ALP
L+NP
ALP
L+NP
Oth.
Total

13 April 1910 election
50.0%
45.1%
4.9%
–
–
42
31
2
75

31 May 1913 election
48.5%
48.9%
2.6%
–
–
37
38
0
75

5 September 1914 election
50.9%
47.2%
1.9%
–
–
42
32
1
75

5 May 1917 election
43.9%
54.2%
1.9%
–
–
22
53
0
75

13 December 1919 election
42.5%
54.3%
3.2%
45.9%
54.1%
25
38
2
75

16 December 1922 election
42.3%
47.8%
9.9%
48.8%
51.2%
29
40
6
75

14 November 1925 election
45.0%
53.2%
1.8%
46.2%
53.8%
23
50
2
75

17 November 1928 election
44.6%
49.6%
5.8%
48.4%
51.6%
31
42
2
75

12 October 1929 election
48.8%
44.2%
7.0%
56.7%
43.3%
46
24
5
75

19 December 1931 election
27.1%
48.4%
24.5%
41.5%
58.5%
14
50
11
75

15 September 1934 election
26.8%
45.6%
27.6%
46.5%
53.5%
18
42
14
74

23 October 1937 election
43.2%
49.3%
7.5%
49.4%
50.6%
29
43
2
74

21 September 1940 election
40.2%
43.9%
15.9%
50.3%
49.7%
32
36
6
74

21 August 1943 election
49.9%
23.0%
27.1%
58.2%
41.8%
49
19
6
74

28 September 1946 election
49.7%
39.3%
11.0%
54.1%
45.9%
43
26
5
74

10 December 1949 election
46.0%
50.3%
3.7%
49.0%
51.0%
47
74
0
121

28 April 1951 election
47.6%
50.3%
2.1%
49.3%
50.7%
52
69
0
121

29 May 1954 election
50.0%
46.8%
3.2%
50.7%
49.3%
57
64
0
121

10 December 1955 election
44.6%
47.6%
7.8%
45.8%
54.2%
47
75
0
122

22 November 1958 election
42.8%
46.6%
10.6%
45.9%
54.1%
45
77
0
122

9 December 1961 election
47.9%
42.1%
10.0%
50.5%
49.5%
60
62
0
122

30 November 1963 election
45.5%
46.0%
8.5%
47.4%
52.6%
50
72
0
122

26 November 1966 election
40.0%
50.0%
10.0%
43.1%
56.9%
41
82
1
124

25 October 1969 election
47.0%
43.3%
9.7%
50.2%
49.8%
59
66
0
125

2 December 1972 election
49.6%
41.5%
8.9%
52.7%
47.3%
67
58
0
125

18 May 1974 election
49.3%
44.9%
5.8%
51.7%
48.3%
66
61
0
127

13 December 1975 election
42.8%
53.1%
4.1%
44.3%
55.7%
36
91
0
127

10 December 1977 election
39.7%
48.1%
12.2%
45.4%
54.6%
38
86
0
124

18 October 1980 election
45.2%
46.3%
8.5%
49.6%
50.4%
51
74
0
125

5 March 1983 election
49.5%
43.6%
6.9%
53.2%
46.8%
75
50
0
125

1 December 1984 election
47.6%
45.0%
7.4%
51.8%
48.2%
82
66
0
148

11 July 1987 election
45.8%
46.1%
8.1%
50.8%
49.2%
86
62
0
148

24 March 1990 election
39.4%
43.5%
17.1%
49.9%
50.1%
78
69
1
148

11 Mar 1993 Newspoll
44%
45%
11%
49.5%
50.5%

13 March 1993 election
44.9%
44.3%
10.7%
51.4%
48.6%
80
65
2
147

28–29 Feb 1996 Newspoll
40.5%
48%
11.5%
46.5%
53.5%

2 March 1996 election
38.7%
47.3%
14.0%
46.4%
53.6%
49
94
5
148

30 Sep – 1 Oct 1998 Newspoll
44%
40%
16%
53%
47%

3 October 1998 election
40.1%
39.5%
20.4%
51.0%
49.0%
67
80
1
148

7–8 Nov 2001 Newspoll
38.5%
46%
15.5%
47%
53%

10 November 2001 election
37.8%
43.0%
19.2%
49.0%
51.0%
65
82
3
150

6–7 Oct 2004 Newspoll
39%
45%
16%
50%
50%

9 October 2004 election
37.6%
46.7%
15.7%
47.3%
52.7%
60
87
3
150

20–22 Nov 2007 Newspoll
44%
43%
13%
52%
48%

24 November 2007 election
43.4%
42.1%
14.5%
52.7%
47.3%
83
65
2
150

17–19 Aug 2010 Newspoll
36.2%
43.4%
20.4%
50.2%
49.8%

21 August 2010 election
38.0%
43.3%
18.7%
50.1%
49.9%
72
72
6
150

3–5 Sep 2013 Newspoll
33%
46%
21%
46%
54%

7 September 2013 election
33.4%
45.6%
21.0%
46.5%
53.5%
55
90
5
150

28 Jun – 1 Jul 2016 Newspoll
35%
42%
23%
49.5%
50.5%

2 July 2016 election
34.7%
42.0%
23.3%
49.6%
50.4%
69
76
5
150

Polling conducted by Newspoll and published in The Australian. Three percent margin of error.


document_title: List of women CEOs of Fortune 500 companies

question_text: how many fortune 500 companies have female ceos

text: Fortune 500 (32 CEOs)[edit]

text:
CEO
Company
2017 Fortune 500 ranking

1
Mary Barra
General Motors
8

2
Ginni Rometty[3]
IBM
32

3
Indra Nooyi[4]
PepsiCo
44

4
Marillyn Hewson[5]
Lockheed Martin
56

5
Meg Whitman
Hewlett Packard Enterprise
59

6
Safra A. Catz
Oracle Corporation
81

7
Phebe Novakovic
General Dynamics
90

8
Irene Rosenfeld[6]
Mondelēz International
109

9
Tricia Griffith
Progressive Corporation
120

10
Lynn Good[7]
Duke Energy
121

11
Shira Goodman[8]
Staples Inc.
140

12
Geisha Williams
Pacific Gas and Electric Company
157

13
Margaret M. Keane
Synchrony Financial
185

14
Deanna M. Mulligan
The Guardian Life Insurance Company of America
218

15
Barbara Rentler
Ross Stores
219

16
Debra Crew[9]
Reynolds American
223

17
Anna Manning
Reinsurance Group of America
246

18
Vicki Hollub[10]
Occidental Petroleum
278

19
Debra L. Reed
Sempra Energy
280

20
Kathryn V. Marinello
Hertz Global Holdings
296

21
Kimberly S. Bowers
CST Brands
306

22
Mary Laschinger
Veritiv Corporation
331

23
Denise Morrison[11]
Campbell Soup
339

24
Michele Buck[12]
The Hershey Company
369

25
Patti Poppe[13]
CMS Energy
419

26
Kathleen Mazzarella
Graybar
420

27
Sheri McCoy[14]
Avon Products
444

28
Ilene S. Gordon
Ingredion
456

29
Margo Georgiadis[15]
Mattel
474

30
Beth E. Mooney
KeyBank
479

31
Jacqueline Hinman
CH2M Hill
494

32
Marissa Mayer
Yahoo!
498


document_title: Black players in professional American football

question_text: when did the first black player play in the nfl

text: Early years[edit]

text: Charles Follis is believed to be the first black professional football player, having played for the Shelby Steamfitters from 1902 to 1906. Follis, a two sport athlete, was paid for his work beginning in 1904.

text: From its inception in 1920 as a loose coalition of various regional teams, the American Professional Football Association had comparatively few  African-American players; a total of nine black people suited up for NFL teams between 1920 and 1926, including future attorney, black activist, and internationally acclaimed artist Paul Robeson, as well as famed race record producer J. Mayo Williams. Fritz Pollard and Bobby Marshall were the first black players in what is now the NFL in 1920. Pollard became the first (and until 1989, only) black coach in 1921; during the early-to-mid-1920s, the league used player-coaches and did not have separate coaching staffs.

text: 1927 through 1933[edit]

text: After 1926, all five of the black players that were still in the subsequent National Football League left the league. Several teams were kicked out of the league that year, and with a large number of available, talented white players, black players were generally the first to be removed, never to return again. For the next few years, a black player would sporadically pop up on a team: Harold Bradley Sr. played one season with the Chicago Cardinals in 1928, and David Myers played for two New York City-based teams in 1930 and 1931.

text: In contrast, ethnic minorities of other races were fairly common. Thanks to the efforts of the Carlisle Indian School football program, which ended with the school's closure in 1918, there were numerous Native Americans in the NFL through the 1920s and 1930s, most famously Jim Thorpe. The Dayton Triangles also featured the first two Asian-Americans in the NFL, Chinese-Hawaiian running back Walter Achiu and Japanese-Scottish quarterback Arthur Matsu, both in 1928, and the first Hispanic players in the NFL, Cuban immigrant Ignacio Molinet of the 1927 Frankford Yellow Jackets and Jess Rodriguez of the 1929 Buffalo Bisons, played in the NFL during this time frame.

text: 1934 to 1945[edit]

text: In 1933, the last year of integration, the NFL had two black players, Joe Lillard and Ray Kemp. Both were gone by the end of the season: Lillard, due largely to his tendency to get into fights, was not invited back to the Chicago Cardinals[1][2] despite in 1933 being responsible for almost half of the Cardinals' points, while Kemp quit on his own accord to pursue a coaching career (one that turned out to be long and successful).[3][4] Many observers will attribute the subsequent lockout of black players to the entry of George Preston Marshall into the league in 1932.  Marshall openly refused to have black athletes on his Boston Braves/Washington Redskins team, and reportedly pressured the rest of the league to follow suit. Marshall, however, was likely not the only reason: the Great Depression had stoked an increase in racism and self-inflicted segregation across the country, and internal politics likely had as much of an effect as external pressure.[3] Marshall's hostility was specifically directed at the black race; he openly allowed (and promoted) Native Americans on his team, including his first head coach, Lone Star Dietz, widely believed to be a Native American at the time. The choice of Redskins as his team name in 1933 was in part to maintain the native connotations that came with the previous team's name, the Boston Braves.[5] Another reason for Marshall's anti-black sentiment was to curry favor in the Southern United States; Marshall's Redskins had a strong following in that part of the country, which he vigorously defended, and he stood up against the NFL's efforts to put expansion teams in the South until Clint Murchison, Jr.'s successful extortion attempt (Murchison acquired the rights to the Redskins' fight song and threatened not to let Marshall use the song unless he got an expansion team in Dallas) led to the establishment of the Dallas Cowboys in 1960.[6]

text: By 1934, there were no more black players in the league.[7][8] The NFL did not have another black player until after World War II.

text: Most black players either ended up in the minor leagues (six joined the American Association and several others found their way into the Pacific Coast Professional Football League) or found themselves onto all-black barnstorming teams such as the Harlem Brown Bombers. Unlike in baseball, where the Negro Leagues flourished, no true football Negro league was known to exist until 1946, and by this time, the major leagues had begun reintegrating.[9]

text: Post-WWII[edit]

text: In 1939, UCLA had one of the greatest collegiate football players in history, Kenny Washington,[10] a senior.[11] Washington, an African American,[12] was very popular,[13][14] and his team had garnered national attention in the print media.[15] After he played in the College All-Star game in August 1940, George Halas asked him not to return to Los Angeles immediately because Halas wanted to sign him to a contract with the Chicago Bears. After a week or so, Washington returned to Los Angeles without an NFL contract.[16][17][18][19] Washington spent the majority of the early 1940s in the Pacific Coast League with the Hollywood Bears, even during World War II, during which he managed to avoid military service, thanks in part to a timely injury that forced him to miss the 1942 season but likely rendered him ineligible for service. Washington, after his injuries were healed, was a rarity in that he was a healthy, available athlete during a time when the NFL was resorting to using partially handicapped players ineligible for service, but received no interest from any NFL teams at the time. (Washington would ultimately serve a tour of duty in the armed forces in 1945 as a type of sports ambassador.[20])

text: In 1946, after the Rams had received approval to move to Los Angeles and Washington returned from the war, members of the African American print media made the Los Angeles Coliseum commission aware the NFL did not have any African American players[21] and reminded the commission the Coliseum was supported with public funds. Therefore, its commission had to abide by an 1896 Supreme Court decision, Plessy v. Ferguson, by not leasing the stadium to a segregated team.[22] Also, they specifically suggested the Rams should give Washington a tryout. The commission advised the Rams that they would have to integrate the team with at least one African American in order to lease the Coliseum, and the Rams agreed to this condition.[23][22][24][25] Subsequently, the Rams signed Washington on March 21, 1946.[26][27][28] The signing of Washington caused "all hell to break loose" among the owners of the NFL franchises.[29] The Rams added a second black player, Woody Strode, on May 7, 1946, giving them two black players going into the 1946 season.

text: Even after this incident, racial integration was slow to come to the NFL.  No team followed the Rams in re-integrating the NFL until the Detroit Lions signed Mel Groomes and Bob Mann in 1948.  No black player was selected in the NFL draft until 1949 when George Taliaferro was selected in the 13th round; Taliaferro signed instead with the rival All-America Football Conference.[30] The AAFC, which formed in 1946, was more proactive in signing black players; in 1946, the Cleveland Browns signed Marion Motley and Bill Willis, and by the time the AAFC merged with the NFL in 1950, six of the league's eight teams had signed black players, most by the league's second season in 1947. In comparison, only three of the ten NFL teams (the Rams, Lions and New York Giants) signed a black player before 1950. The Green Bay Packers followed in 1950, but the bulk of NFL teams did not sign a black player until 1952, by which time every team but the Washington Redskins had signed a black player.[31]

text: Marshall was quoted as saying "We'll start signing Negroes when the Harlem Globetrotters start signing whites."  The Redskins had no black players until Interior Secretary Stewart Udall threatened to evict them from D. C. Stadium unless they signed a black player. The Redskins first attempted to comply by drafting Ernie Davis, who refused to play under Marshall; the Redskins in turn traded Davis to the Cleveland Browns. The Redskins eventually signed Bobby Mitchell and two other African American players by 1962.

text: Quotas limiting the number of black players were commonplace, and black players were often stacked into the same positions to allow them to be eliminated as a matter of competition.[32] Reportedly, black players routinely received lower contracts than whites in the NFL, while in the American Football League there was no such distinction based on race.[33] Position segregation was also prevalent at this time. According to several books, such as the autobiography of Vince Lombardi, black players were stacked at "speed" positions such as defensive back but excluded from "intelligent" positions such as quarterback and center.[citation needed] Walt Frazier, an esteemed high school quarterback who received scholarship offers to play college football, chose to play basketball in college instead, believing he had no future as a black quarterback when it came time to play professionally (the move paid off, as Frazier would have a Hall of Fame basketball career).[34] However, despite the NFL's segregationist policies, after the league merged with the more tolerant AFL in 1970, more than 30% of the merged league's players were African American.[citation needed]

text: The American Football League had the first black placekicker in U.S. professional football, Gene Mingo of the Denver Broncos (Mingo's primary claim to fame, however, was as a running back, and was only secondarily a placekicker); and the first black regular starting quarterback of the modern era, Marlin Briscoe of the Denver Broncos.[35] Willie Thrower was a back-up quarterback who saw some action in the 1950s for the Chicago Bears. In 1954, running back Joe Perry of the San Francisco 49ers became the first black player to be recognized as NFL Most Valuable Player, when United Press International named him pro football's player of the year.[36]

text: 21st century[edit]

text: At the start of the 2014 season, NFL surveys revealed that the league was approximately 68% African-American[37] and about 28% white, with the remaining 4% comprising Asian/Pacific Islander, non-white Hispanics, and those preferring a Mixed Race category.[38]

text: These statistics are in contrast to the general population of the United States, which is about 28% non-white (white including Hispanic whites) although among the demographic that plays in the NFL (men approximately 21 to 35 years of age), the proportion of the American population that is non-white is somewhat greater.

text: Scout.com national recruiting analyst Greg Biggins said: "I honestly think it’s harder for a white wide receiver than it is a black quarterback to get recruited at a high level in this day and age," Biggins said. "Unless you have an extreme skill set that jumps out."[39]

text: In recent decades the cornerback position has been played exclusively by black players, and the halfback/tailback position overwhelmingly so. There are currently no white cornerbacks in the NFL and there have not been since New York Giants cornerback Jason Sehorn played his final season for the team in 2002.[32][40]

text: No white running back rushed for 1,000 rushing yards in a season between Craig James in 1985 and Peyton Hillis in 2010.[41][42] Toby Gerhart alleged race was a factor in why four running backs were drafted ahead of him in the 2010 NFL Draft.[43] There are also allegations that racial profiling exists at the lower levels of the game that discourages white players from playing halfback.[44] Since the phaseout of the fullback position, more white halfbacks have been included in the NFL; in addition to Hillis and Gerhart, Danny Woodhead, Brian Leonard, Chase Reynolds, Rex Burkhead, Zach Zenner and Christian McCaffrey have all seen playing time at the position since 2010.

text: At the quarterback position, 23 of the 32 starting quarterbacks in the NFL were white at the start of the 2013 season. Whites slightly outnumber blacks in the makeup of offensive linemen (49% vs 46%) yet the center position is 82% white.[45]

text: Of the 32 starting kickers in the NFL in 2013, only one was black. Also, there were two African American punters, Reggie Hodges for the Cleveland Browns and Marquette King for the Denver Broncos.

text: Outside of playing, the first black head coach in the NFL since the end of the player-coach era did not come until 1989, when Art Shell took over the then-Los Angeles Raiders; he was followed three years later by Dennis Green of the Minnesota Vikings. An affirmative action policy known as the Rooney Rule was implemented in 2003 requiring teams to interview racial minorities for head coaching positions and, since 2009, other senior management and player personnel positions. (Such minorities need not specifically be black; Hispanics of any race and persons of any nonwhite race are also eligible to qualify under the rule.) The league has never had a black franchise owner (it rejected the opportunity to do so in 1974 when it chose the Tampa Bay Buccaneers as an expansion franchise over Rommie Loudd's Orlando Suns), and only two of the league's owners (Korean-born Kim Pegula of the Buffalo Bills, and Pakistani-American Shahid Khan of the Jacksonville Jaguars) are of non-European descent.

text: In October 2018, George Taliaferro, the first African American selected by process of the NFL draft died at the age of 91.[46]


document_title: Gunfight at the O.K. Corral (film)

question_text: who sang the song gunfight at ok corral

question_tokens: who sang the song gunfight at ok corral

text: Gunfight at the O.K. Corral (film)

text: Plot[edit]

text: In Fort Griffin, Texas, Ed Bailey (Lee Van Cleef) comes looking to avenge the death of his brother at the hands of gunslinger John H. "Doc" Holliday (Kirk Douglas). Seeing him in a bar, Holliday's girl, Kate Fisher (Jo Van Fleet), returns to Holliday's room, where the two argue—while Holliday throws knives at the door-once she brings up Holliday's once-prominent family. At the same time, well-known marshal Wyatt Earp (Burt Lancaster) arrives in Fort Griffin thinking he will take outlaws Ike Clanton (Lyle Bettger) and Johnny Ringo (John Ireland) into custody, but instead finds out that the local sheriff, Cotton Wilson (Frank Faylen), released them despite the outstanding warrants for their arrest. Holliday refuses to help the lawman, holding a grudge against Wyatt's brother, Morgan (DeForest Kelley). Holliday kills Bailey with a knife-throw when Bailey attempts to shoot him in the back. Holliday is arrested for murder, though Wyatt and Kate allow him to escape from a lynch mob.

text: In Dodge City, Kansas, Wyatt finds out that Holliday and Kate are in town. Holliday tells him he has no money, so Wyatt allows him to stay if he promises to not fight while he is in town. Meanwhile, gorgeous gambler Laura Denbow (Rhonda Fleming) is arrested for playing cards since women are not allowed to gamble. She is released and allowed to play in the side rooms of the saloon. Wyatt is forced to deputize Holliday because a bank robber kills a cashier and Wyatt's other deputies are out in a posse catching another outlaw. The bank robbers attempt to ambush Wyatt outside of town, but are instead killed by Wyatt and Holliday.

text: Back in Dodge City, Holliday learns Kate has left him for Ringo, who taunts Holliday to a shootout and throws liquor on him. Holliday steadfastly refuses to fight him. Shanghai Pierce (Ted de Corsia) and his henchmen ride into town, wound deputy Charlie Bassett (Earl Holliman) and attack a dancehall, but Wyatt and Holliday hold the men and defuse the situation. As Ringo attempts to intervene, Holliday shoots him in the arm. Holliday returns to his room and Kate is waiting for him, but he refuses to take her back. She swears she will see him dead. By now, Wyatt and Laura have fallen in love, but when he receives a letter from his brother, Virgil, asking him to come clean up Tombstone, Arizona, she refuses to go with him unless he changes. Holliday catches up to Wyatt on the trail and both head to Tombstone.

text: In Tombstone, Wyatt finds out that Ike Clanton is trying to herd thousands of head of rustled Mexican cattle but cannot as long as the Earps control Tombstone's railway station. Morgan Earp (DeForest Kelley) criticizes his brother's association with Holliday, but Wyatt insists the gunslinger is welcome in Tombstone as long as he stays out of trouble. Cotton, the cowardly county sheriff from Fort Griffin, offers Wyatt a $20,000 bribe (about $507,000 today)[2] if he allows the stolen cattle to be shipped, but Wyatt refuses. He rides out to the Clanton ranch, returning young Billy Clanton (Dennis Hopper) to his mother after finding Billy drunk. Wyatt informs Ike that he has been made a U.S. Marshal and has legal authority in every county in the United States. Finding no recourse, the Clantons decide to ambush Wyatt as he makes his nightly rounds, but kill his younger brother James Earp (Martin Milner) by mistake.

text: The next morning, Ike and five of his henchman go to Tombstone to face off against the Earps at the O.K. Corral. Holliday, who is sick from tuberculosis, joins them. Though Virgil and Morgan are wounded in the gunfight, all six in Clanton's gang are killed, including Billy, who is given a chance to surrender but refuses. After the fight is over, Wyatt joins Holliday for a final drink before heading off to California to meet Laura, as promised.

text: Cast[edit]

text:
Burt Lancaster – Marshal Wyatt Earp
Kirk Douglas – Doc Holliday
Rhonda Fleming – Laura Denbow
Jo Van Fleet –Kate Fisher
John Ireland – Johnny Ringo
Lyle Bettger – Ike Clanton
Frank Faylen – Sheriff Cotton Wilson
Earl Holliman – Deputy Sheriff Charlie Bassett
Ted de Corsia – Shanghai Pierce
Dennis Hopper – Billy Clanton
Whit Bissell – John Clum
George Mathews – John Shanssey
John Hudson – Virgil Earp
DeForest Kelley – Morgan Earp
Martin Milner – James 'Jimmy' Earp
Lee Van Cleef – Ed Bailey
Jack Elam – Tom McLowery
Peter Lawman – Jack Morgan
Brian G. Hutton – Rick

text: Historical inaccuracies[edit]

text: There are historical inaccuracies contained in the film depiction of the Gunfight at O.K. Corral:

text:
Virgil Earp was already a deputy U.S. Marshal when he arrived in Tombstone, while Wyatt had little, if any, legal authority.
Wyatt came to Tombstone with a common-law wife, whom he later sent away to stay with his family—in order to get her away from opiates.
The real gunfight was a 30-second long, face-to-face affair with only a few firearms, not a medium-range, heavily armed shootout as in the film.
Johnny Ringo was not present at the OK Corral gunfight. He later killed himself.
Ike Clanton brought murder charges against the Earps and Doc Holliday. The Cowboys claimed the Earps had killed the outlaws as they attempted to surrender. During the Spicer hearing, the coroner and witnesses presented conflicting evidence about whether the Cowboys had their hands in the air or guns in their hands or were trying to draw their weapon when the fighting started.
Morgan and Virgil Earp were wounded and Holliday was grazed by a bullet. Wyatt was unhurt.
Judge Wells Spicer ruled that the lawmen acted within their authority.
It was Wyatt's younger brother, Morgan, not James (Wyatt's older brother), who was ambushed and murdered in Tombstone. This occurred after the O.K. Corral gunfight, not before. Virgil Earp was also ambushed in Tombstone after the O.K. corral fight. He survived the attack, but was left with a permanently disabled arm.
The actual gunfight took place in a vacant lot behind the O.K. corral, next to a photography studio, not in the corral itself. It was not an "event by appointment", as the prearrangement between Billy and Wyatt the night before depicts in the movie. It evolved the morning of the fight as the Earps responded to the chaos and threats raised by Ike Clanton after drinking himself into a rage the entire night before.
James Earp was the older brother of Wyatt and never involved in the law enforcement side of the family. He was present in Tombstone but worked as a bartender. Warren Earp was the youngest brother of the Earp brothers and bounced from Tombstone to California between 1880 and 1882.
Ike Clanton was never the leader of the Cowboys. Old Man Clanton controlled the gang until he was killed in 1881 and leadership of the gang fell to Curly Bill Brocis and Johnny Ringo.
The film introduces a romance involving Wyatt Earp and a fictional character (based on Lottie Deno) which played no factor in the actual gunfight nor did anything to advance the film's plot.
Charlie Bassett was Wyatt's boss in Dodge City. The film portrays the relationship as the other way around. Bassett and Wyatt Earp were nearly the same age. The film portrays Bassett as a younger man compared to Wyatt.
Doc Holliday did not directly follow Wyatt to Tombstone. He turned-up there sometime after Wyatt had already established residence.
Doc Holliday saved Wyatt Earp's life, not the other way around.
The real sheriff's name was John Behan, not Cotton Wilson.

text: Shooting[edit]

text: Part of the movie was shot on the set of Paramount Ranch.[3][4]

text: Reception[edit]

text: The film was a big hit and earned $4.7 million on its first run and $6 million on re-release.[1] Its Dimitri Tiomkin score, featuring the song "Gunfight at the O.K. Corral", with lyrics by Ned Washington, sung by Frankie Laine, pushes the movie's momentum relentlessly throughout.[5]

text: Members of the Western Writers of America chose the song "Gunfight at the O.K. Corral" as one of the Top 100 Western songs of all time.[6]

text: Sturges' sequel[edit]

text: Sturges revisited the same material a decade later when he directed a more historically accurate sequel of sorts, Hour of the Gun, starring James Garner as Wyatt Earp, Jason Robards as Doc Holliday, and Robert Ryan as Ike Clanton. That film begins with a more accurate version of the O.K. Corral gun battle, then moves forward into the aftermath for the balance of the movie.

text: Awards[edit]

text: The film was nominated for two Academy Awards.[7]

text:
Film Editing (Warren Low)
Sound Recording (George Dutton)