document_title: Casta

question_text: when was the social class system in latin america created

text: Casta

text: Etymology[edit]

text:
Part of a series on the

History of New Spain

Spanish conquest of the Aztec Empire
Spanish conquest of Guatemala
Spanish conquest of Yucatán
Spanish conquest of Petén
Spanish conquest of the Maya
Columbian Exchange
History of the Philippines (1521–1898)
Piracy in the Caribbean
Spanish missions in the Americas
Queen Anne's War
Bourbon Reforms
Spanish–Moro conflict
Spanish American wars of independence
Casta

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text: Casta is an Iberian word (existing in Spanish, Portuguese and other Iberian languages since the Middle Ages), meaning "lineage", "breed" or "race". It is derived from the older Latin word castus, "chaste", implying that the lineage has been kept pure. Casta gave rise to the English word caste during the Early Modern Period.[4][5]

text: "Purity of blood" and the evolution of racial classification[edit]

text: The idea of "purity of blood", limpieza de sangre, originating under Moorish rule, developed in Christian Spain to denote those without the "taint" of Jewish (or, later Muslim/Moorish) heritage ("blood"). It was directly linked to religion and notions of legitimacy, lineage and honor following Spain's reconquest of Moorish territory. It was institutionalized during the Inquisition.[6] The Inquisition only allowed those Spaniards who could demonstrate not to have Jewish and Moorish blood to emigrate to Latin America. Both in Spain and in the New World crypto-Jews (converts who continued to secretly practice Judaism) were aggressively prosecuted. Some emigrated as Portuguese merchants to Mexico City and Lima, following the successful revolt of Portugal in 1640 against the Castillian Crown. Several spectacular autos de fe in New Spain in the mid-seventeenth century featured the public punishment of those convicted of being "Judaizers" (judaizantes).[7]

text: In Spanish America, the idea of purity of blood was in a complex fashion linked to ideas of race, particularly pertaining to mixing of whites ("españoles") and non-whites (Indians and mixed-race castas). Spaniards had become obsessed with lineage, following the expulsion of Moors and Jews, and forced conversion of those who chose to remain. Evidence of lack of purity of blood had consequences for marriage, eligibility for office, entrance into the priesthood, and emigration to Spain's overseas territories. Having to produce genealogical records to prove one's pure ancestry gave rise to a trade in the creation of false genealogies.[8]

text: When the concept of purity of blood was transferred overseas, it retained the concerns about tainted ancestry of Jews or Muslims in a family line. During the early colonial decades, the Spanish in the New World had unions and marriages with indigenous women, resulting in generations of mixed-race children. In the late sixteenth century, some investigations of ancestry classified as "stains" any connection with Black Africans ("negros", which resulted in "mulatos") and sometimes mixtures with indigenous that produced Mestizos.[9] While some illustrations from the period show men of African descent dressed in fashionable clothing and as aristocrats in upper-class surroundings, the idea that any hint of black ancestry was a stain developed by the end of the colonial period. It was illustrated in eighteenth-century paintings of racial hierarchy, known as casta paintings.

text: The idea in New Spain that native or Indian (indio) blood in a lineage was an impurity may well have come about as the optimism of the early Franciscans faded about creating Indian priests trained at the Colegio de Santa Cruz de Tlatelolco, which ceased that function in the mid-sixteenth century. In addition, the Indian nobility, which was recognized by the Spanish colonists, had declined in importance, and there were fewer formal marriages between Spaniards and indigenous women than during the early decades of the colonial era.[9] In the seventeenth century in New Spain, the ideas of purity of blood became associated with "Spanishness and whiteness, but it came to work together with socio-economic categories", such that a lineage with someone engaged in work with their hands was tainted by that connection.[10]

text: Indians in Central Mexico were affected by ideas of purity of blood from the other side. Crown decrees on purity of blood were affirmed by indigenous communities, which barred Indians from holding office who had any non-Indians (Spaniards and/or Blacks) in their lineage. In indigenous communities "local caciques [rulers] and principales were granted a set of privileges and rights on the basis of their pre-Hispanic noble bloodlines and acceptance of the Catholic faith."[11] Indigenous nobles submitted proofs (probanzas) of their purity of blood to affirm their rights and privileges that were extended to themselves and their communities. This supported the república de indios, a legal division of society that separated indigenous from non-Indians (república de españoles).[12]

text: In the mid to late eighteenth century, the pace of race mixture (mestizaje) increased in New Spain, political changes of the Bourbon Reforms privileged peninsular Spaniards over American-born Spaniards, and casta paintings began to be produced in great numbers in Mexico. It was also the period when the power of the sistema de castas declined significantly.[13]

text: Castas[edit]

text: In Spanish America (and many other places), racial categories were formal legal classifications. Initially in Spanish America there were three racial categories. They generally referred to the multiplicity of indigenous American peoples as "Indians" (indios), a Spanish term applied to, but seldom used by Amerinds themselves. Those from Spain called themselves españoles, which in the late colonial period was further refined to those born in Iberia, called politely peninsulares, while American-born españoles were called criollos. The third group were black Africans, called negros ("Blacks"), brought as slaves from the earliest days of Spanish empire in the Caribbean. There were fewer Spanish women than men who immigrated to the New World and fewer black women than men, so that mixed-race offspring of Spaniards and of Blacks were often the product of liaisons with indigenous women. The process of race mixture was termed mestizaje.

text: In the sixteenth century, the term casta, a collective category for mixed-race individuals, came into existence as the numbers grew, particularly in urban areas. The crown had divided the population of its overseas empire into two categories, separating Indians from non-Indians. Indigenous were the República de Indios, the other the República de Españoles, essentially the Hispanic sphere, so that Spaniards, Blacks, and mixed-race castas were lumped into this category. Official censuses and ecclesiastical records noted an individual's racial category, so that these sources can be used to chart socio-economic standard, residence patterns, and other important data.

text: General racial groupings had their own set of privileges and restrictions, both legal and customary. So, for example, only Spaniards and indigenous, who were deemed to be the original societies of the Spanish dominions, had recognized aristocracies.[14][15] Also, in America and other overseas possessions, all Spaniards, regardless of their family's class background in Europe, came to consider themselves equal to the Peninsular hidalgía and expected to be treated as such.

text: Access to these privileges and even a person's perceived and accepted racial classification, however, were also determined by that person's socioeconomic standing in society.[16][17][18]

text: Long lists of different terms found in casta paintings do not appear in official documentation, which count Spaniards, mestizos, Blacks and mulattoes, and indigenous (indios) were found in censuses. By the end of the colonial period in 1821, over one hundred categories of possible variations of mixture existed.[19]

text: Urban race mixture[edit]

text: In his analysis of the 1790 census of Mexico City and its surrounding area, Dennis Nodin Valdés shows that the major colonial metropolis had a higher proportion of Spaniards and castas than Indians. In addition, there were higher rates of persons of mixed race, or mestizaje, than in the surrounding countryside, which was dominated by indios. He compared the population of the capital of New Spain with the census of the Intendancy of Mexico in 1794.[20] The total number of Mexico City residents counted in 1793 was 104,760 (which excludes 8,166 officials) and in the intendancy as a whole 1,043,223, excluding 2,299 officials. In both the capital and the intendancy, the European population was the smallest percentage, with 2,335 in the capital (2.2%) and the intendancy 1,330 (.1%). The listing for Spaniard (español) was 50,371 (48.1%), with the intendancy showing 134,695 (12.9%). For mestizos (in which he has merged the castizos), in the capital there were 19,357 (18.5%) and in the intendancy 112,113 (10.7%). For the mulatto category, the capital listed 7,094 (6.8%) with the intendancy showing 52,629 (5.0%). There is apparently no separate category for blacks (Negros). The category Indian showed 25,603 (24.4%) in the capital, with the intendancy having 742,186 (71.1). The capital had the largest concentration of Spaniards and castas, and the countryside was overwhelmingly Indian. The population of the capital “indicates that conditions favoring mestizaje were more favorable in the city than the outlying area".[21] In the 1811 census of Mexico City by residential sectors, there is no evidence of absolute segregation by race, an important finding.[22] The highest concentration of Spaniards was around the traza, the central sector of the city where the civil and religious institutions were based and where there was the highest concentration of wealthy merchants. But non-Spaniards also lived there. Indians were found in higher concentrations in the sectors on the fringes of the capital. Castas appear as residents in all sectors of the capital.

text: Racial terminology[edit]

text: Although the system could contain in excess of thirty categories, practical necessity reduced this number to seven groups ranked as follows : Spaniards, castizos, moriscos, mestizos, mulattoes, Indians, and Africans. The terms for the more complex racial mixtures tended to vary in meaning and use and from region to region. (For example, different sets of casta paintings will give a different set of terms and interpretations of their meaning.) For the most part, only the first few terms in the lists were used in documents and everyday life, the general descending order of precedence being:

text: Overview[edit]

text: The main divisions were as follows:

text:
Español (fem. española), i.e. Spaniard – person of Spanish or other European ancestry; a blanket term, subdivided into Peninsulares and Criollos

Peninsular – a European born in Spain who later settled in the Americas;
Criollo (fem. criolla) – a white person with Spanish or other European descent born in the Americas;

Castizo (fem. castiza) – a person with primarily European and some Amerindian ancestry born into a mixed family; the offspring of a castizo and an español was considered español.
Mestizo (fem. mestiza) – a person of extended mixed European and Amerindian ancestry;
Indio (fem. India) – a person of pure Amerindian ancestry;
Pardo (fem. parda) – a person of mixed white European, Amerindian and black African ancestry;
Mulatto (fem. mulata) – a person of mixed white European and black African ancestry;
Zambo – a person of mixed native black African and Amerindian ancestry;
Negro (fem. negra) – a person of black African descent, primarily African slaves and their descendants.

text: Españoles (Spaniards)[edit]

text: These were people of Spanish descent. People of other European descent who had settled in Spanish America and adapted to Hispanic culture, such as Pedro de Gante (from Ghent) and the Marquises of Osorno and Croix, would have also been considered Españoles. Also, as noted above, and below under "Mestizos" and "Castizos", many people with some Amerindian ancestry were considered Españoles.[23]

text: Españoles were one of the three original "races", the other two being Amerindians and Blacks. Both immigrant and American-born Españoles (criollos) generally shared the same rights and privileges, although there were a few cases in which the law differentiated between them.[23] For example, it became customary in some municipal councils for the office of alcalde to alternate between a European and an American. Spaniards were therefore divided into:

text: Peninsulares (Spaniards and other Europeans born in Europe)[edit]

text: Persons of Spanish descent born in Spain (i.e., from the Iberian Peninsula, hence their name). Generally, there were two groups of Peninsulares. The first group includes those who were appointed to important jobs in the government, the army, and the Catholic Church by the Crown. This system was intended to perpetuate the ties of the governing elite to the Spanish crown. The theory was that an outsider should be appointed to rule over a certain society, therefore a New Spaniard would not be appointed Viceroy of New Spain. These officials usually had a long history of service to the Crown and were moved around the Empire frequently, as in career civil service positions. They usually did not live permanently in any one place in Latin America.

text: The second group of Peninsulares did settle permanently in a specific region and came to be associated with it. The first wave were the original settlers, the Conquistadors, who became lords of an area through their act of conquest. In the centuries after the Conquest, more Peninsulares continued to immigrate to New Spain under different circumstances, usually for commercial reasons. Some came as indentured servants to established Criollo families in order to gain passage. Peninsulares were of all socioeconomic classes in America. Once they settled, they tended to form families, so Peninsulares and Criollos were united and divided by family ties and tensions.

text: Criollos (Spaniards and other Europeans born in America)[edit]

text: A Spanish term meaning "native born and raised", criollo historically was applied to both white and black non-indigenous persons born in America, in addition to animals and products. Because of the lack of white people in the Spanish colonies, during the first generations after the conquest, legitimately-born biological criollos were simply considered españoles criollos (see, Hyperdescent). In today's historiography, the term "criollo" means only the white people Born in America, who had unmixed Spanish or European ancestry both matrilineal and patrilineal. In the reality of the period, as noted, many criollos ended up interbreeding with the financially successful mestizos and castizos, who physically appeared white, but had some native ancestry. The knowledge of mixed ancestry was usually disregarded for families that had maintained a certain status and they were accepted as criollos.[24]

text: Many of the second- or third-generation criollos became wealthy from the mines, ranches, or haciendas they owned. Criollo families who became extremely wealthy joined the ranks of the high nobility of the Spanish Empire. Still, most were part of what could be termed the petite bourgeoisie and some were poor. As lifelong residents of America, they, like all other residents of these areas, often participated in trading contraband, since the traditional monopolies of Seville, and later Cádiz, could not supply all their trade needs.[citation needed] (They were more than occasionally aided by royal officials turning a blind eye to this activity).

text: Criollos tended to be appointed to the lower-level government jobs[25]—they had sizable representation in the municipal councils. But, with the sale of offices that began in the late 16th century, they gained access to high-level posts, such as judges on the regional audiencias. The 19th-century wars of independence have often been characterized as a struggle between Peninsulares and Criollos, but both groups can be found on both sides of the wars.

text: Indios (Native Americans)[edit]

text: The original inhabitants of the Americas were considered to be one of the three "pure races" in Spanish America; under Spanish colonial law, they were classified and regulated as minors, and as such were to be protected by royal officials. In practice, they often suffered repression and abuse by the local elites. After the initial conquest, the elites of the Inca, Aztec and other Amerindian states were assimilated into the Spanish nobility through intermarriage.[26][27]

text: The regional Native nobility, where it existed, was recognized and redefined along European standards by the Spanish. It had to deal with the difficulty of existing in a colonial society, but it remained in place until independence in 1821. Amerindians could belong to any economic class depending on their personal wealth,[26][27] but most were peasants and poor.

text: Mestizos (mixed Native American and European)[edit]

text: Persons with one Spanish parent and one Amerindian parent. The term was originally associated with illegitimacy because in the generations after the Conquest, mixed-race children born in wedlock were assigned either a simple Amerindian or Spanish identity, depending with which culture they were raised. (See Hyperdescent and Hypodescent.) The number of official Mestizos rises in censuses only after the second half of the 17th century, when a sizable and stable community of mixed-race people with no claims on being either Amerindian or Spanish appeared.

text: Castizos (European with some Indigenous)[edit]

text: One of the many terms, like the ones below, used to describe people with varying degrees of racial mixture. In this case Castizos were people with one Mestizo parent and one Spanish parent. The children of a Castizo with a Spaniard or another Castizo, were often classified and accepted as a Criollo Spaniard.[24]

text: Cholos (Native American with some Mestizo)[edit]

text: Persons with one Amerindian parent and one Mestizo parent.

text: Pardos (mixed European, African, and Native American)[28][edit]

text: People who are the product of the mixing over the generations of the European, Black African, and Amerindians. This mix may come about from a white Spaniard mating with a Zambo, an Amerindian mating with a Mulatto, or a Black African mating with a Mestizo. The term is in current use in Brazil, where they form slightly less than one-half the population. Pardos in Spanish America were common in the Caribbean, such as Puerto Rico (see here), Dominican Republic, and Cuba.

text: Mulatos (mixed African and European)[edit]

text: Persons of the first generation of a Spanish and Black/African ancestry. If they were born into slavery (that is their mother was a slave), they would be slaves, unless freed by their master or manumitted. In popular parlance, mulato could also denote an individual of mixed African and Native American ancestry.[29]

text: Further terms to describe other degrees of mixture included, among many others, Morisco, (not to be confused with the peninsular Morisco, from which the term was borrowed) a person of Mulatto and Spanish parents, i.e., a quadroon, and Albino (derived from albino), a person of Morisco and Spanish parents, i.e., an octoroon.

text: Zambos (mixed Native American and African)[edit]

text: Persons who were of mixed Amerindian and Black ancestry. As with Mulattoes, many other terms existed to describe the degree of mixture. These included Chino and Lobo. Chino usually described someone as having Mulatto and Amerindian parents. The word chino derives from the Spanish word cochino, meaning "pig",[30] and the phrase pelo chino, meaning "curly hair", is a reference to the casta known as chino that possessed kinky or curly hair.[30]

text: Since there was some immigration from the Spanish East Indies during the colonial period, chino is often confused, even by contemporary historians, as a word for Asian peoples, which is the primary meaning of the word, but not usually in the context of the castas. Lobo could describe a person of Black and Amerindian parents (and therefore, a synonym for Zambo), as in the image gallery below, or someone of Amerindian and Torna atrás parents.

text: Negros (Africans)[edit]

text: With Spaniards and Amerindians, this was the third original race in this paradigm, but low on the social scale because of their association with slavery. These were people of full Sub-Saharan African descent. Many, especially among the first generation, were slaves, but there were sizable free-Black communities. Distinction was made between Blacks born in Africa (negros bozales) and therefore possibly less acculturated, Blacks born in the Iberian Peninsula (Black Ladinos), and Blacks born in the Indies, these sometimes referred to as negros criollos.

text: Their low social status was enforced legally. They were prohibited by law from many positions, such as entering the priesthood, and their testimony in court was valued less than others. But they could join militias created especially for them. In contrast with the binary "one-drop rule", which evolved in the late-19th-century United States, people of mixed-Black ancestry were recognized as multiple separate groups, as noted above.

text: Other terms[edit]

text: Other fanciful or derogatory terms existed, such as a torna atrás (literally, "turns back", but equivalent to the English term "throwback") and tente en el aire ("hold-yourself-in-midair") in New Spain or a requinterón in Peru,[31] which implied that a child of only one-sixteenth Black ancestry is born looking Black to seemingly white parents. These terms were rarely used in legal documents and existed mostly in the New Spanish phenomenon of casta paintings (pinturas de castas), which showed possible mixtures down to several generations.[32]

text:
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t
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Casta terms for miscegenation in Spanish America

Parent
Black

———

Peninsular

———

Peninsular

———

Amerindian

———

Black

↓

↓

↓

↓

1st generation

mulato

criollo

mestizo

zambo

↓

↓

↓

↓

2nd generation (with one Spanish parent)

Cuarterón de negro

criollo

castizo

moreno

2nd generation (with one Amerindian parent)

chino

mestizo

cholo

cambujo

2nd generation (with one black parent)

negro fino

mulato

cimarrón

prieto

text: Casta paintings in 18th-century Mexico[edit]

text: The interest of the Spanish Enlightenment in organizing knowledge and scientific description, resulted in the commission of many series of pictures that document the racial combinations that existed in the exotic lands that Spain possessed on the other side of the world. Many sets of these paintings still exist (around one hundred complete sets in museums and private collections and many more individual paintings), of varying artistic quality, usually consisting of sixteen paintings representing as many racial combinations. Some of the finer sets were done by prominent Mexican artists, such as Miguel Cabrera, José Joaquín Magón (who painted two sets), José de Ibarra, and Juan Patricio Morlete Ruiz. These artists worked together in the painting guilds of New Spain. They were important transitional artists in 18th-century casta painting. At least one Spaniard, Francisco Clapera, also contributed to the casta genre. In general, little is known of most artists who did sign their work; most casta paintings are unsigned.

text: The overall themes that emerge in these paintings are the "supremacy of the Spaniards", the possibility that Indians could become Spaniards through miscegenation with Spaniards and the "regression to an earlier moment of racial development" that mixing with Blacks would cause to Spaniards. These series generally depict the descendants of Indians becoming Spanish after three generations of intermarriage with Spaniards (usually the, "De español y castiza, español" painting).[33]

text: In contrast, mixtures with Blacks, both by Indians and Spaniards, led to a bewildering number of combinations, with "fanciful terms" to describe them. Instead of leading to a new racial type or equilibrium, they led to apparent disorder. Terms such as the above-mentioned tente en el aire and no te entiendo ("I don't understand you")—and others based on terms used for animals: mulato (mule) and lobo (wolf), chino (derived from cochino meaning "pig")[30]—reflect the fear and mistrust that Spanish officials, society and those who commissioned these paintings saw these new racial types.[33]

text: At the same time, it must be emphasized that these paintings reflected the views of the economically established Criollo society and officialdom. Castas defined themselves in different ways, and how they were recorded in official records was a process of negotiation between the casta and the person creating the document, whether it was a birth certificate, a marriage certificate or a court deposition. In real life, many casta individuals were assigned different racial categories in different documents, revealing the fluid nature of racial identity in colonial, Spanish American society.[34]

text: In New Spain, one of the Viceroyalties of the Spanish Empire, casta paintings illustrated where each person in the New World ranked in the system. These paintings from 18th and 19th centuries were popular in Spain and other parts of Europe. They reflected the Spaniards’ sense of racial superiority by illustrating an orderly hierarchical society where socio-economic status depended on skin color and limpieza de sangre (purity of blood).[2][35]

text: Some paintings depicted the innate character and quality of people because of their birth and ethnic origin. For example, according to one painting by José Joaquín Magón, a mestizo (mixed Indian + Spanish) was considered generally humble, tranquil, and straightforward; while another painting claims from Lobo and Indian woman is born the Cambujo, one usually slow, lazy, and cumbersome. Ultimately, the casta paintings are reminders of the colonial biases in modern human history that linked a caste/ethnic society based on descent, skin color, social status, and one's birth.[2][35]

text: Often, casta paintings depicted commodity items from Latin America like pulque, the fermented alcohol drink of the lower classes. Painters depicted interpretations of pulque that were attributed to specific castas. Pulque abuse was shown in some casta paintings as a social criticism of the lower castas, and the Spanish desire for regulation over pulque consumption and distribution.

text: Sample sets of casta paintings[edit]

text: Presented here are casta lists from three sets of paintings. Note that they only agree on the first five combinations, which are essentially the Indian-White ones. There is no agreement on the Black mixtures, however. Also, no one list should be taken as "authoritative". These terms would have varied from region to region and across time periods. The lists here probably reflect the names that the artist knew or preferred, the ones the patron requested to be painted, or a combination of both.

text:
Miguel Cabrera, 1763[36]
Anonymous (Museo del Virreinato, above)[37]
Andrés de Islas, 1774[38]

De Español y d'India; Mestiza
De español y Mestiza, Castiza
De Español y Castiza, Español
De Español y Negra, Mulata
De Español y Mulata; Morisca
De Español y Morisca; Albina[39]
De Español y Albina; Torna atrás
De Español y Torna atrás; Tente en el aire
De Negro y d'India, China cambuja.
De Chino cambujo y d'India; Loba
De Lobo y d'India, Albarazado
De Albarazado y Mestiza, Barcino
De Indio y Barcina; Zambuigua
De Castizo y Mestiza; Chamizo
De Mestizo y d'India; Coyote
Indios gentiles (Heathen Indians)

Español con India, Mestizo
Mestizo con Española, Castizo
Castiza con Español, Española
Español con Negra, Mulato
Mulato con Española, Morisca
Morisco con Española, Chino
Chino con India, Salta atrás
Salta atras con Mulata, Lobo
Lobo con China, Gíbaro (Jíbaro)
Gíbaro con Mulata, Albarazado
Albarazado con Negra, Cambujo
Cambujo con India, Sambiaga (Zambiaga)
Sambiago con Loba, Calpamulato
Calpamulto con Cambuja, Tente en el aire
Tente en el aire con Mulata, No te entiendo
No te entiendo con India, Torna atrás

De Español e India, nace Mestizo
De Español y Mestiza, nace Castizo
De Castizo y Española, nace Española
De Español y Negra, nace Mulata
De Español y Mulata, nace Morisco
De Español y Morisca, nace Albino
De Español y Albina, nace Torna atrás
De Indio y Negra, nace Lobo
De Indio y Mestiza, nace Coyote
De Lobo y Negra, nace Chino
De Chino e India, nace Cambujo
De Cambujo e India, nace Tente en el aire
De Tente en el aire y Mulata, nace Albarazado
De Albarazado e India, nace Barcino
De Barcino y Cambuja, nace Calpamulato
Indios Mecos bárbaros (Barbarian Meco Indians)

text: Gallery of Casta Paintings[edit]

text:
Canbujo con Yndia sale Albaracado / Notentiendo con Yndia sale China, óleo sobre lienzo, 222 x 109 cm, Madrid, Museo de América

Miguel Cabrera "From Spaniard and Mulatta: Morisca"

"from Mulatto and Mestiza, produce Mulatto, he is Torna Atrás" by Juan Rodríguez Juárez

José Joaquín Magón, The Mulatta - from the series The Mexican Castes

De español e india, produce mestizo (From a Spanish man and an Amerindian woman, a Mestizo is produced).

De negro y española, sale mulato (From a Black man and a Spanish woman, a Mulatto is begotten).

De mestizo e india, sale coiote (From a Mestizo man and an Amerindian woman, a Coyote is begotten).

De negro e india, sale lobo (From a Black man and an Amerindian woman, a Lobo is begotten).

Mestizo, Mestiza, Mestizo Sample of a Peruvian casta painting, showing intermarriage within a casta category.


document_title: Charmed (season 5)

question_text: when do piper and leo have a baby

question_tokens: when do piper and leo have a baby

root

text: Charmed (season 5)

text: Cast and characters[edit]

text: Main[edit]

text:
Alyssa Milano as Phoebe Halliwell
Rose McGowan as Paige Matthews
Holly Marie Combs as Piper Halliwell
Brian Krause as Leo Wyatt
Julian McMahon as Cole Turner[a]
Dorian Gregory as Darryl Morris[b]

tag: ul

text: Recurring[edit]

text:
Jennifer Rhodes as Penny Halliwell
James Read as Victor Bennett
Finola Hughes as Patty Halliwell
Rebecca Balding as Elise Rothman
Billy Drago as Barbas
Ken Marino as Miles
Sandra Prosper as Sheila Morris
Googy Gress as Spencer Ricks
Eric Dane as Jason Dean
Grace Zabriskie as The Crone
Norman Reedus as Nate Park
Cork Hubbert as Finnegan
Drew Fuller as Chris Halliwell

text: Guest[edit]

text:
Jaime Pressly as Mylie
Nancy O'Dell as herself
Sean Patrick Flanery as Adam Prinze
Melinda Clarke as The Siren
Mark. A. Sheppard as Arnon
Tobin Bell as Ornin
Emmanuelle Vaugier as Lydia Nicolae
Jason Brooks as Bacarra
Tony Todd as The Avatar of Force
Joel Swetow as Alpha
Adrian Paul as Jeric
Erik King as Dex
Henry Gibson as Sandman
Richard Lynch as Cronyn
W. Morgan Sheppard as Merrill
Cheryl Ladd as Doris Bennett
Dominic Fumusa as Saleel
Pat Benatar as herself
Neil Giraldo as himself
Zachary Quinto as Familiar Hunter
Chris Sarandon as The Necromancer
Sam Pancake as Skreek
Lee Arenberg as Unidentified Demon

text: Special musical guests[edit]

text:
The Flaming Lips
Michelle Branch
Beth Orton
Loudermilk

text: Episode list[edit]

text:
No.
overall
No. in
season
Title
Directed by
Written by
Original air date
Prod.
code
U.S. viewers
(millions)

89

90
1

2
"A Witch's Tail"
James L. Conway

Mel Damski
Daniel Cerone

Monica Breen & Alison Schapker
September 22, 2002 (2002-09-22)
4301089

4301090
6.3[1]

Piper, Phoebe, and Paige come to the aid of Mylie (Jaime Pressly), a Mermaid-turned-human, when she shows up looking for their help after a pact she made with an evil Sea Hag. Meanwhile, Phoebe attempts to divorce Cole, until he shows up claiming to want her back. Paige attempts to juggle her new position as a full fledged Social Worker, as well as being a Charmed One, and Piper must protect her unborn baby.

Piper, Paige, and Leo struggle to convince Phoebe, now a mermaid, to come back to her life as a Charmed One, when she decides to swim away from her problems with Cole. Meanwhile, Piper casts a spell to stop her panic attacks but instead of facing her fear, she suppresses it, endangering herself and her baby, when a sea demon comes after Phoebe. In order to help Phoebe, Paige takes drastic measures and enlists the help of Cole. Later, Phoebe tells Cole that it is over between them and signs the divorce papers.

91
3
"Happily Ever After"
John T. Kretchmer
Curtis Kheel
September 29, 2002 (2002-09-29)
4301091
5.1[2]

An evil witch traps the sisters in distorted versions of classic fairy tales, where Phoebe attends a ball as Cinderella and meets Prince Charming, Paige has a taste of Snow White's poisoned apple, and Piper encounters a big, bad wolf, as Little Red Riding Hood.

92
4
"Siren's Song"
Joel J. Feigenbaum
Krista Vernoff
October 6, 2002 (2002-10-06)
4301092
5.3[3]

Cole and Phoebe both fall under the musical hypnotic spell of the Siren, who musically lures and attracts husbands to her and enchantingly entrances their wives to follow with the intent to kill, leaving Piper and Paige to figure out how to save Phoebe. Piper, upset with Leo because he does not understand the challenges of being pregnant, and Leo, frustrated that Piper does not realize the demands of being a Whitelighter, have their powers switched magically by their unborn child.

93
5
"Witches in Tights"
David Straiton
Mark Wilding
October 13, 2002 (2002-10-13)
4301093
5.0[4]

A young boy, Kevin (Andrew James Allen), whose drawings magically come to life is forced to create a drawing that transforms a demon into a super-villain. To help the Charmed Ones stop the demon, the boy creates a new drawing that turns Piper, Phoebe, and Paige into comic book super heroines. Finally, the villain turns himself into a powerful super-villain and destroys the Charmed Ones super powers by ripping up the drawing. With the help of Kevin, the Charmed Ones in turn manage to destroy his super powers and Piper blows him up.

94
6
"The Eyes Have It"
James Marshall
Laurie Parres
October 20, 2002 (2002-10-20)
4301094
5.2[5]

With her power of premonition gone, Phoebe seeks the advice of a fortune teller and discovers in a premonition that a demon named Cree is going to kill every member in a family of Gypsies. Meanwhile, Piper wants to see a doctor about her baby, but Leo is concerned about the threat of exposure.

95
7
"Sympathy for the Demon"
Stuart Gillard
Henry Alonso Myers
November 3, 2002 (2002-11-03)
4301095
4.8[6]

Barbas, the Demon of Fear, returns and tricks Paige into giving him Cole's powers, and plots revenge on the sisters by playing them against their darkest fears.

96
8
"A Witch in Time"
John Behring
Daniel Cerone
November 10, 2002 (2002-11-10)
4301096
5.5[7]

Phoebe inadvertently opens a tunnel in time by repeatedly saving the life of her new boyfriend Miles, who is destined to die. The time tunnel provides a pathway for a warlock from the future named Baccara to team up with his present self and steal the Book of Shadows. With the help of his present self he steals the Charmed Ones powers and kills Phoebe and Paige. Piper manages to escape with Leo's help and uses the time rift to travel back in time. There she gets her past self to prevent Phoebe from saving Miles, changing time and setting history onto its right track.

97
9
"Sam, I Am"
Joel J. Feigenbaum
Alison Schapker & Monica Breen
November 17, 2002 (2002-11-17)
4301097
5.1[8]

When Cole realizes that he must eventually give in to evil, he attacks the Charmed Ones in the hope that they will vanquish him forever and end his suffering. Meanwhile, Paige gets her first charge as a Whitelighter and is shocked when the angry, self-pitying man she is supposed to protect turns out to be the father she never knew. Ultimately the sisters come up with a vanquish for Cole, but Phoebe realizes he is trying to commit suicide and does not want to complete it. Cole, now insane, uses the last potion on himself in an attempt at suicide, but despite a massive explosion that destroys his apartment, he is unscathed.

98
10
"Y Tu Mummy Tambien"
Chris Long
Curtis Kheel
January 5, 2003 (2003-01-05)
4301098
5.5[9]

Phoebe falls prey to Jeric, a demon in search of the perfect body to hold the spirit of Isis, his dead lover. To trap the spirit, Jeric mummifies Phoebe's body. Cole tries to save Phoebe by making a deal with the Jeric by exchanging Phoebe's body for Paige's. Piper tricks the demon and saves Paige who is able to free Phoebe and banish the spirit. Piper destroys the demon by blowing him up with her molecular combustion power and Cole, leaves promising to win next time.

99
11
"The Importance of Being Phoebe"
Derek Johansen
Krista Vernoff
January 12, 2003 (2003-01-12)
4301099
5.4[10]

After kidnapping Phoebe, Cole sends a shapeshifter named Kya to assume Phoebe's identity to help him manipulate Piper and Paige into giving him ownership of the manor, allowing him access to the powerful Nexus located beneath the house. Meanwhile, Phoebe plans her escape, while Cole gets Paige arrested and ensures that Piper's club fails to pass health inspections in order to keep them distracted.

100
12
"Centennial Charmed"
James L. Conway
Brad Kern
January 19, 2003 (2003-01-19)
4301100
5.5[11]

In his twisted attempt to win Phoebe back, Cole casts a spell that alters reality, which eliminates Paige as a Halliwell and destroys the Power of Three. Meanwhile, Paige suddenly finds that her sisters have no knowledge of her existence and that past villains are still alive, meaning all the innocents they saved are dead. Paige recreates the Power of Three and regains her powers. Using them, she retrieves the vanquishing potion she made to kill the vulnerable Cole and prepares to finally kill him, but is stopped by Phoebe. Cole does not try to escape, thinking Phoebe loves him too much to kill him, but Phoebe throws the potion herself, finally killing Cole. Cole's death reverts the world to normal and only Paige remembers what happened.

101
13
"House Call"
Jon Paré
Henry Alonso Myers
February 2, 2003 (2003-02-02)
4301101
5.3[12]

When residue left from demonic vanquishes buildes up in the manor, the sisters lose sleep and it takes over their lives. They call upon the Witch Doctor, whom Leo does not trust. The Witch Doctor makes a house call to the Charmed Ones but because of the massive amount of demonic energy he believes they are evil. It turns out that Leo was right not to trust him, as he tries to kill the sisters by using voodoo dolls to make them obsess and lead them down various paths of destruction. Piper becomes obsessed with cleaning, Paige becomes obsessed with marrying her ex-boyfriend Glen, and Phoebe becomes obsessed with eliminating her work rivals.

102
14
"Sand Francisco Dreamin'"
John T. Kretchmer
Alison Schapker & Monica Breen
February 9, 2003 (2003-02-09)
4301102
5.1[13]

A demon attacks the Charmed Ones with dream dust he stole from a Sandman, causing their nightmares to come to life. Phoebe dreams about someone trying to kill her, Piper dreams she has a secret and sexy lover, Paige dreams about her childhood clown doll and loneliness, and Leo dreams about something happening to the baby. The sisters must defeat their worries in their dreams, before they are destroyed. Ultimately, Phoebe learns that her mysterious attacker is herself, Paige is afraid of being alone due to her secret birth, and Piper's lover is actually Leo. Leo ends up feeling closer to the baby when he feels it kick. The demon shows up expecting to have their nightmares backing him up and is shocked to see that they are not and Piper blows him up.

103
15
"The Day the Magic Died"
Stuart Gillard
Daniel Cerone
February 16, 2003 (2003-02-16)
4301103
5.6[14]

Piper is due in six weeks and has to be on bed rest because of her high blood pressure. Phoebe, Paige, and Leo realize that all magic has stopped and that it has been foretold in the prophecy of the twice-blessed child, whom up until the time of its birth, magic will lay dormant. A sorcerer knows of this, and he plans to kill the sisters so he can raise Piper's baby as a powerful force of evil. Phoebe and Paige discover that Victor's new wife, Doris, is a demon who plans to aide the sorcerer in the kidnapping of Piper's baby. When Piper attempts to escape, she goes into labor. Phoebe and Paige arrive just in time and vanquish Doris and the sorcerer. Leo soon shows up and Piper gives birth to their baby, to the surprise of everyone, turns out to be a boy in a swirl of orbs.

104
16
"Baby's First Demon"
John T. Kretchmer
Krista Vernoff
March 30, 2003 (2003-03-30)
4301104
N/A

Everyone is having a hard time finding a name for the baby, especially a boy's name that starts with a P. Leo tries out Peter, while Phoebe tries out Potter (in a reference to Harry Potter). Leo says his son's last name is going to be Halliwell instead of Wyatt because good magic respects it while evil fears it. Eventually, Piper decides to name her baby Wyatt Matthew Halliwell. The sisters must protect Wyatt from two demons, but the baby has a few surprises of his own. Meanwhile, Paige goes undercover as a bounty hunter, and Phoebe's future with the newspaper is threatened by the new owner.

105
17
"Lucky Charmed"
Roxann Dawson
Curtis Kheel
April 6, 2003 (2003-04-06)
4301105
4.5[15]

The Charmed Ones face a demon who has been killing leprechauns and stealing their magic. The leprechauns endow the sisters with good luck, which enables Paige to gain material wealth, Phoebe to meet a man, and Piper to book a major star to play at P3.

106
18
"Cat House"
James L. Conway
Brad Kern
April 13, 2003 (2003-04-13)
4301106
4.2[16]

When Piper and Leo begin to have marital problems, Piper casts a spell to allow them to literally see their past together. However, the spell goes awry when Phoebe and Paige are sent back in time to relive Piper's memories, and a warlock bent on destroying the Charmed Ones' familiar tags along for the ride. Prue is briefly seen when Phoebe and Paige visit Piper's wedding during her memories. She is also seen during the time she was a dog with Phoebe saying to Paige 'Well you always said you wanted to meet Prue'.

107
19
"Nymphs Just Wanna Have Fun"
Mel Damski
Andrea Stevens & Doug E. Jones
April 20, 2003 (2003-04-20)
4301107
4.3[17]

When a demon attacks and kills the Satyr of the Spring of Life, one of the three nymphs that protect a lake seeks the Charmed Ones help. However, once the demon is destroyed, the nymphs decide Paige should replace the fallen nymph, and they won't take no for an answer.

108
20
"Sense and Sense Ability"
Stewart Schill & Joel J. Feigenbaum
Brian Krause & Ed Bokinskie & Daniel Cerone & Krista Vernoff
April 27, 2003 (2003-04-27)
4301108
4.1[18]

While at the fair, the Crone turns a monkey totem of Hear No Evil, See No Evil, Speak No Evil into a real monkey. This monkey takes Paige's voice, Phoebe's hearing, and Piper's eyesight; leaving the girls vulnerable to attack so the Crone can capture Wyatt. While Piper bonds with baby Wyatt, Phoebe falls for her new boss, Jason.

109
21
"Necromancing the Stone"
Jon Paré
Henry Alonso Myers & Alison Schapker & Monica Breen
May 4, 2003 (2003-05-04)
4301109
5.0[19]

When Grams is summoned for a Wiccan birthing ceremony, for Wyatt, the sisters find out that she has brought a former lover from her past, the Necromancer demon, who wants to kill the Charmed Ones and bring back the love they once shared. Meanwhile, Phoebe contemplates Jason's invitation to go with him to Hong Kong, even though it will take her away from her family, and Paige casts a truth spell to figure out if Nate can accept her being a witch but she gets more than she bargained for.

110

111
22

23
"Oh My Goddess"
Jonathan West

Joel J. Feigenbaum
Krista Vernoff & Curtis Kheel

Daniel Cerone
May 11, 2003 (2003-05-11)
4301110

4301111
4.9[20]

When there is a freak heat wave, Paige is worried that there may be something demonic behind the weird weather and sets out to figure out why. Phoebe tries to deal with life with Jason in Hong Kong and helps Elise organize a bachelor auction at P3. Piper and Leo have to use their therapy tools when Leo is called up to the Elders. The Titans are released from a long slumber and begin going after Whitelighters, and all of the magical creatures from San Francisco come to the manor in an effort to get the Charmed Ones to save them. Paige gets turned to stone after she summons one of the Titans, and almost dies, but a strange man, named Chris Perry, sends the Titan away. Piper finds out that the Titans are going after Whitelighters so they can go after the Elders and tells Leo. While he is up there, Leo begins blaming Chris, but finds out that he has to turn Piper, Phoebe, and Paige into mythological Goddesses themselves in order for them to defeat the Titans.

Now all-powerful Goddesses, the Charmed Ones must try not to be seduced by their new powers and stay focused on vanquishing The Titans before they destroy all Whitelighters and Elders. Piper, wields the powers of the Goddess of Earth, Phoebe is the Goddess of Love, and Paige is the Goddess of War. Meanwhile, Leo becomes an Elder as a reward for his actions, turning Piper's life upside-down. Her loss and anger consumes her, allowing the Charmed Ones to destroy The Titans. At the expense of losing Leo, Chris is made the Charmed Ones' new Whitelighter. Piper's anger at Leo causes her to take her anger out on the world, but her sisters get through to her and Leo takes away her pain so she can move on. After Leo asks Chris to take care of the girls, Chris secretly banishes Leo as he orbs away.

tag: table

text: Reception[edit]

text: In 2016, Gavin Hetherington of SpoilerTV ran a series of Charmed articles in the run-up to the 10th anniversary of the series finale. The fifth was a complete season review of season five, in which Gavin comments that the season felt "magical" and that he "loved the season".[21] He recognises that this is the last season that felt truly magical, as the show lost it in its following seasons.

tag: p

text: Notes[edit]

text:
Jump up ^ McMahon is only credited for the episodes he appears in.
Jump up ^ Gregory is only credited for the episodes he appears in.

tag: ol


document_title: History of the United States public debt

question_text: when was the last time the us had a surplus

text: Early history[edit]

text: Except for about a year during 1835–1836, the United States has continuously had a fluctuating public debt since its Constitution went into effect on March 4, 1789. During the American Revolution, the Continental Congress, under the Articles of Confederation, amassed huge war debts, but lacked the power to repay these obligations through taxation or duties on imports.[1][2]

text: On the founding of the United States, the financial affairs of the new federation were in disarray, exacerbated by an economic crisis in urban commercial centers.[3] In 1790, Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton pushed for Congress to pass a financial plan, called the First Report on the Public Credit,[4] a controversial part of which involved the federal government assuming state debts incurred during the Revolutionary War.[5] Northern states had accumulated a huge amount of debt during the war, amounting to $21.5 million, and wanted the federal government to assume their burden. The Southern states, which had lower or no debts, whose citizens would effectively pay a portion of this debt if the federal government assumed it, were disinclined to accept the proposal. Some states, including Virginia, had already paid off almost half of their debts, and felt that their taxpayers should not be assessed again to bail out the less provident, and further argued that the plan was beyond the constitutional power of the new government. James Madison, then a representative from Virginia, led a group of legislators from the South in blocking the provision and prevent the plan from gaining approval. Jefferson supported Madison[6] The plan was finally adopted as part of the Compromise of 1790, as the Funding Act of 1790. The compromise meant that the state debts were all picked up by the federal Treasury, and the permanent national capital would be located in the South, along the Virginia-Maryland border in what became the District of Colombia.

text: The assumption issue[edit]

text: Historian Max M. Edling has explained how assumption worked. It was the critical issue; the location of the capital was a bargaining ploy. Hamilton proposed that the federal Treasury take over and pay off all the debt that states had incurred to pay for the American Revolution. The Treasury would issue bonds that rich people would buy, thereby giving the rich a tangible stake in the success of the national government. Hamilton proposed to pay off the new bonds with revenue from a new tariff on imports. Jefferson originally approved the scheme, but Madison had turned him around by arguing that federal control of debt would consolidate too much power in the national government. Edling points out that after its passage in 1790, the assumption was accepted. Madison did try to pay speculators below 100%, but they were paid the face value of the state debts they held regardless of how little they paid for them. When Jefferson became president he continued the system. The credit of the U.S. was solidly established at home and abroad, and Hamilton was successful in signing up many of the bondholders in his new Federalist Party. Good credit allowed Jefferson's Treasury Secretary Albert Gallatin to borrow in Europe to finance the Louisiana Purchase in 1803, as well as to borrow to finance the War of 1812.[7]

text: The Southern states extracted a major concession from Hamilton in the recalculation of their debt under the fiscal plan.[8] For example, in the case of Virginia, a zero-sum arrangement was contrived, in which Virginia paid $3.4 million to the federal government, and received exactly that amount in federal compensation.[9] The revision of Virginia’s debt, coupled with Potomac residence issue, ultimately netted it over $13 million.[10] Another result of federal assumption of state debts was to give the federal government much more power by placing the country's most serious financial obligation in the hands of the federal government rather than the state governments. The federal government was able to avoid competing in interest with the States.

text: The debts of the federal government on January 1, 1791 amounted to $75,463,476.52, of which about $40 million was domestic debt, $12 million was foreign debt, and $18.3 million were state debts assumed by the federal government, of the $21.5 million that had been authorized.[11]

text: 1790s to 1910[edit]

text: To reduce the debt, from 1796 to 1811 there were 14 budget surpluses and 2 deficits. There was a sharp increase in the debt as a result of the War of 1812. In the 20 years following that war, there were 18 surpluses. The United States actually paid off its debt entirely in January 1835, only to begin accruing debt anew by 1836 (the debt on January 1, 1836 was $37,000).[12][13]

text: Another sharp increase in the debt occurred as a result of the Civil War. The debt was just $65 million in 1860, but passed $1 billion in 1863 and reached $2.7 billion by the end of the war. During the following 47 years, there were 36 surpluses and 11 deficits. During this period 55% of the national debt was paid off.

text: World War I and Great Depression[edit]

text: Debt increased again during World War I (1914–1918), reaching $25.5 billion at its conclusion. Approximately $17 billion in debt was raised through the selling of Liberty Bonds to the general public to finance the U.S.'s military effort. The war was followed by 11 consecutive surpluses that saw the debt reduced by 36% by the end of the 1920s.[14]

text: Warren G. Harding was elected president in 1920 and believed the federal government should be fiscally managed in a way similar to private sector businesses. He had campaigned in 1920 on the slogan, "Less government in business and more business in government."[15] Under Harding, federal spending declined from $6.3 billion in 1920 to $5 billion in 1921 and $3.3 billion in 1922. Over the course of the 1920s, under the leadership of Calvin Coolidge, the national debt was reduced by one third.[16] The decrease was even greater when the growth in GDP and inflation is taken into account.

text: Debt held by the public was $15.05 billion or 16.5% of GDP in 1930. When Franklin D. Roosevelt took office in 1933, the public debt was almost $20 billion, 20% of GDP. Decreased tax revenues and spending on social programs during the Great Depression increased the debt and by 1936, the public debt had increased to $33.7 billion, approximately 40% of GDP.[17] During its first term, the Roosevelt administration ran large annual deficits of between 2 and 5% of GDP. By 1939, the debt held by the public had increased to $39.65 billion or 43% of GDP. The buildup and involvement in World War II during the presidencies of F.D. Roosevelt and Harry S. Truman led to the largest increase in public debt. Public debt rose over 100% of GDP to pay for the mobilization before and during the war. Public debt was $251.43 billion or 112% of GDP at the conclusion of the war in 1945 and was $260 billion in 1950.

text: After World War II[edit]

text: The public debt fell rapidly after the end of World War II under the presidency of Harry S. Truman, as the U.S. and the rest of the world experienced a post-war economic expansion. Unlike previous wars, the Korean War (1950–53) was largely financed by taxation and did not lead to an increase in the public debt.[18]

text: Growth rates in Western countries began to slow in the mid-1960s. Beginning in the mid-1970s and afterwards, U.S. national debt began to increase faster than GDP.[19][20]

text: The public debt reached a post-World War II low of 24.6% in 1974.[14][21] In that year, the Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974 reformed the budget process to allow Congress to challenge the president's budget more easily, and, as a consequence, deficits became increasingly difficult to control.[22] National debt held by the public increased from its postwar low of 24.6% of GDP in 1974 to 26.2% in 1980.[23]

text: Debt held by the public relative to GDP rose rapidly again in the 1980s. President Ronald Reagan's economic policies lowered tax rates (Reagan slashed the top income tax rate from 70% to 28%, although bills passed in 1982 and 1984 later partially reversed those tax cuts.)[22][24] and increased military spending, while congressional Democrats blocked cuts to social programs.[20][22][24][25] As a result, debt as a share of GDP increased from 26.2% in 1980 to 40.9% in 1988,[23] and it continued to rise during the presidency of George H. W. Bush, reaching 48.3% of GDP in 1992.[14][26]

text: Debt held by the public reached a high of 49.5% of GDP at the beginning of President Clinton's first term. However, it fell to 34.5% of GDP by the end of Clinton's presidency due in part to decreased military spending, increased taxes (in 1990, 1993 and 1997), and increased tax revenue resulting from the 1990s boom.[14][21][27][28][29] The budget controls instituted in the 1990s successfully restrained fiscal action by the Congress and the President and together with economic growth contributed to the budget surpluses at the end of the decade.[30] The surpluses led to a decline in the public debt from about 43% of GDP in 1998 to about 33% by 2001.[30]

text: In the early 21st century, debt held by the public relative to GDP rose again due in part to the Bush tax cuts and increased military spending caused by the wars in the Middle East and a new entitlement Medicare D program. During the presidency of George W. Bush, debt held by the public increased from $3.339 trillion in September 2001 to $6.369 trillion by the end of 2008.[31][32] In the aftermath of the global financial crisis of 2007–08 and related significant revenue declines and spending increases, debt held by the public increased to $11.917 trillion by the end of July 2013, under the presidency of Barack Obama.[31][33]

text: 2011 credit rating downgrade[edit]

text: On August 5, 2011, the United States debt-ceiling crisis of 2011, the credit rating agency Standard & Poor's downgraded the rating of the federal government from AAA to AA+. It was the first time the U.S. had been downgraded since it was originally given a AAA rating on its debt by Moody's in 1917.[34] BBC News reported that Standard & Poor's had "lost confidence" in the ability of the U.S. government to make decisions.[35]

text: Changes in debt by political affiliation[edit]

text: The President proposes a national budget to Congress, which has the final say over the document, but which rarely appropriates more than what the President requests.[36]

text: Economist Mike Kimel has noted that the former Democratic Presidents (Bill Clinton, Jimmy Carter, Lyndon B. Johnson, John F. Kennedy, and Harry S. Truman) all reduced public debt as a share of GDP, while the last four Republican Presidents (George W. Bush, George H. W. Bush, Ronald Reagan and Gerald Ford) all oversaw an increase in the country's indebtedness.[37] Economic historian J. Bradford DeLong, observed a contrast not so much between Republicans and Democrats but between Democrats and "old-style Republicans (Eisenhower and Nixon)" on one hand (decreasing debt) and "new-style Republicans" on the other (increasing debt).[38][39] David Stockman, former director of the Office of Management and Budget, blamed the "ideological tax-cutters" of the Reagan administration for the increase of national debt during the 1980s.[40] Former Treasury official Bruce Bartlett attributed the increase in the national debt since the 1980s to the policy of "starve the beast".[41][42] While noting that George H.W. Bush's budget deal in 1990 was one of the reasons for improvement of the fiscal situation in 1990s, Bartlett was highly critical of George W. Bush for creating budget deficits by reducing tax rates and increasing spending in the early 2000s.[43][44]

text: Causes of recent changes in debt[edit]

text: Public debt is the cumulative result of budget deficits; that is, government spending exceeding revenues.

text: 2001 vs. 2009[edit]

text: According to the Congressional Budget Office, the United States last had a budget surplus during fiscal year 2001. From fiscal years 2001 to 2009, spending increased by 6.5% of gross domestic product (from 18.2% to 24.7%) while taxes declined by 4.7% of GDP (from 19.5% to 14.8%). Spending increases (expressed as percentage of GDP) were in the following areas: Medicare and Medicaid (1.7%), defense (1.6%), income security such as unemployment benefits and food stamps (1.4%), Social Security (0.6%) and all other categories (1.2%). Revenue reductions were individual income taxes (−3.3%), payroll taxes (−0.5%), corporate income taxes (−0.5%) and other (−0.4%).

text: The 2009 spending level was the highest relative to GDP in 40 years, while the tax receipts were the lowest relative to GDP in 40 years. The next highest spending year was 1985 (22.8%), while the next lowest tax year was 2004 (16.1%).[45]

text: 2001 vs. 2011[edit]

text: In June 2012, the Congressional Budget Office summarized the cause of change between its January 2001 estimate of a $5.6 trillion cumulative surplus between 2002 and 2011 and the actual $6.1 trillion cumulative deficit that occurred, an unfavorable "turnaround" or debt increase of $11.7 trillion. Tax rate cuts and slower-than-expected growth reduced revenues by $6.1 trillion and spending was $5.6 trillion higher. Of this total, the CBO attributes 72% to legislated tax rate cuts and spending increases and 27% to economic and technical factors. Of the latter, 56% occurred from 2009 to 2011.[46][47]

text: The difference between the projected and actual debt in 2011, the budget office said, could be attributed largely to:

text:
$3.5 trillion – Economic changes (including lower than expected tax revenues and higher safety net spending due to recession)
$1.6 trillion – Bush Tax Cuts (EGTRRA and JGTRRA), primarily tax rate cuts but also some smaller spending increases
$1.5 trillion – Increased non-defense discretionary spending
$1.4 trillion – Wars in Afghanistan and Iraq
$1.4 trillion – Incremental interest due to higher debt balances
$0.9 trillion – Obama stimulus and tax cuts (ARRA and Tax Act of 2010)[47]

text: The U.S. budget situation has deteriorated significantly since 2001, when the CBO forecast average annual surpluses of approximately $850 billion from 2009–2012. The average deficit forecast in each of those years as of June 2009 was approximately $1,215 billion. The New York Times analyzed this roughly $2 trillion "swing", separating the causes into four major categories along with their share:

text:
Recessions or the business cycle (37%);
Policies enacted by President Bush (33%);
Policies enacted by President Bush and supported or extended by President Obama (20%); and
New policies from President Obama (10%).

text: Several other articles and experts explained the causes of change in the debt position.[48][49][50]

text: 2008 vs. 2009[edit]

text: In October 2009, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) gave the reasons for the higher budget deficit in 2009 ($1,410 billion, i.e. $1.41 trillion) over that of 2008 ($460 billion). The major changes included: declines in tax receipt of $320 billion due to the effects of the recession and another $100 billion due to tax rate cuts in the stimulus bill (the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act or ARRA); $245 billion for the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) and other bailout efforts; $100 billion in additional spending for ARRA; and another $185 billion due to increases in primary budget categories such as Medicare, Medicaid, unemployment insurance, Social Security, and Defense – including the war effort in Afghanistan and Iraq. This was the highest budget deficit relative to GDP (9.9%) since 1945.[51] The national debt increased by $1.9 trillion during FY2009, versus the $1.0 trillion increase during 2008.[52]

text: The Obama Administration also made four significant accounting changes to more accurately report the total spending by the federal government. The four changes were:

text:
accounting for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan ("overseas military contingencies") in the budget rather than through the use of supplemental appropriations;
assuming the Alternative Minimum Tax will be indexed for inflation;
accounting for the full costs of Medicare reimbursements; and
anticipating the inevitable expenditures for natural disaster relief.

text: According to administration officials, these changes will make the debt over ten years look $2.7 trillion larger than it would otherwise appear.[53]

text: Historical debt levels[edit]

text: Gross federal debt[edit]

text: This table lists the U.S. federal debt as a percentage of gross domestic product, or GDP, each year since World War II.[54] The gross federal debt shown below reached 102.7% of GDP at the end of 2012, the most recent figure available; it was the highest percentage since 1945 and the first yearly percentage figure to go over 100% since then. (The gross federal debt in the table includes intra-government debt – that is, money owed by one branch of the federal government to another. When this latter amount is subtracted, the remaining quantity is known as the public debt.)

text:
Congressional session
Years
President
President's party
Debt-to-GDP ratio at start of period
Debt-to-GDP ratio at end of period
Change in debt (in billions of dollars)
Change in debt-to-GDP ratio
(in percentage points)

77–78
1941–1945
Roosevelt
Democratic
50.4%
117.5%
+203
+67.1

79–80
1945–1949
Roosevelt, Truman
Democratic
117.5%
93.1%
-8
-24.4

81–82
1949–1953
Truman
Democratic
93.1%
71.4%
+13
-21.7

83–84
1953–1957
Eisenhower
Republican
71.4%
60.4%
+6
-11.0

85–86
1957–1961
Eisenhower
Republican
60.4%
55.2%
+20
-5.2

87–88
1961–1965
Kennedy, Johnson
Democratic
55.2%
46.9%
+30
-8.3

89–90
1965–1969
Johnson
Democratic
46.9%
38.6%
+43
-8.3

91–92
1969–1973
Nixon
Republican
38.6%
35.6%
+101
-3.0

93–94
1973–1977
Nixon, Ford
Republican
35.6%
35.8%
+177
+0.2

95–96
1977–1981
Carter
Democratic
35.8%
32.5%
+288
-3.3

97–98
1981–1985
Reagan
Republican
32.5%
43.8%
+823
+11.3

99–100
1985–1989
Reagan
Republican
43.8%
53.1%
+1,050
+9.3

101–102
1989–1993
Bush Sr.
Republican
53.1%
66.1%
+1,483
+13.0

103–104
1993–1997
Clinton
Democratic
66.1%
65.4%
+1,018
-0.7

105–106
1997–2001
Clinton
Democratic
65.4%
56.4%
+401
-9.0

107–108
2001–2005
Bush
Republican
56.4%
63.5%
+2,135
+7.1

109–110
2005–2009
Bush
Republican
63.5%
84.2%
+3,971
+20.7

111–112
2009–2013
Obama
Democratic
84.2%
102.7%
+6,061
+18.5

text: (Source: CBO Historical Budget Page and Whitehouse FY 2012 Budget – Table 7.1 Federal Debt at the End of Year PDF, Excel, Senate.gov)

text: Notes:

text:
Some of the debt included in this chart for each presidential administration may include debt added under the next presidential administration.[55]
For net jobs changes over the corresponding periods, see: Jobs created during U.S. presidential terms.

text: Publicly held debt[edit]

text: Publicly held debt is the gross debt minus intra-governmental obligations (such as the money that the government owes to the two Social Security Trust Funds, the Old-Age, Survivors, and Disability Insurance program, and the Social Security Disability Insurance program).[56]

text: Federal spending, federal debt and GDP[edit]

text: The table below shows annual federal spending, gross federal debt and gross domestic product for specific fiscal years.[57] The government fiscal year runs from October 1 of the previous calendar year to September 30 of the year shown.

text:
Fiscal year
Federal spending
Federal debt
Gross domestic product
Inflation adjuster[58]

Billions[59]
Adjusted[60]
Change
Billions[61]
Adjusted[62]
Change
Billions[63]
Adjusted[64]
Change

1977
$409
$1,040

$705
$1,795

$1,974
$5,019

0.39

1978
$459
$1,093
5.1%
$776
$1,850
3.1%
$2,217
$5,285
5.3%
0.42

1979
$504
$1,107
1.3%
$829
$1,821
−1.5%
$2,501
$5,494
4.0%
0.46

1980
$591
$1,175
6.1%
$909
$1,808
−0.8%
$2,727
$5,422
−1.3%
0.50

1981
$678
$1,219
3.8%
$994
$1,787
−1.1%
$3,055
$5,492
1.3%
0.56

1982
$746
$1,252
2.6%
$1,137
$1,908
6.8%
$3,228
$5,417
−1.4%
0.60

1983
$808
$1,294
3.4%
$1,371
$2,195
15.0%
$3,441
$5,510
1.7%
0.62

1984
$852
$1,300
0.4%
$1,564
$2,386
8.7%
$3,840
$5,858
6.3%
0.66

1985
$946
$1,396
7.4%
$1,817
$2,680
12.3%
$4,142
$6,108
4.3%
0.68

1986
$990
$1,426
2.1%
$2,120
$3,052
13.9%
$4,412
$6,352
4.0%
0.69

1987
$1,004
$1,406
−1.4%
$2,345
$3,283
7.6%
$4,647
$6,506
2.4%
0.71

1988
$1,065
$1,447
2.9%
$2,601
$3,534
7.7%
$5,009
$6,806
4.6%
0.74

1989
$1,144
$1,499
3.6%
$2,867
$3,757
6.3%
$5,401
$7,077
4.0%
0.76

1990
$1,253
$1,590
6.1%
$3,206
$4,067
8.3%
$5,735
$7,277
2.8%
0.79

1991
$1,324
$1,610
1.3%
$3,598
$4,374
7.5%
$5,935
$7,215
−0.8%
0.82

1992
$1,382
$1,624
0.9%
$4,001
$4,703
7.5%
$6,240
$7,334
1.7%
0.85

1993
$1,410
$1,615
−0.5%
$4,351
$4,987
6.0%
$6,576
$7,536
2.8%
0.87

1994
$1,462
$1,642
1.7%
$4,643
$5,216
4.6%
$6,961
$7,820
3.8%
0.89

1995
$1,516
$1,662
1.2%
$4,920
$5,395
3.4%
$7,326
$8,033
2.7%
0.91

1996
$1,561
$1,673
0.7%
$5,181
$5,554
3.0%
$7,694
$8,248
2.7%
0.93

1997
$1,601
$1,684
0.7%
$5,369
$5,647
1.7%
$8,182
$8,606
4.3%
0.95

1998
$1,653
$1,721
2.2%
$5,478
$5,704
1.0%
$8,628
$8,985
4.4%
0.96

1999
$1,702
$1,746
1.5%
$5,605
$5,750
0.8%
$9,125
$9,361
4.2%
0.97

2000
$1,789
$1,789
2.5%
$5,628
$5,628
−2.1%
$9,710
$9,710
3.7%
1.00

2001
$1,863
$1,821
1.8%
$5,769
$5,638
0.2%
$10,058
$9,829
1.2%
1.02

2002
$2,011
$1,929
6.0%
$6,198
$5,945
5.5%
$10,377
$9,954
1.3%
1.04

2003
$2,160
$2,018
4.6%
$6,760
$6,316
6.2%
$10,809
$10,099
1.4%
1.07

2004
$2,293
$2,082
3.2%
$7,354
$6,677
5.7%
$11,500
$10,441
3.4%
1.10

2005
$2,472
$2,165
4.0%
$7,905
$6,923
3.7%
$12,238
$10,717
2.6%
1.14

2006
$2,655
$2,249
3.9%
$8,451
$7,158
3.4%
$13,016
$11,024
2.9%
1.18

2007
$2,730
$2,263
0.6%
$8,951
$7,419
3.6%
$13,668
$11,329
2.8%
1.21

2008
$2,931
$2,366
4.6%
$9,654
$7,793
5.0%
$14,312
$11,553
0%
1.24

2009*
$3,107
$2,452
3.6%
$10,413
$8,218
5.5%
$14,097
$11,529
2.6%
1.27

2010*
$3,091
$2,392
−2.4%
$11,875
$9,247
12.5%
$14,508
$11,297
−2.0%
1.29

text: Note: The values for the years 2009, and 2010 represent estimates from the source material.