document_title: Rashtrapati Bhavan

question_text: first president of india to live in rashtrapati bhavan

text: Rashtrapati Bhavan

text: History[edit]

text: This decision to build a residence in New Delhi for the British Viceroy was taken after it was decided during the Delhi Durbar in December 1911 that the capital of India would be relocated from Calcutta to Delhi. When the plan for a new city, New Delhi, adjacent to end south of Old Delhi, was developed after the Delhi Durbar, the new palace for the Viceroy of India was given an enormous size and prominent position. About 4,000 acres of land was acquired to begin the construction of Viceroy's House, as it was officially called, and adjacent Secretariat Building between 1911 and 1916 by relocating Raisina and Malcha villages that existed there and their 300 families under the Land & Acquisition Act.[3][4]

text: The British architect Edwin Landseer Lutyens, a major member of the city-planning process, was given the primary architectural responsibility. The completed Governor-General's palace turned out very similar to the original sketches which Lutyens sent Herbert Baker, from Simla, on 14 June 1912. Lutyens' design is grandly classical overall, with colors and details inspired by Indian architecture. Lutyens and Baker who had been assigned to work on Viceroy's House and the Secretariats began on friendly terms. Baker had been assigned to work on the two secretariat buildings which were in front of Viceroy's House. The original plan was to have Viceroy's House on the top of Raisina Hill, with the secretariats lower down. It was later decided to build it 400 yards back and put both buildings on top of the plateau. While Lutyens wanted Viceroy's House to be higher, he was forced to move it back from the intended position, which resulted in a dispute with Baker. After completion, Lutyens argued with Baker, because the view of the front of the building was obscured by the high angle of the road.

text: Lutyens campaigned for its fixing, but was not able to get it to be changed. Lutyens wanted to make a long inclined grade all the way to Viceroy's House with retaining walls on either side. While this would give a view of the house from further back, it would also cut through the square between the secretariat buildings. The committee with Lutyens and Baker established in January 1914 said the grade was to be no steeper than 1 in 25, though it eventually was changed to 1 in 22, a steeper gradient which made it more difficult to see the Viceroy's palace. While Lutyens knew about the gradient, and the possibility that the Viceroy's palace would be obscured by the road, it is thought that Lutyens did not fully realize how little the front of the house would be visible. In 1916 the Imperial Delhi committee dismissed Lutyens's proposal to alter the gradient. Lutyens thought Baker was more concerned with making money and pleasing the government, rather than making a good architectural design.

text: Lutyens traveled between India and England almost every year for twenty years, to work on the construction of Viceroy's House in both countries. Lutyens reduced the building from 13,000,000 cubic feet (370,000 m3) to 8,500,000 cubic feet (240,000 m3) because of the budget restrictions of Lord Hardinge. While Hardinge demanded that costs be reduced, he nevertheless wanted the house to retain a certain amount of ceremonial grandeur.

text: When Chakravarti Rajagopalachari assumed the office as the first Indian-born Governor General of India and became the occupant of this building he preferred to stay in a few rooms which is now the family wing of the President and converted the then Viceroy's apartments into the Guest Wing where visiting heads of state stay while in India.

text: On 26 January 1950, when Rajendra Prasad became the first President of India and occupied this building, it was renamed as Rashtrapati Bhavan – the President's House.

text: Architecture designs[edit]

text: Design[edit]

text: Consisting of four floors and 340 rooms, with a floor area of 200,000 square feet (19,000 m2), it was built using 700 million bricks and 3,000,000 cu ft (85,000 m3) of stone with little steel.

text: The design of the building fell into the time period of the Edwardian Baroque, a time at which emphasis was placed on the use of heavy classical motifs in order to emphasise power and imperial authority. The design process of the mansion was long, complicated and politically charged. Lutyens' early designs were all starkly classical and entirely European in style. His disrespect for the local building tradition he dismissed as primitive, is evident in his numerous sketches with appended scrawls such as 'Moghul tosh' and his short remark that 'they want me to do Hindu – Hindon't I say!' In the post-Mutiny era, however, it was decided that sensitivity must be shown to the local surroundings in order to better integrate the building within its political context, and after much political debate Lutyens conceded to incorporating local indo-Saracenic motifs, albeit in a rather superficial decorational form on the skin of the building. Various Indian designs were added to the building. These included several circular stone basins on top of the building, as water features are an important part of Indian architecture. There was also a traditional Indian chujja or chhajja, which occupied the place of a frieze in classical architecture; it was a sharp, thin, protruding element which extended 8 feet (2.4 m) from the building, and created deep shadows. It blocks harsh sunlight from the windows and also shields the windows from heavy rain during the monsoon season. On the roofline were several chuttris, which helped to break up the flatness of the roofline not covered by the dome. Lutyens appropriated some Indian designs, but used them sparingly and effectively throughout the building. There were also statues of elephants and fountain sculptures of cobras in the gar of the retaining walls, as well as the bas-reliefs around the base of the Jaipur Column, made by British sculptor, Charles Sargeant Jagger.[5] The column has a "distinctly peculiar crown on top, a glass star springing out of bronze lotus blossom".[6]

text: There were grilles made from red sandstone, called jalis or jaalis.[citation needed] These jalis were inspired by Rajasthani design. The front of the palace, on the east side, has twelve unevenly spaced massive columns with the Delhi Order capitals.[citation needed] These capitals have a fusion of acanthus leaves with the four pendant Indian bells. The bells are similar in style to Indian Hindu and Buddhist temples, the idea being inspired from a Jain temple at Moodabidri in Karnataka.[citation needed] One bell is on each corner at the top of the column. It was said that as the bells were silent British rule in India would not end.[clarification needed] The front of the building does not have windows, except in the wings at the sides. Lutyens established ateliers in Delhi and Lahore to employ local craftsmen. The chief engineer of the project was Sir Teja Singh Malik, and four main contractors included Sir Sobha Singh.[7]

text: Lutyens added several small personal elements to the house, such as an area in the garden walls and two ventilator windows on the stateroom to look like the glasses which he wore. The Viceregal Lodge was completed largely by 1929, and (along with the rest of New Delhi) inaugurated officially in 1931. Interestingly, the building took seventeen years to complete and eighteen years later India became independent. After Indian independence in 1947, the now ceremonial Governor-General continued to live there, being succeeded by the President in 1950 when India became a republic and the house was renamed "Rashtrapati Bhavan".

text: Lutyens stated that the dome is inspired by the Pantheon of Rome.[8] There is also the presence of Mughal and European colonial architectural elements. Overall the structure is distinctly different from other contemporary British Colonial symbols. It has 355 decorated rooms and a floor area of 200,000 square feet (19,000 m²). The structure includes 700 million bricks[9] and 3.5 million cubic feet (85,000 m³) of stone, with only minimal usage of steel.

text: Layout plan[edit]

text: The layout plan of the building is designed around a massive square with multiple courtyards and open inner areas within. The plan called for two wings; one for the Viceroy and residents and another for guests. The residence wing is a separate four-storey house in itself, with its own court areas within. This wing was so large that the last Indian governor-general, Chakravarti Rajagopalachari, opted to live in the smaller guest wing, a tradition followed by subsequent presidents. The original residence wing is now used primarily for state receptions and as a guest wing for visiting heads of state.[2]

text: Halls and rooms[edit]

text: Rashtrapati Bhavan has many halls which are used for state functions and other purposes. Two of them, Durbar Hall and Ashoka Hall, are the most prominent.

text: Durbar Hall is situated directly under the double-dome of the main building. Known as the “Throne Room” before independence, it had two separate thrones for the Viceroy and Vicereine. Presently, a single high chair for the President is kept here under a 2-ton chandelier hanging from a height of 33 m by a 23 m long rope. The flooring of the hall is made of chocolate-coloured Italian marble. The columns in Durbar Hall are made in Delhi Order which combines vertical lines with the motif of a bell. The vertical lines from the column were also used in the frieze around the room, which could not have been done with one of the traditional Greek orders of columns. The columns are made from yellow Jaisalmer marble, with a thick line running along the centre. It is said that the line thus drawn on the floor perfectly divides the mansion into two equal parts. It houses a 5th century Buddha statue from the Gupta period. This ancient Buddha statue is in a perfect straight line to the Gupta-period Bull placed outside and onto the India Gate at the end of Rajpath. The elevation of Raisina Hills is so much that the top of the India Gate lies at the same level as the feet of the Buddha’s statue placed in the Durbar Hall. The interior of this room and almost all the rooms of the palace are bare, relying on stonework and shapes to show austerity rather than intricate decoration.

text: Durbar Hall has a capacity of 500 people and it is here in this building that Jawahar Lal Nehru took the oath of office of Prime Minister of Independent India from Lord Mountbatten at 8.30 am on 15 August 1947.

text: Ashoka Hall is a rectangular room of 32×20 m and the most beautiful of all the halls. It was originally built as a state ballroom with wooden flooring. The Persian painting on its ceiling depicts a royal hunting expedition led by King Fateh Ali Shah of Persia. The walls have fresco paintings.

text: The two state drawing rooms, the state supper room and the state library are each on the four corners of Durbar Hall. There are also other rooms such as many loggias (galleries with open air on one side) which face out into the courtyards, a large dining hall with an extremely long table to seat 104 persons, sitting rooms, billiards rooms and staircases.

text: Dome[edit]

text: The dome, in the middle, reflects both Indian and British styles. In the centre is a tall copper dome, surmounting a drum, which stands out from the rest of the building. The dome is exactly in the middle of the diagonals between the four corners of the building. The dome is more than twice the height of the building itself.

text: The height of the dome was increased by Lord Hardinge in the plan of the building in 1913. The dome combines classical and Indian styles. Lutyens said the design evolved from that of the Pantheon in Rome, while it is also possible that it was modeled partly after the great Stupa at Sanchi. The dome is supported by evenly spaced columns which form a porch with an open area between. In the New Delhi summer heat haze this gives an impression of the dome being afloat. Workers began to form the reinforced concrete shell of the outer dome at the beginning of 1929. The last stone of the dome was laid on 6 April 1929.

text: Other features[edit]

text: Water features are present throughout the mansion, such as near the Viceroy's stairs, which has eight marble lion statues spilling water into six basins. These lions were symbolic of the heraldry of Great Britain. There is also an open area in one room to the sky, which lets in much of the natural light.

text: Mughal Gardens[edit]

text: The Mughal Gardens are situated at the back of the Rashtrapati Bhavan, incorporate both Mughal and English landscaping styles and feature a great variety of flowers. The Rashtrapati Bhavan gardens are open to the public in February every year.

text: Main garden: Two channels running North to South and two running East to West divide this garden into a grid of squares. There are six lotus shaped fountains at the crossings of these channels. Whereas the energetic fountains rising up to a height of 12 feet (3.7 m) create a soothing murmur that enthralls the visitor, the channels are so tranquil in their movement that they seem frozen. In the channels at appropriate times of day can be seen reflections of the imposing building and the proud flowers. There are wooden trays placed on stands in the centre of the channels where grain is put for the birds to feed upon.

text: Terrace garden: There are two longitudinal strips of garden, at a higher level on each side of the Main Garden, forming the Northern and Southern boundaries. The plants grown are the same as in the Main Garden. At the centre of both of the strips is a fountain, which falls inwards, forming a well. On the Western tips are located two gazebos and on the Eastern tips two ornately designed sentry posts.

text: Long Garden or the 'Purdha Garden': This is located to the West of the Main Garden, and runs along on each side of the central pavement which goes to the circular garden. Enclosed in walls about 12 feet high, this is predominantly a rose garden. It has 16 square rose beds encased in low hedges. There is a red sandstone pergola in the centre over the central pavement which is covered with Rose creepers, Petrea, Bougainvillea and Grape Vines. The walls are covered with creepers like Jasmine, Rhyncospermum, Tecoma Grandiflora, Bignonia Vanista, Adenoclyma, Echitice, Parana Paniculata. Along the walls are planted the China Orange trees.

text: Around the circular garden there are rooms for the office of the horticulturist, a green house, stores, nursery etc. Here is housed the collection of Bonsais, one of the best in the country.

text: All the presidents who have stayed at the Rashtrapati Bhavan have taken a keen interest in the maintenance and upkeep of the Mughal Gardens. All have contributed in their own way. The underlying themes, however, have remained unaltered.

text: Udyanotsav[edit]

text: The Mughal Gardens opens for general public viewing in February–March every year during Udyanotsav.[10]

text: Museum[edit]

text: In July 2014, a museum inside Rashtrapati Bhavan was inaugurated by President of India Pranab Mukherjee. The museum helps visitors to get an inside view of the Rashtrapati Bhavan, its art, architecture and get educated about lives of past presidents.[11]

text: Restoration[edit]

text: The first restoration project at the Rashtrapati Bhavan was started in 1985 and ended in 1989, during which the Ashoka Hall was stripped of its later additions and restored to its original state by the architectural restorer Sunita Kohli. The second restoration project, begun in 2010, involved Charles Correa and Sunita Kohli.[7][12][13]


document_title: May Fourth Movement

question_text: who started the protest that led to the may fourth movement

root

text: May Fourth Movement

text: Background[edit]

text: "The atmosphere and political mood that emerged around 1919," in the words of Mitter (2004), "are at the centre of a set of ideas that has shaped China's momentous twentieth century."[1] Following the Xinhai Revolution in 1911, the Qing Dynasty disintegrated. This marked the end of thousands of years of powerful imperial rule, and theoretically ushered a new era in which political power rested with the people. However, the reality was that China was a fragmented nation dominated by warlords, who were more concerned with their own political powers and private armies than national interests.[2] The Chinese Beiyang government was occupied with suppressing internal affairs and did little to counter the influence exerted by foreign powers.[3] The March 1st Movement that happened in Korea (1919), the Russian revolution (1917), defeats by foreign powers and the presence of spheres of influence inflamed a sense of nationalism among the emerging middle class and cultural leaders[citation needed]. Leaders of the New Culture Movement believed that traditional Confucian values were responsible for the political weakness of the nation[citation needed]. Chinese nationalists called for a rejection of traditional values and the selective adoption of Western ideals of "Mr. Science" (賽先生; 赛先生; sài xiānsheng) and "Mr. Democracy" (德先生; dé xiānsheng) in order to strengthen the new nation.[4] These iconoclastic and anti-traditional views and programs have shaped China's politics and culture down to the present.[5]

tag: p

text: Shandong Problem[edit]

text: China had entered World War I on the side of the Allied Triple Entente in 1917 with the condition that all German spheres of influence, such as Shandong, would be returned to China. Although in that year 140,000 Chinese labourers (as a part of the British army, the Chinese Labour Corps) were sent to France,[6] the Versailles Treaty of April 1919 awarded German rights in Shandong Province to Japan. The representatives of the Chinese government put forth the following requests:

text:
abolition of all privileges of foreign powers in China, such as extraterritoriality
cancelling of the "Twenty-One Demands" with the Japanese
return to China of the territory and rights of Shandong, which Japan had taken from Germany during World War I.

tag: ol

text: The Western Allies dominated the meeting at Versailles, and paid little heed to Chinese demands. Britain and France were primarily interested in punishing Germany. Although the United States promoted Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points and the ideals of self-determination, they were unable to advance these ideals in the face of stubborn resistance by David Lloyd George, Georges Clemenceau and the U.S. Congress. American advocacy of self-determination at the League of Nations was attractive to Chinese intellectuals, but their failure to follow through was seen as a betrayal. Chinese diplomatic failure at the Paris Peace Conference touched off the May Fourth Movement, and became known as the "Shandong Problem".

text: Days of protest[edit]

text: On the morning of 4 May 1919, student representatives from thirteen different local universities met in Beijing and drafted five resolutions:

text:
to oppose the granting of Shandong to the Japanese under former German concessions.
to draw awareness of China's precarious position to the masses in China.
to recommend a large-scale gathering in Beijing.
to promote the creation of a Beijing student union.
to hold a demonstration that afternoon in protest to the terms of the Treaty of Versailles.

text: On the afternoon of May 4 over 3,000 students of Peking University and other schools marched from many points to gather in front of Tiananmen. They shouted such slogans as "Struggle for the sovereignty externally, get rid of the national traitors at home", "Do away with the 'Twenty-One Demands'", and "Don't sign the Versailles Treaty". They voiced their anger at the Allied betrayal of China, denounced the government's spineless inability to protect Chinese interests, and called for a boycott of Japanese products. Demonstrators insisted on the resignation of three Chinese officials they accused of being collaborators with the Japanese. After burning the residence of one of these officials and beating his servants, student protesters were arrested, jailed, and severely beaten.[7]

text: The next day, students in Beijing as a whole went on strike and in the larger cities across China, students, patriotic merchants, and workers joined protests. The demonstrators skillfully appealed to the newspapers and sent representatives to carry the word across the country. From early June, workers and businessmen in Shanghai also went on strike as the center of the movement shifted from Beijing to Shanghai. Chancellors from thirteen universities arranged for the release of student prisoners, and Cai Yuanpei, the principal of Peking University resigned in protest. Newspapers, magazines, citizen societies, and chambers of commerce offered support for the students. Merchants threatened to withhold tax payments if China's government remained obstinate.[8] In Shanghai, a general strike of merchants and workers nearly devastated the entire Chinese economy.[7] Under intense public pressure, the Beijing government released the arrested students and dismissed Cao Rulin, Zhang Zongxiang and Lu Zongyu. Chinese representatives in Paris refused to sign the peace treaty: the May Fourth Movement won an initial victory which was primarily symbolic, since Japan for the moment retained control of the Shandong Peninsula and the islands in the Pacific. Even the partial success of the movement exhibited the ability of China's social classes across the country to successfully collaborate given proper motivation and leadership.[7]

text: Birth of Chinese communism[edit]

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tag: table

text: For many years, the orthodox view in the People's Republic of China was that after the demonstrations in 1919 and their suppression, the discussion became more and more political. People like Chen Duxiu and Li Dazhao shifted more to the left and were among the leading founders of the 1921 Communist Party of China, whilst other intellectuals, such as the anarchist writer and agitator, Ba Jin also took part in the movement. Originally voluntarist or nihilist figures like Li Shicen and Zhu Qianzhi made similar turns to the Left as the 1920s saw China become increasingly turbulent.

text: Mao Zedong claimed that the May Fourth Movement was a stage leading toward revolution:

text: The May Fourth Movement served as an intellectual turning point in China; it was a seminal event that radicalized Chinese intellectual thought. Western-style liberal democracy had previously had a degree of traction amongst Chinese intellectuals, but after the Versailles Treaty (which was viewed as a betrayal of China's interests), lost much of its attractiveness. Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points, despite being rooted in moralism, were also seen as Western-centric and hypocritical.

text: Many in the Chinese intellectual community believed that the United States had done little to convince the imperialist powers (especially Britain, France, and Japan) to adhere to the Fourteen Points, and observed that the United States itself had declined to join the League of Nations; as a result they turned away from the Western liberal democratic model. Marxism began to take hold in Chinese intellectual thought, particularly among those already on the Left. It was during this time that communism was studied seriously by some Chinese intellectuals such as Chen Duxiu and Li Dazhao.

text: Historical significance[edit]

text: Scholars rank the New Culture and May Fourth Movements as significant turning points, along with the abolition of the civil service system in 1905 and the overthrow of the monarchy in 1911. Participants at the time, such as Hu Shi, referred to this era as the Chinese Renaissance because there was an intense focus on science and experimentation.[10]

text: The challenge to traditional Chinese values, however, was also met with strong opposition, especially from the Nationalist Party. From their perspective, the movement destroyed the positive elements of Chinese tradition and placed a heavy emphasis on direct political actions and radical attitudes, characteristics associated with the emerging Chinese Communist Party. On the other hand, the Communist Party, whose two founders, Li Dazhao and Chen Duxiu, were leaders of the movement, viewed it more favorably, although remaining suspicious of the early phase which emphasized the role of enlightened intellectuals, not revolution.[11] In its broader sense, the May Fourth Movement led to the establishment of radical intellectuals who went on to mobilize peasants and workers into the Communist party and gain the organizational strength that would solidify the success of the Communist Revolution.[8]

text: Criticism and resistance[edit]

text: Although the Movement was highly influential, many of the intellectuals at the time opposed the anti-traditional message and many political figures ignored it.

text: Chiang Kai-shek, as a nationalist and Confucianist was against the iconoclasm of the May Fourth Movement. As an anti-imperialist, he was skeptical of western ideas and literature. He and Dr. Sun Yat-sen criticized these May Fourth intellectuals for corrupting morals of youth.[12] When the Nationalist party came to power under Chiang's rule, it carried out the opposite agenda. The New Life Movement promoted Confucianism and the Kuomintang purged China's education system of western ideas, introducing Confucianism into the curriculum. Textbooks, exams, degrees and educational instructors were all controlled by the state, as were all universities.[13]

text: Some conservative philosophers and intellectuals opposed any change, but many more accepted or welcomed the challenge from the West but wanted to base new systems on Chinese values, not imported ones. These figures included Liang Shuming, Liu Shipei, Tao Xisheng, Xiong Shili, Zhang Binglin and Lu Xun's brother, Zhou Zuoren.[14] In later years, others developed critiques, including figures as diverse as Lin Yutang, Qian Mu, Xu Fuguan, and Yu Yingshi.

text: Chinese Muslims ignored the May Fourth movement by continuing to teach Classical Chinese and literature with the Qur'an and Arabic along with officially mandated contemporary subjects at the "Normal Islamic School of Wanxian".[15] A Classical Chinese translation of the Quran was done by Ha Decheng.[16] Arabic, vernacular Chinese, Classical Chinese, and the Qur'an were taught in Ningxia Islamic schools funded by Muslim General Ma Fuxiang.[17]

text: Neotraditionalism vs. Western thought[edit]

text: Although the May Fourth Movement did find partial success in removing Chinese traditional culture,[citation needed] there were still proponents who steadfastly argued that China's traditions and values should be the fundamental foundation of the nation. From these opponents of Western civilization derived three neotraditional schools of thought: national essence, national character, and modern relevance of Confucianism. Each school of thought denounced the western values of individualism, materialism and utilitarianism as inadequate avenues for the development of China. Each school held to specific objectives. The "national essence" school sought to discover aspects of traditional culture that could potentially serve the national development of China. Such traditional aspects consisted of various philosophical and religious practices that emerged parallel with Confucianism. Most particularly, China imported Buddhism, a religion from their neighboring countries, India and Nepal. Under the "national character" school, advocates promoted the traditional family system, the primary target of the May Fourth Movement. In this school, reformers viewed Westerners as shells without morals. Finally, the modern relevance of Confucianism was centered on the notion that Confucian values were better than Western ones. In response to western culture's primary concentration on rational analysis, China's neotraditionalists argued that this was misguided, especially in the practical, changing milieu of the world. Most importantly, these three neo-traditionalist thoughts gave no consideration to the individual, which was the main theme of the May Fourth Movement.[11]


document_title: Deindustrialisation by country

question_text: an example of deindustrialization in the united states economy is apparent in this area

text: Deindustrialisation by country

text: Background[edit]

text: Theories that predict or explain deindustrialisation have a long intellectual lineage. Karl Marx's theory of declining (industrial) profit argues that technological innovation enables more efficient means of production, resulting in increased physical productivity, i.e., a greater output of use value per unit of capital invested. In parallel, however, technological innovations replace people with machinery, and the organic composition of capital increases. Assuming only labour can produce new additional value, this greater physical output embodies a smaller value and surplus value. The average rate of industrial profit therefore declines in the longer term.

text: George Reisman (2002) identified inflation as a contributor to deindustrialisation. In his analysis, the process of fiat money inflation distorts the economic calculations necessary to operate capital-intensive manufacturing enterprises, and makes the investments necessary for sustaining the operations of such enterprises unprofitable.

text: The term de-industrialisation crisis has been used to describe the decline of labour-intensive industry in a number of countries and the flight of jobs away from cities. One example is labour-intensive manufacturing. After free-trade agreements were instituted with less developed nations in the 1980s and 1990s, labour-intensive manufacturers relocated production facilities to Third World countries with much lower wages and lower standards. In addition, technological inventions that required less manual labour, such as industrial robots, eliminated many manufacturing jobs.

text: Australia[edit]

text: On 2008, four companies mass produced cars in Australia.[1] Mitsubishi ceased production in March 2008, followed by Ford in 2016, and Holden and Toyota in 2017.[2]

text: Holden bodyworks were manufactured at Elizabeth, South Australia and engines are produced at the Fishermens Bend plant in Port Melbourne, Victoria.  In 2006, Holden's export revenue was just under A$1.3 billion.[3] In March 2012, Holden was given a $270 million lifeline by the Australian government. In return, Holden planned to inject over $1 billion into car manufacturing in Australia. They estimated the new investment package would return around $4 billion to the Australian economy and see GM Holden continue making cars in Australia until at least 2022.[4] However, Holden announced on 11 December 2013 that Holden cars would no longer be manufactured in Australia from the end of 2017.[5]

text: Ford had two main factories, both in Victoria: located in the Geelong suburb of Norlane and the northern Melbourne suburb of Broadmeadows. Both plants were closed down in October 2016.

text: Until 2006, Toyota had factories in Port Melbourne and Altona, Victoria. Since then, all manufacturing has been at Altona. In 2008, Toyota exported 101,668 vehicles worth $1,900 million.[6] In 2011 the figures were "59,949 units worth $1,004 million".[7] On 10 February 2014 it was announced that by the end of 2017 Toyota would cease manufacturing vehicles and engines in Australia.[8]

text:
Until trade liberalisation in the mid 1980s, Australia had a large textile industry[citation needed].  This decline continued through the first decade of the 21st century.[citation needed]  Since the 1980s, tariffs have steadily been reduced; in early 2010, the tariffs were reduced from  17.5 percent to 10 percent on clothing, and 7.5–10% to 5% for footwear and other textiles.[9]
As of 2010, most textile manufacturing, even by Australian companies, is performed in Asia.

text: Austria[edit]

text: This section does not cite any sources. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (August 2018) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)

text: Austria has many indicators that justify labelling them as a deindustrialising country. Data collected from the OECD for Austria has shown that since 1956 total employment did grow until 1994 and since then remained relatively steady. Employment in industry and construction, however, has declined steadily as service sector employment has steadily increased. Data also shows that even as employment in industry and construction has decreased, industry productivity has continued to grow.

text: Austrian unemployment has steadily increased since 1983 due to deindustrialisation. Austria was one of the countries in a study that showed that increasing overall unemployment was significantly related to manufacturing unemployment. Austria's foreign and domestic policy has made deindustrialisation possible. High labour taxes and high withholding taxes repel low-skill immigration as low capital taxes enable domestic capital investment. Stern banking secrecy policies, no withholding taxes for non-residents, joining the European Union, and adopting the Euro enabled substantial growth in Austria's services sector.

text: Belgium[edit]

text: Data taken from the OECD website show that industrial employment in Belgium rose between 1999 and 2000 and then declined until 2003, rising again until 2006. The overall trend in industrial employment in Belgium, however, is still a decline. OECD data also shows that production and sales of total industry in Belgium has been on the rise since 1955, with the exception of small declines during a few years. Despite this trend, deindustrialisation is occurring at fairly rapid rates in Belgium. Variables such as large population increases and regional discrepancies account for these misleading statistics. Deindustrialisation is hitting the region of Wallonia much harder than the region of Flanders. Wallonia remains much more impoverished and has an unemployment rate of about 17% (twice that of the unemployment rate in Flanders). Other statistics displaying the effects of deindustrialisation in Belgium is the rise in employment in the service sector from 1999 until 2006. Today, industry is much less significant in Belgium than it has been in previous years.

text: Canada[edit]

text: Much of the academic literature pertaining to Canada hints at deindustrialisation as a problem in the older rust belt areas of Ontario and the east. Nationwide, over the past fifty years, according to 2008 OECD data, industrial production and overall employment have been steadily increasing. Industrial production levelled off a bit between 2004 and 2007, but its production levels are the highest that they have ever been. The perception of deindustrialisation that the literature refers to deals with the fact that although employment and economic production have risen, the economy has shifted drastically from manufacturing jobs to service sector jobs. Only 13% of the current Canadian population has a job in the industrial sector. Technological advancements in industry over the past fifty years have allowed for industrial production to keep rising during the Canadian economic shift to the service sector. 69% of the GDP of Canada comes from the service sector.[10][11]

text: Denmark[edit]

text: Regarding Denmark's industry, the country does not appear to be deindustrialising as a whole. Literature (Goldsmith and Larsen 2004) has stated that perhaps Denmark's size and "Nordic style" of governing has allowed it to hide from the detrimental effects of globalisation. Both men's and women's labour statistics (OECD data 2008) show a steady increase over the past decade. Despite a slight dip from 2001 to 2003, overall employment in Denmark has been at a steady increase since 1995. Denmark's total industry output has also been on the rise since the 1974, despite an economic recession from 1987 to 1993. The country's high employment and low unemployment rates have improved the production industry, and the high tax rates have strengthened the economy.[citation needed]

text: Finland[edit]

text: Based on the data from the OECD website, Finland has been industrialising according to industrial employment and industrial production statistics. Finland has been considered very resilient based on its remarkable economic comeback after their recession in 1990 due to the fall of the Soviet Union. During this time, production of total industry and civilian employment in industry declined rapidly. Finland has been ranked number one three times in the World Economic Forum competitiveness studies as one of the most developed IT economies since 2000.

text: Since the 1990 recession, which was one of the largest in European history, Finland has managed to soar back to the top of the economic ladder. Finland has done so by focusing strongly on education. After their recession, Finland invested its money on boosting R&D, education, and retraining workers that had lost their job due to the recession. With its investment in education, Finland has succeeded in increasing some of its industries. For example, the forest industry now specialises in high-quality papers. As a result of investment in education and technology, Finland is now one of the world's largest producers of paper-making machinery. According to the statistics on the OECD website, Finland is not deindustrialising.

text: France[edit]

text: Data for France indicates that while employment in industry relative to the total French economy has decreased, there is a lack of sound evidence pointing to an overall trend of deindustrialisation. Research (Lee 2005, Feinstein 1999) shows that at the same time relative employment in industry is decreasing, total production in industry has almost quadrupled since the mid 20th century, levelling off only since about the year 2000 (OECD 2008). Lee shows that between 1962 and 1995, employment in industry in France fell 13.1% (2005:table 1). Advances in technology that allow for higher output by fewer employees, coupled with a change in the type of products manufactured domestically, such as the high-tech electronics now manufactured in France, explain the negative relationship of employment and output in French industry. Thus, it may feel like deindustrialisation is occurring because of the relative decrease of employment or highly publicised cases of outsourcing, yet the data suggest industry production in France is not suffering.[original research?]

text: Germany[edit]

text: Historic[edit]

text: In occupied Germany after World War II the Morgenthau Plan was implemented, although not in its most extreme version.[12]:530 The plan was present in the U.S. occupation directive JCS 1067[13][12]:520 and in the Allied "industrial disarmament" plans.[12]:520 On February 2, 1946, a dispatch from Berlin reported:

text: Some progress has been made in converting Germany to an agricultural and light industry economy, said Brigadier General William H. Draper, Jr., chief of the American Economics Division, who emphasised that there was general agreement on that plan. He explained that Germany's future industrial and economic pattern was being drawn for a population of 66,500,000. On that basis, he said, the nation will need large imports of food and raw materials to maintain a minimum standard of living. General agreement, he continued, had been reached on the types of German exports — coal, coke, electrical equipment, leather goods, beer, wines, spirits, toys, musical instruments, textiles and apparel — to take the place of the heavy industrial products that formed most of Germany's pre-war exports.[14]

text: According to some historians, the U.S. government abandoned the Morgenthau plan as policy in September 1946 with Secretary of State James F. Byrnes' speech "Restatement of Policy on Germany".[15]

text: Others have argued that credit should be given to former U.S. President Herbert Hoover, who in one of his reports from Germany, dated March 18, 1947, argued for a change in occupation policy, amongst other things stating, "There is the illusion that the New Germany left after the annexations can be reduced to a 'pastoral state'. It cannot be done unless we exterminate or move 25,000,000 people out of it."[16]

text: Worries about the sluggish recovery of the European economy, which before the war had depended on the German industrial base, and growing Soviet influence amongst a German population subject to food shortages and economic misery, caused the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and Generals Clay and Marshall to start lobbying the Truman administration for a change of policy.[17]

text: In July 1947, President Harry S. Truman rescinded on "national security grounds"[17] the punitive occupation directive JCS 1067, which had directed the U.S. forces of occupation in Germany to "take no steps looking toward the economic rehabilitation of Germany [or] designed to maintain or strengthen the German economy". It was replaced by JCS 1779, which instead noted that "[a]n orderly, prosperous Europe requires the economic contributions of a stable and productive Germany."[18]

text: It had taken over two months for General Clay to overcome continued resistance to the new directive JCS 1779, but on July 10, 1947, it was finally approved at a meeting of the SWNCC. The final version of the document "was purged of the most important elements of the Morgenthau plan."[19]

text: Dismantling of (West) German industry ended in 1951, but "industrial disarmament" lingered in restrictions on actual German steel production, and production capacity, as well as in restrictions on key industries. All remaining restrictions were finally rescinded on May 5, 1955. "The last act of the Morgenthau drama occurred on that date or when the Saar was returned to Germany."[12]:520

text: Vladimir Petrov concluded: "The victorious Allies … delayed by several years the economic reconstruction of the war torn continent, a reconstruction which subsequently cost the US billions of dollars."[20]

text: Currently[edit]

text: In the early 2000s, the unemployment in Germany was moderately high, while industrial output was steadily increasing. Germany's unemployment rate of roughly seven percent (OECD, 2008) is by and large due to the continuing struggles with the reunification process between East and West Germany that began in 1990. However, the unemployment rate has been declining since 2005, when it reached its peak of over ten percent. In the 2010s, Germany's unemployment rate has been one of the lowest in continental Europe.

text: Between 2010 and 2017 the manufacturing employment in absolute terms has risen by 10% from 4.9 million workers to 5.4 million December 2016. Federal German statistics office

text: India[edit]

text: During the reign of the Mughal Empire, India was the largest economy on Earth, accounting for roughly one-quarter of the world economy.[21] It had strong agriculture and industry, and was the world's largest cotton textile manufacturer (particularly Bengal).[22] But in the latter half of the 18th century, India underwent political turmoil and Europeans (mainly British) got an opportunity to become political masters. During their rule, British mercantilism targeted weakening of the craft guilds, pricing and quota caps, and banning production of many products and commodities in India.

text: India's de-industrialization contributed to Britain's Industrial Revolution, with India no longer being a competitor in the global textile industry, as well as India itself becoming a large market for British textiles. Britain eventually replaced India as the world's largest cotton textile manufacturer in the 19th century.[22]

text: Ireland[edit]

text: Ireland has yet[when?] to de-industrialise. Industrial employment and production and sales in industry have increased since 1990, according to OECD data. The increase in industry coincided with the introduction of Intel to the Irish economy in late 1989. Though one may not think of Intel as industry in the same sense as steel production, it is considered to be industry. Intel is now the largest company by turnover in Ireland. This was the beginning of what was called the "Celtic Tiger" economy. Dell and Microsoft followed Intel to Ireland, creating a large software industry. As is evidenced by these three companies, a majority of the industries that exist in Ireland are a result of foreign direct investment. The top three FDIs are the US, the UK, and Germany.

text: Italy[edit]

text: Overall, Italy in 2008 did not seem to be deindustrialising. According to OECD (2008)  data, the rate of industrial employment is at an all-time high, although, in general, it has stayed relatively consistent since 1956. The rate of industrial production is also on the rise after a small dip in recent years; even though production rates are still at almost 2 percent less than they were in 2000, the 2005 rate is eighty percent more than what it was in 1955. These figures, however, do not make the distinction between different regions of the country: according to Rowthorn and Ramaswamy (1999), most manufacturing plants are located in cities such as Genoa and Milan in Northern Italy, and the unemployment rate in the South is significantly higher than in the North. Prior to World War II, Italy's economy was mainly agricultural, but it has since shifted to become one of the largest industrial economies in the world. In general, Italy is continuing to experience a period of industrialisation that has been taking place since the shift.

text: Japan[edit]

text: Historic[edit]

text: To further remove Japan as a potential future military threat after World War II, the Far Eastern Commission decided that Japan must partly be de-industrialised. Dismantling of Japanese industry was foreseen to have been achieved when Japanese standards of living were reduced to those between 1930 and 1934[12]:531 [23] (see Great Depression). In the end the adopted program of de-industrialisation in Japan was implemented to a lesser degree than the similar U.S. "industrial disarmament" program in Germany.[12]:531

text: Current[edit]

text: A notable event began in the 1990s as the economy of Japan suddenly stagnated after three decades of tremendous economic growth. This could be construed as directly linked to deindustrialisation, as this phenomenon began to be recognised in developed countries of the world around this same time. However, Japan had larger economic problems, the effects of which can still be seen in the country's low economic growth today. According to data from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (2008), deindustrialisation is occurring in Japan. However, although industrial employment as a percentage of total employment has dropped over the last couple of decades in Japan, total employment has not.[citation needed] Unemployment was fairly low at 3.5% in 2007,[10] and the economy is relatively stable. Literature (Matsumoto 1996) has stated that the service sector has been expanding and providing jobs for those that have been displaced from industry. Strong union membership has also played a role in keeping employment rates stable. Although outsourcing and industrial decline may contribute to job loss in industry, the shift in modern economies from industry to service may help reduce negative effects.

text: Netherlands[edit]

text: Much like many other OECD countries, the Netherlands is not experiencing deindustrialisation in the usual way one might think of it. While the OECD's Annual Labour Force Statistics Survey may show that industrial employment opportunities in the Netherlands have significantly decreased in the past 50 years, the OECD's Production and Sales MEI for Industry and Service Statistics shows that the overall production in the industrial sector has actually improved. The Netherlands, like many other countries, has advanced to produce more with less.

text: Also, perhaps in response to the decline in industrial sector employment, the service industry of the Netherlands has grown and expanded its employment opportunities. The timely response of alternatives for employment may have had something to do with the progressive policies the Netherlands has in place to complement the changes in industry. An example might include tax breaks for families where the father works full-time and the mother works part-time, also referred to as the "one-and-a-half breadwinner" policy.

text: New Zealand[edit]

text: New Zealand is in a phase of deindustrialisation starting in the late 1990s. The evidence for this phenomenon is apparent in the decrease of economic output, a shift from employment in the manufacturing sector to the service sector (which may be due to an increase in tourism), the dissipation of unions caused by immigration and individual work contracts, along with the influence on culture by highbrow mass media (like the internet) and technology. It is possible to interpret these trends in a different way due to the complex nature of the data and the difficulty in quantifying and calculating reliable results. These trends are important to study, because they might occur in waves that could help predict economic and cultural outcomes in the future.

text: With the reduction and removal of tariffs through the 1980s and 1990s plus the importation of second hand Japanese cars, the major assembly plants began to close. New Zealand Motor Corporation which had closed its aging Newmarket plant in 1976 and Petone plant in 1982 closed their Panmure plant in 1988. General Motors closed its Petone plant in 1984 and its Trentham plant in 1990. 1987 saw a run of closures: Motor Industries International, Otahuhu, Ford Seaview, Motor Holdings Waitara. Suzuki in Wanganui closed 1988 and VANZ (Vehicle Assemblers of New Zealand a joint Ford and Mazda operation) at Sylvia Park in 1997. Toyota Christchurch in 1996 and VANZ Wiri the next year. Finally in 1998 along with Mitsubishi Porirua, bought from Todd in 1987, Nissan shutdown at Wiri, Honda closed in Nelson and Toyota in Thames.[24]

text: Redundancies occurred in manufacturing industry; approximately 76,000 manufacturing jobs were lost between 1987 and 1992.[25]

text: Poland[edit]

text: In Poland, as in many other former communist countries, deindustrialisation occurred rapidly in the years after the fall of communism in 1989, with many unprofitable industries going bankrupt with the switch to market economy, and other state-owned industries being destroyed by a variety of means, including arbitrarily changed credit and tax policies. The deindustrialisation in Poland was based on a neoliberalism-inspired doctrine (systemic transformation according to the requirements of Western financial institutions) and on the conviction that industry-based economy was a thing of the past. However, the extent of deindustrialisation was greater in Poland than in other European, including post-communist, countries: more than ⅓ of total large and midsize industrial assets were eliminated. The perceived economic reasons for deindustrialisation were reinforced by political and ideological motivations, such as removal of the remaining socialist influences concentrated in large enterprises (opposed to rapid privatization and shock therapy, as prescribed by the Balcerowicz Plan) and by land speculation (plants were sold at prices even lower than the value of the land on which they were located). Among such "privatized" institutions there were many cases of hostile takeovers (involved in 23% of all assets transferred), when industrial entities were sold and then changed to the service sector or liquidated to facilitate a takeover of the old company's market by the buying (typically foreign) firm.[26][27][28]

text: According to comprehensive research data compiled by economist Andrzej Karpiński and others, 25-30% of the reductions were economically justified, while the rest resulted from various processes that were controversial, often erroneous or pathological, including actions aimed at quick self-enrichment on the part of people with decision-making capacities. Unlike in the case of the Western deindustrialisation of the preceding years, in Poland modern competitive industries with established markets were also eliminated, including the electronic, telecommunications, computer, industrial machinery, armament and chemical industries. The abandoned domestic and foreign markets, often in Eastern Europe and the Third World countries, had subsequently been taken over by non-Polish interests. Nearly half (47%) of the lost enterprises represented consumer product light industry, rather than heavy industry. Capitalist Poland's early economic policies resulted in economic and social crises including high unemployment, and in what some see as irredeemable losses, impacting Poland's situation today. At the same time however, many constructive developments took place, including the widespread rise of entrepreneurship, and, especially after Poland joined the European Union, significant economic growth. The transformation process, as executed, generally replaced large enterprises with small, creating an environment inimical to innovation but conducive to human capital flight.[26][27][28]

text: The evaluation of Poland's economic advancement depends on the criteria used. For example, the country's industrial output had increased 2.4 times between 1989 and 2015, while the Polish GDP's percentage of the gross world product dropped from 2.4 in 1980 to 0.5-0.6 in 2015. In a number of measured categories of progress, Poland places behind its European Union formerly communist near neighbors (the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Lithuania), which had not undertaken deindustrialisation policies as radical as that of Poland.[27][28][29]

text: Soviet Union[edit]

text: Prior to its dissolution in 1991, the USSR had the second largest economy in the world after the United States.[30] The economy of the Soviet Union was the modern world's first centrally planned economy. It was based on a system of state ownership and managed through Gosplan (the State Planning Commission), Gosbank (the State Bank) and Gossnab (State Commission for Materials and Equipment Supply). Economic planning was through a series of five-year plans. The emphasis was put on rapid development of heavy industry, and the nation became one of the world's top manufacturers of a large number of basic and heavy industrial products, but it lagged behind in the output of light industrial production and consumer durables.

text: As the Soviet economy grew more complex, it required more and more complex disaggregation of control figures (plan targets) and factory inputs. As it required more communication between the enterprises and the planning ministries, and as the number of enterprises, trusts, and ministries multiplied, the Soviet economy started stagnating. The Soviet economy was increasingly sluggish when it came to responding to change, adapting cost−saving technologies, and providing incentives at all levels to improve growth, productivity and efficiency.

text: Most information in the Soviet economy flowed from the top down, and economic planning was often done based on faulty or outdated information, particularly in sectors with large numbers of consumers. As a result, some goods tended to be underproduced, leading to shortages, while other goods were overproduced and accumulated in storage. Some factories developed a system of barter and either exchanged or shared raw materials and parts, while consumers developed a black market for goods that were particularly sought after but constantly underproduced.

text: Conceding the weaknesses of their past approaches in solving new problems, the leaders of the late 1980s, headed by Mikhail Gorbachev, were seeking to mold a program of economic reform to galvanise the economy. However, by 1990 the Soviet government had lost control over economic conditions. Government spending increased sharply as an increasing number of unprofitable enterprises required state support and consumer price subsidies to continue.

text: The industrial production system in the Soviet Union suffered a political and economic collapse in 1991, after which a transition from centrally planned to market-driven economies occurred. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the economic integration of the Soviet republics was dissolved, and overall industrial activity declined substantially.[31] A lasting legacy remains in the physical infrastructure created during decades of combined industrial production practices.

text: Sweden[edit]

text: Sweden's industrial sector presents diverging information in production output and industrial employment levels. Using OECD (2008) data, specific statements can be made about these elements. With this data, it can be seen that production output within the industrial sector has been constantly rising. Contrastingly, employment within industry has been steadily declining since the 1970s, as service sector employment rates increase. Though the decline in industrial employment points to a deindustrialising economy, the increasing levels of production output state otherwise.

text: Sweden's industrial sector remains intact as it relies on its resource base of timber, hydropower, and iron ore as a large economic contributor.[32] Because of its increased production rates in industry, it can be ascertained that deindustrialisation has not occurred in Sweden. The decrease in industrial employment has been countered by an increase in efficiency and automation, increasing output levels in the industrial sector.

text: Switzerland[edit]

text: Deindustrialisation is a phenomenon that has been occurring in Switzerland since the mid-1970s. Civilian employment in industry has been in decline since 1975, according to OECD (2008) data, due to a major recession in the market. Literature (Afonso 2005) has stated that this is due to large numbers of migrant workers being forced to leave the country thanks to nonrenewable working permits; the industry, heavily based in foreign labour, suffered greatly and those losses are still observed in the present. Production of total industry has been increasing consistently at a slow rate since a slight decline in 1974.

text: United Kingdom[edit]

text: The United Kingdom has experienced deindustrialisation, especially in both heavy industry (such as mining and steel) and light manufacturing.  New jobs have appeared with either low wages, or with high skill requirements that the laid-off workers lack. The political reverberations have been growing.[33][34]

text: The UK's share of manufacturing output had risen from 9.5% in 1830, during the Industrial Revolution, to 22.9% in the 1870s. It fell to 13.6% by 1913, 10.7% by 1938, and 4.9% by 1973.[35] Overseas competition, lack of innovation, trade unionism, the welfare state, loss of the British Empire, and cultural attitudes have all been put forward as explanations for the industrial decline.[36] It reached crisis point in the 1970s, with a worldwide energy crisis, high inflation, and a dramatic influx of low-cost manufactured goods from Asia. Coal mining quickly collapsed and practically disappeared by the 21st century.[37] Railways were decrepit, more textile mills closed than opened, steel employment fell sharply, and the car-making industry suffered. Popular responses varied a great deal;[38] Tim Strangleman et al. found a range of responses from the affected workers: Some nostalgically invoked a glorious industrial past or the bygone empire to cope with their new-found personal economic insecurity, many turned to exclusionary Englishness, and others looked to the European Union for help.[39] By the 2010s, grievances had accumulated enough to have a political impact. The United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), based in working-class towns, gained an increasing share of the vote while warning against the dangers of immigration. Political reverberations came to a head in the popular vote in favour of Brexit in 2016.[40]

text: United States[edit]

text: In the United States, deindustrialisation is mostly a regional phenomenon, centred on the Rust Belt of the original industrial centres from New England to the Great Lakes. While many Americans put the timing of industrial crisis as 1979 to 1984, in fact the most massive loss of US manufacturing jobs occurred in the 21st century: one third of US manufacturing jobs disappeared between 2001 and 2009, according to the US Bureau of Labor Statistics https://data.bls.gov/timeseries/CES3000000001.

text: The mainstream of the economics professions argues nontheless that loss of manufacturing jobs is not a problem for the following reasons: real industrial production rose in the United States in most years from 1983 to 2007.  The argument is then that machines are replacing workers in the sense that more output is being produced by the same number of workers.  In addition, the overall US labour force has increased dramatically, resulting in a massive reduction in the percent of the labour force engaged in industry (from over 35% in the late 1960s to under 20% today).[citation needed] Industry (and specifically manufacturing) is thus less prominent in American life and the American economy now than in over a hundred years.

text: However, the interpretation that manufacturing employment declined as a result of replacing people with machines has not addressed the issue that US non-financial firms seriously dropped their investment in fixed capital as a percent of operating profits between 2001 and 2009 (see NIPA accounts at www.bea.gov). It appears that far from buying robots, US manufacturing firms may be buying fewer machines as well as hiring fewer workers. In general, the literature that argues loss of US manufacturing jobs is inevitable in an advanced capitalist nation does also not grapple with the prominent role of manufacturing in advanced economies such as Germany and Japan, which also tend to have unit labor costs at least as high (if not higher) than those of the United States, per the Conference Board.

text: In fact, industry does continue in the United States, for example, there are export-competitive producers of precision technology in New England.  Thus, the perception that all industry has left the United States is due to shifting patterns in the geography and political geography of production, away from metropolitan centers (such as New York, Boston, Chicago, Oakland, toward more "rural" areas (such as Georgia or New Hampshire or Utah).  Since most Americans live in large cities, most Americans see empty factories, even if plants are operating well in other locations.  Some argue also that the shift has been (from the heavily unionised Northeast and Midwest towards the Southeast and the high supply of workers (largely immigrant, first-generation, and second-generation) willing to accept low wages in the Southwest), along with increasing labour productivity, which has led to higher levels of output without increases in the total number of workers. Many argue that the textile industry, was the dominant factor in the industrialisation of New England, and in the 20th century increasingly textile factories were moved to the South. In recent decades the South has also lost its textile firms.[43]

text: Yet it would be inaccurate to argue that the only sectors to leave New England after 1980 were labor-intensive sector such as shoes and textiles, and there are many non-union firms in New England today.  Rather, even high productivity sectors in which the US might be expected to have a comparative advantage such as machine tool production departed the United States between 1980 and 1985.  This is arguably because the US Federal Reserve advocated for a strong dollar policy, at precisely the moment when German and Japanese manufacturers had falling costs due to rising productivity (post WW II catch-up was complete).  Under the circumstances of falling Japanese prices, for example, only a decline in the value of the US dollar could have kept US machine tools competitive.  The fact that the US Federal Reserve followed precisely the opposite policy and caused the dollar to appreciate 1979 to 1984 was a death blow to New England's machine tools.  In 1986, the Fed recognized its mistake and negotiated the devaluation of the dollar against the Yen and the German Mark with the Plaza Accords, but by then it was too late for many firms, which either closed, laid off hundreds, or were sold to conglomerates during the down periods.[44]

text: Certain sectors of manufacturing remain vibrant. The production of electronic equipment has risen by over 50%, while that of clothing has fallen by over 60%. Following a moderate downturn, industrial production grew slowly but steadily between 2003 and 2007. The sector, however, averaged less than 1% growth annually from 2000 to 2007; from early 2008, moreover, industrial production again declined, and by June 2009, had fallen by over 15% (the sharpest decline since the great depression). Output thereafter began to recover.[45]

text: The population of the United States has nearly doubled since the 1950s, adding approximately 150 million people. Yet, during this period (1950–2007), the proportion of the population living in the great manufacturing cities of the Northeast has declined significantly. During the 1950s, the nation's twenty largest cities held nearly a fifth of the US population. In 2006, this proportion has dropped to about one tenth of the population.[46]

text: Many small and mid-sized manufacturing cities in the Rust Belt experience similar fates. For instance, the city of Cumberland, Maryland, declined from a population of 39,483 in the 1940s to a population of 20,915 in 2005. The city of Detroit, Michigan, saw its population drop from a peak of 1,849,568 in 1950 to 713,777 in 2010, the largest drop in population of any major city in the U.S. (1,135,971) and the second largest drop in terms of percent of people lost (second only to St. Louis, Missouri's 62.7% drop).

text: One of the first industries to decline was the textile industry in New England, as its factories shifted to the South. Since the 1970s, textiles have also declined in the Southeast. New England responded by developing a high-tech economy, especially in education and medicine, using its very strong educational base.[47]

text: As Americans migrated away from the manufacturing centres, they formed sprawling suburbs, and many former small cities have grown tremendously in the last 50 years. In 2005 alone, Phoenix, Arizona has grown by 43,000 people, an increase in population greater than any other city in the United States. Contrast that with the fact that in 1950, Phoenix was only the 99th largest city in the nation with a population of 107,000. In 2005, the population has grown to 1.5 million, ranking as the sixth largest city proper in the US.[46]


document_title: Nigeria, We Hail Thee

question_text: who composed the first national anthem of nigeria

text: Nigeria, We Hail Thee

text: History[edit]

text: "Nigeria, We Hail Thee" was adopted as Nigeria's first national anthem on October 1, 1960.[2] The anthem's lyrics were written by Lillian Jean Williams, a British expatriate who lived in Nigeria when it achieved independence.[2] Frances Berda composed the music for "Nigeria, We Hail Thee."[2]

text: The second national anthem, "Arise, O Compatriots," replaced "Nigeria, We Hail Thee" in 1978.[2]

text: Criticism[edit]

text: When "Nigeria, We Hail Thee" was first announced, the new national anthem faced criticism for a number[quantify] of reasons. The Daily Service, a newspaper run by the Yoruba organisation Egbé Ọmọ Odùduwà, started a rebellious campaign against the national anthem, which led to a committee being established to collect signatures as a petition.[3]

text: Lyrics[edit]


document_title: Advances in Nutrition

question_text: advances in nutrition an international review journal impact factor

text: Advances in Nutrition

text:
Advances in Nutrition

Discipline
Nutrition science

Language
English

Edited by
Katherine Tucker, Ph.D.

Publication details

Publication history

2010-present

Publisher

American Society for Nutrition

Frequency
Bimonthly

Impact factor
(2016)

5.233

Standard abbreviations
Bluebook (alt1 · alt2) · ISO 4 (alt)
NLM (alt) · MathSciNet (alt )

ISO 4

Adv. Nutr.

Indexing
MIAR

ISSN
2161-8313 (print)
2156-5376 (web)

LCCN
2011208392

OCLC no.
830970925

Links

Journal homepage
Online access
Online archive

text: Advances in Nutrition (full title Advances in Nutrition: An International Review Journal) is a bimonthly peer-reviewed biomedical journal publishing review articles in the field of nutrition science. It was established in 2010 and is published by the American Society for Nutrition. The editor-in-chief is Dr. Katherine Tucker (University of Massachusetts Lowell). According to the Journal Citation Reports, the journal has a 2016 impact factor of 5.233.[1]


document_title: The Night Shift (TV series)

question_text: who is the doctor who died on night shift

text: The Night Shift (TV series)

text: Synopsis[edit]

text: The series follows the overnight shift at San Antonio Memorial Hospital, where three of the doctors have a connection to the U.S. military. Dr. TC Callahan is an former-Army medic who initially exhibits PTSD-type symptoms, having watched his brother die right in front of him on the battlefield. He frequently breaks rules and butts heads with his ex-girlfriend and newly-appointed head of the night shift, Dr. Jordan Alexander, and the hospital's administrator, Michael Ragosa. Dr. Topher Zia is a private-sector surgeon who previously spent a lot of time on the battlefield as an Army Ranger, while Dr. Drew Alister is a gay Army medic still active in the reserves who initially tries to hide his sexual orientation for fear of backlash. Dr. Krista Bell-Hart is a young surgical resident trying to work her way up the ranks, while fellow resident Dr. Paul Cummings works hard to emerge from the shadow of his father, a famous surgeon at Johns Hopkins. The shift's lone psychiatrist, Dr. Landry de la Cruz, briefly works on the night shift.

text: Jordan is initially in a relationship with Dr. Scott Clemmens, which complicates things when Scott becomes the Chief of Surgery at the hospital and sees that Jordan still has feelings for TC. After a cancer scare, Ragosa finds that he can no longer tolerate the stresses of his administrator job, and he quits that position in order to pursue his original dream of becoming a doctor. Ragosa passes exams, becoming a doctor just before his ex-wife moves his family to Dallas, and he follows. In season 3, Jordan hires new med-school graduate Dr. Shannon Rivera as a replacement.

text: In the season 3 finale, Paul's father returns to the hospital to buy it before a plastic surgery company tears it down. Despite this, he fires Topher due to his way of running the hospital, and most of the staff quits in protest. In the season 4 premiere, the staff returns soon after, save for Topher after he and his daughter are killed in a car accident.

text: Cast and characters[edit]

text: Main[edit]

text:
Eoin Macken as Dr. Thomas Charles "TC" Callahan: A former army medic and Ranger from Baltimore who witnessed his brother Thad's death in Afghanistan, and immediately had to decide to donate his heart to a fellow soldier[5]. After being discharged, he returned with PTSD and his relationship with Jordan ended. In the first season, his recklessness and sports betting put him in trouble, especially with Ragosa, and was secretly dating Landry. In the second season, he rekindles his relationship with Jordan[6], but they break up again after she miscarries[7]. In the third season, he dates Jessica Sanders until he learns of her involvement in the sale of the hospital. Afterwards, he leaves on a humanitarian mission with Syd to Syria, which gets complicated quickly.
Jill Flint as Dr. Jordan Alexander: TC's ex-girlfriend. In the first season, she becomes Head of the ER night shift[8] and dates Scott Clemmens, but she still has feelings for TC. In season two, she renounces the position and rekindles her relationship with TC, but they break up after she miscarries in the second season finale.[7] In season four, she becomes Head of the ER night shift again.
Brendan Fehr as Dr. Andrew "Drew" Alister: An army medic still active in the reserves and chief resident. He was a nurse until the army paid for his medical education[8]. He tried to hide his homosexuality until he outed himself when boyfriend Rick, also in the army, had an accident, and Scott was forced to amputate half of his leg. Krista convinced him to be brave for Rick.[9] After a fight and temporary breakup, Drew and Rick got married in the second season. He returns to active service early in the third season, but his actions to save a young 15 year-old child bride results in an unwanted early end of deployment. He and Rick later adopt an orphan girl, Brianna.
Robert Bailey Jr. as Dr. Paul Cummings: a first year surgical resident and Columbia[8] graduate who works hard to emerge from the shadow of his famous father. He is often the butt of the practical jokes by the ER staff.
JR Lemon as Nurse Kenny Fournette: An ex-college football star who became a nurse after an injury ended his sports career. He has dated multiple staff members and colleagues, including Krista, Gwen, Nurse Diaz and Dr. Bella Cummings (Paul's sister).
Scott Wolf as Dr. Scott Clemmens: (recurring seasons 1–2, main season 3–) A trauma surgeon and a recovering alcoholic, he becomes Head of Trauma Surgery in the first season.[10] He dated Jordan in the first season then TC's sister-in-law Annie in the third season.
Tanaya Beatty as Dr. Shannon Rivera: (season 3–) A Native-American doctor whom Jordan recruits to work the Night Shift. She grew up in Foster care. Her initial adversarial relationship with Paul flourishes into a romance.

tag: ul

text: Former main characters[edit]

text:
Ken Leung as Dr. Christopher "Topher" Zia: (season 1–3)[11] A former army medic and Ranger and TC's longtime friend, to the point his oldest daughter calls him "Uncle TC"[10]. Married with a daughter, his wife gave birth to twin daughters during a storm[10]. In season 2, he becomes head of the ER night shift. In the season 3 finale[12], he is fired by the new E.R. owner, Dr. Julian Cummings, for being too willing to give high-priced treatments to people who can't pay. In the second episode of the fourth season it is revealed that Topher, along with his oldest daughter, were killed in a car accident (offscreen) after being hit by a drunk driver.
Jeananne Goossen as Dr. Krista Bell-Hart: (seasons 1–2)[13] A first year surgical resident. She had a crush on Drew until she learned of his homosexuality,[14] but became good friends afterwards. She later dated Kenny and Joey Chavez.
Freddy Rodriguez as Dr. Michael Ragosa: (seasons 1–2)[15] In the first season, he was the newly appointed hospital administrator[8]. Recently separated from his wife, who took their children with her[5] and whom he later divorced[16], he also suffered from a relapsed tumor that was affecting his vision. In the second season, after his brain cancer surgery, he quit his position to finish his medical studies[6] and became a resident at the hospital. In the third season, it's revealed that he is now a resident in Dallas after his ex-wife moved their children there.
Daniella Alonso as Dr. Landry de la Cruz: (season 1) A hospital psychiatrist who dated TC until she realized he still had feelings for Jordan.[10]

text: Recurring[edit]

text:
Esodie Geiger as Nurse Molly Ramos (seasons 1–4).
Alma Sisneros as Nurse Jocelyn Diaz (seasons 1–4).
Catharine Pilafas as Nurse Bardocz (seasons 1–3).
Luke Macfarlane as Rick Lincoln[17]. Drew's army captain boyfriend. While coming home from deployment in Afghanistan, his bus had an accident and Scott was forced to amputate his right leg under the knee[9]. He later becomes a combat trainer. After a fight and temporary breakup, he becomes Drew's husband in the season 2 finale[7] and they adopt an orphaned girl, Brianna, in season 3.
Merle Dandridge as EMT Gwen Gaskin (seasons 2–3).[18] Jordan's friend who dates Kenny until early in season 3, when she leaves to study law at Georgetown.
Sarah Jane Morris as Annie Callahan (seasons 2–3; guest season 4). TC's sister-in-law, the widow of his brother Thad. She is a recovering drug addict. In the third season, she dates Scott. In the third episode of season four, she commits suicide by jumping off of a bridge.
Adam Rodriguez as Dr. Joey Chavez (season 2). An eccentric surgeon with a tragic past. A former USAF doctor[6] who lost his son.
James McDaniel as Dr. Julian Cummings (season 2–). Paul's father and a renowned neurosurgeon. His company buys the E.R. in the third season finale.
Briana Marin as Nurse Nina Alvarez (season 3–).
Jennifer Beals[19] as Dr. Sydney "Syd" Jennings (season 3; guest season 4). A trauma doctor and Army commander. Drew's superior in Afghanistan, she gets the brunt of his actions and is forced to remain when she was hoping to return to see her daughter. After returning stateside, she decides to move to D.C. to avoid a custody battle with her ex-husband, who's moving there with his new wife. She leaves in a humanitarian mission in Syria with TC not long afterwards. After being captured and nearly killed at the start of season four, she tells TC that she is returning to the U.S. to be with her daughter.
AnnaLynne McCord[20] as Jessica Sanders (season 3), a pharmaceutical rep who is secretly involved in the sale of the E.R. to an insurance company. She briefly dates TC.
Kyla Kenedy as Brianna (season 3–). A young teen orphaned in an accident that claims her mother's life. After receiving a needed lung transplant, she is adopted by Drew and Rick.
Elizabeth Sung as Sumei Zia (season 3), Topher's mother.
Rana Roy as Dr. Amira (season 4–)[21]. A civilian volunteer who rescues TC after the bomb explosion that hits Syd and his camp site. After she and TC sleep together, she tells him she is still married, though in the process of divorcing her husband who is in England. She shows up in Texas briefly before returning to Syria.
Mark Consuelos as Dr. Cain Diaz (season 4)[22]. A confident and aggressive nurse who emigrated to the United States from Mexico. It is later revealed that he was a doctor in Mexico, and after being fired for overstepping his duties as a nurse, Jordan hires him as a resident doctor. It is later revealed that he was on the run and he quits working for the hospital with no notice.
Erica Tazel as Dr. Bella Cummings (season 4). Paul's urologist sister.

text: Episodes[edit]

text:
Season
Episodes
Originally aired

First aired
Last aired

1
8
May 27, 2014 (2014-05-27)
July 15, 2014 (2014-07-15)

2
14
February 23, 2015 (2015-02-23)
May 18, 2015 (2015-05-18)

3
13
June 1, 2016 (2016-06-01)
August 31, 2016 (2016-08-31)

4
10
June 22, 2017 (2017-06-22)
August 31, 2017 (2017-08-31)

text: Production[edit]

text: Development[edit]

text: The series first appeared as part of NBC development slate in October 2011. However, NBC decided to not go forward with a pilot order.[23] In August 2012, NBC decided to revisit the pilot script for the series, then known as The Last Stand.[24] On October 8, 2012, NBC placed a pilot order, with the new name After Hours.[25] The pilot was directed by Pierre Morel and written by Gabe Sachs and Jeff Judah.

text: On April 18, 2013, NBC ordered four additional scripts under a third and final title, The Night Shift.[26] On May 10, 2013, NBC officially ordered The Night Shift to series.[27]

text: Casting[edit]

text: Casting announcements began in October 2012, with Eoin Macken first cast in the role of TC Callahan, a doctor who has recently returned from the army who constantly disagrees with his superiors and does things his own way.[28] Freddy Rodriguez was the next actor cast in the series, in the role of Michael Ragosa, the hospital's administrator who originally wanted to be a doctor.[29] Ken Leung and Jeananne Goossen were then added to the cast, with Leung cast in the role of Topher, an emergency room doctor who previously helped soldiers that were injured in battle. Goossen signed onto the role of Krista, a beautiful resident at the hospital.[30] In early November, Robert Bailey Jr. joined the series as Paul Cummings, a young, but squeamish resident at the hospital.[31] Jill Flint later signed onto the role of Jordan Alexander, the newly promoted Chief of the Night Shift, who once dated T.C.[32] Daniella Alonso was the last actor cast in the series. Alonso played the role of Dr. Landry de la Cruz, the lone psychiatrist working the night shift.[33]

text: Filming[edit]

text: Production on season one of The Night Shift began in Albuquerque, New Mexico, in late August 2013, and ended filming in mid-November.[34] Production on season two commenced on November 10, 2014.[35] Production on season three took place from February to June 2016.[36] Filming for season four began in April 2017.[37]

text: Reception[edit]

text: Critical reception[edit]

text: Brian Lowry of Variety said "The Night Shift is still an awfully weak blip creatively speaking".[38] David Hinckley of the New York Daily News gave the show three out of five stars.[39]

text: Review aggregation website Rotten Tomatoes gives Season 1 an approval rating of 20% based on 20 reviews, with a rating average of 4.3 out of 10. The site's consensus states: "Calculated and cliche-ridden, The Night Shift is DOA."[40]

text: At Metacritic, which assigns a weighted mean rating out of 0–100 reviews from critics, the series has a rating score of 45 based on 16 reviews, indicating "mixed or average reviews".[41]

text: Ratings[edit]

text:
Season
Timeslot (ET)
Episodes
Premiered
Ended
TV Season
Rank
Viewers
(in millions)

Date
Premiere
Viewers
(in millions)
Date
Finale
Viewers
(in millions)

1

Tuesday 10:00 pm

8

May 27, 2014 (2014-05-27)

7.67[42]

July 15, 2014 (2014-07-15)

6.05[43]
2013–14
N/A
8.50[44]

2

Monday 10:00 pm

14

February 23, 2015 (2015-02-23)

5.52[45]

May 18, 2015

5.20[46]
2014–15
#86
6.67[47]

3

Wednesday 10:00 pm

13

June 1, 2016 (2016-06-01)

4.81[48]

August 31, 2016 (2016-08-31)

5.43[49]
2015–16
N/A
4.99[50]

4

Thursday 10:00 pm

10

June 22, 2017 (2017-06-22)

3.59[51]

August 31, 2017 (2017-08-31)

3.08[52]
2016–17
N/A
3.97[53]