document_title: Gun politics in the United States

question_text: when was the first gun control law passed in america

question_tokens: when was the first gun control law passed in america

text: Gun politics in the United States

text: History[edit]

text: The American hunting tradition comes from a time when the United States was an agrarian, subsistence nation where hunting was a profession for some, an auxiliary source of food for some settlers, and also a deterrence to animal predators. A connection between shooting skills and survival among rural American men was in many cases a necessity and a 'rite of passage' for those entering manhood.[1]:9 Today, hunting survives as a central sentimental component of a gun culture as a way to control animal populations across the country, regardless of modern trends away from subsistence hunting and rural living.[7]

text: Prior to the American Revolution there was neither budget nor manpower nor government desire to maintain a full-time army. Therefore, the armed citizen-soldier carried the responsibility. Service in militia, including providing one's own ammunition and weapons, was mandatory for all men. Yet, as early as the 1790s, the mandatory universal militia duty evolved gradually to voluntary militia units and a reliance on a regular army. Throughout the 19th century the institution of the organized civilian militia began to decline.[1]:10 The unorganized civilian militia, however, still remains even in current U.S. law, consisting of essentially everyone from age 17 to 45, while also including former military officers up to age 64, as codified in 10 U.S.C. § 246.

text: Closely related to the militia tradition is the frontier tradition, with the need for self-protection pursuant to westward expansion and the extension of the American frontier.[1]:10–11 Though it has not been a necessary part of daily survival for over a century, "generations of Americans continued to embrace and glorify it as a living inheritance—as a permanent ingredient of this nation's style and culture".[12]:21

text: Colonial era through the Civil War[edit]

text: Most American school children learn about the tyranny of King George III: taxation without representation.[13][14] In the years prior to the American Revolution, the British, in response to the colonists' unhappiness over increasingly direct control and taxation of the colonies, imposed a gunpowder embargo on the colonies in an attempt to lessen the ability of the colonists to resist British encroachments into what the colonies regarded as local matters. Two direct attempts to disarm the colonial militias fanned what had been a smoldering resentment of British interference into the fires of war.[15]

text: These two incidents were the attempt to confiscate the cannon of the Concord and Lexington militias, leading to the Battles of Lexington and Concord of April 19, 1775, and the attempt, on April 20, to confiscate militia powder stores in the armory of Williamsburg, Virginia, which led to the Gunpowder Incident and a face off between Patrick Henry and hundreds of militia members on one side and the Royal Governor of Virginia, Lord Dunmore, and British seamen on the other. The Gunpowder Incident was eventually settled by paying the colonists for the powder.[15]

text: According to historian Saul Cornell, states passed some of the first gun control laws, beginning with Kentucky's law to "curb the practice of carrying concealed weapons in 1813." There was opposition and, as a result, the individual right interpretation of the Second Amendment began and grew in direct response to these early gun control laws, in keeping with this new "pervasive spirit of individualism." As noted by Cornell, "Ironically, the first gun control movement helped give birth to the first self-conscious gun rights ideology built around a constitutional right of individual self-defense."[16]:140–141

text: The individual right interpretation of the Second Amendment first arose in Bliss v. Commonwealth (1822),[17] which evaluated the right to bear arms in defense of themselves and the state pursuant to Section 28 of the Second Constitution of Kentucky (1799). The right to bear arms in defense of themselves and the state was interpreted as an individual right, for the case of a concealed sword cane. This case has been described as about "a statute prohibiting the carrying of concealed weapons [that] was violative of the Second Amendment".[18]

text: The first state court decision relevant to the "right to bear arms" issue was Bliss v. Commonwealth. The Kentucky court held that "the right of citizens to bear arms in defense of themselves and the State must be preserved entire,..."[19]:161[20]

text: Also during the Jacksonian Era, the first collective right (or group right) interpretation of the Second Amendment arose. In State v. Buzzard (1842), the Arkansas high court adopted a militia-based, political right, reading of the right to bear arms under state law, and upheld the 21st section of the second article of the Arkansas Constitution that declared, "that the free white men of this State shall have a right to keep and bear arms for their common defense",[21] while rejecting a challenge to a statute prohibiting the carrying of concealed weapons.

text: The Arkansas high court declared "That the words 'a well regulated militia being necessary for the security of a free State', and the words 'common defense' clearly show the true intent and meaning of these Constitutions [i.e., Arkansas and U.S.] and prove that it is a political and not an individual right, and, of course, that the State, in her legislative capacity, has the right to regulate and control it: This being the case, then the people, neither individually nor collectively, have the right to keep and bear arms." Joel Prentiss Bishop's influential Commentaries on the Law of Statutory Crimes (1873) took Buzzard's militia-based interpretation, a view that Bishop characterized as the "Arkansas doctrine," as the orthodox view of the right to bear arms in American law.[21][22]

text: The two early state court cases, Bliss and Buzzard, set the fundamental dichotomy in interpreting the Second Amendment, i.e., whether it secured an individual right versus a collective right.[citation needed]

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text: Post Civil War[edit]

text: With the Civil War ending, and the question of the rights of freed slaves to carry arms and to belong to militia came to the attention of the federal courts. In response to the problems freed slaves faced in the Southern states, the Fourteenth Amendment was drafted.

text: When the Fourteenth Amendment was drafted, Representative John A. Bingham of Ohio used the Court's own phrase "privileges and immunities of citizens" to include the first Eight Amendments of the Bill of Rights under its protection and guard these rights against state legislation.[23]

text: The debate in the Congress on the Fourteenth Amendment after the Civil War also concentrated on what the Southern States were doing to harm the newly freed slaves. One particular concern was the disarming of former slaves.

text: The Second Amendment attracted serious judicial attention with the Reconstruction era case of United States v. Cruikshank which ruled that the Privileges or Immunities Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment did not cause the Bill of Rights, including the Second Amendment, to limit the powers of the State governments, stating that the Second Amendment "has no other effect than to restrict the powers of the national government."

text: Akhil Reed Amar notes in the Yale Law Journal, the basis of Common Law for the first ten amendments of the U.S. Constitution, which would include the Second Amendment, "following John Randolph Tucker's famous oral argument in the 1887 Chicago anarchist Haymarket Riot case, Spies v. Illinois":

text: Though originally the first ten Amendments were adopted as limitations on Federal power, yet in so far as they secure and recognize fundamental rights—common law rights—of the man, they make them privileges and immunities of the man as citizen of the United States...[24]:1270

text: 20th century[edit]

text: First half of 20th century[edit]

text: Since the late 19th century, with three key cases from the pre-incorporation era, the U.S. Supreme Court consistently ruled that the Second Amendment (and the Bill of Rights) restricted only Congress, and not the States, in the regulation of guns.[25] Scholars predicted that the Court's incorporation of other rights suggested that they may incorporate the Second, should a suitable case come before them.[26]

text: National Firearms Act[edit]

text: The first major federal firearms law passed in the 20th century was the National Firearms Act (NFA) of 1934. It was passed after Prohibition-era gangsterism peaked with the Saint Valentine's Day massacre of 1929. The era was famous for criminal use of firearms such as the Thompson submachine gun (Tommy gun) and sawed-off shotgun. Under the NFA, machine guns, short-barreled rifles and shotguns, and other weapons fall under the regulation and jurisdiction of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (ATF) as described by Title II.[27]

text: United States v. Miller[edit]

text: In United States v. Miller[28] (1939) the Court did not address incorporation, but whether a sawed-off shotgun "has some reasonable relationship to the preservation or efficiency of a well regulated militia."[26] In overturning the indictment against Miller, the U.S. District Court for the Western District of Arkansas stated that the National Firearms Act of 1934, "offend[ed] the inhibition of the Second Amendment to the Constitution." The federal government then appealed directly to the Supreme Court. On appeal the federal government did not object to Miller's release since he had died by then, seeking only to have the trial judge's ruling on the unconstitutionality of the federal law overturned. Under these circumstances, neither Miller nor his attorney appeared before the Court to argue the case. The Court only heard argument from the federal prosecutor. In its ruling, the Court overturned the trial court and upheld the NFA.[29]

text: Second half of 20th century[edit]

text: The Gun Control Act of 1968 (GCA) was passed after the assassinations of President John F. Kennedy, Senator Robert Kennedy, and African-American activists Malcolm X and Martin Luther King, Jr. in the 1960s.[1] The GCA focuses on regulating interstate commerce in firearms by generally prohibiting interstate firearms transfers except among licensed manufacturers, dealers, and importers. It also prohibits selling firearms to certain categories of individuals defined as "prohibited persons."

text: The murder of musician John Lennon in 1980 and an assassination attempt on President Ronald Reagan in 1981 led to enactment of the Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act (Brady Law) in 1993 which established the national background check system to prevent certain restricted individuals from owning, purchasing, or transporting firearms.[30] In an article supporting passage of such a law, retired chief justice Warren E. Burger wrote:

text: Americans also have a right to defend their homes, and we need not challenge that. Nor does anyone seriously question that the Constitution protects the right of hunters to own and keep sporting guns for hunting game any more than anyone would challenge the right to own and keep fishing rods and other equipment for fishing – or to own automobiles. To 'keep and bear arms' for hunting today is essentially a recreational activity and not an imperative of survival, as it was 200 years ago. 'Saturday night specials' and machine guns are not recreational weapons and surely are as much in need of regulation as motor vehicles.[31]

text: In 1986, Congress passed the Firearm Owners Protection Act.[32] It was supported by the National Rifle Association and individual gun rights advocates because it reversed many of the provisions of the GCA and protected gun owners' rights. It also banned ownership of unregistered fully automatic rifles and civilian purchase or sale of any such firearm made from that date forward.[33][34]

text: A Stockton, California, schoolyard shooting in 1989 led to passage of the Federal Assault Weapons Ban of 1994 (AWB or AWB 1994), which defined and banned the manufacture and transfer of "semiautomatic assault weapons" and "large capacity ammunition feeding device"s.[35]

text: According to journalist Chip Berlet, concerns about gun control laws along with outrage over two high profile incidents involving the ATF (Ruby Ridge in 1992 and the Waco siege in 1993) mobilized the militia movement of citizens who feared that the federal government would begin to confiscate firearms.[36][37]

text: Though gun control is not strictly a partisan issue, there is generally more support for gun control legislation in the Democratic Party than in the Republican Party.[38] The Libertarian Party, whose campaign platforms favor limited government, is outspokenly against gun control.[39]

text: Advocacy groups[edit]

text: The National Rifle Association (NRA) was founded to promote firearm competency in 1871. The NRA supported the NFA and, ultimately, the GCA.[40] After the GCA, more strident groups, such as the Gun Owners of America (GOA), began to advocate for gun rights.[41] According to the GOA, it was founded in 1975 when "the radical left introduced legislation to ban all handguns in California."[42] The GOA and other national groups like the Second Amendment Foundation (SAF), Jews for the Preservation of Firearms Ownership (JPFO), and the Second Amendment Sisters (SAS), often take stronger stances than the NRA and criticize its history of support for some firearms legislation, such as GCA. These groups believe any compromise leads to greater restrictions.[43]:368[44]:172

text: According to the authors of The Changing Politics of Gun Control (1998), in the late 1970s, the NRA changed its activities to incorporate political advocacy.[45] Despite the impact on the volatility of membership, the politicization of the NRA has been consistent and the NRA-Political Victory Fund ranked as "one of the biggest spenders in congressional elections" as of 1998.[45] According to the authors of The Gun Debate (2014), the NRA taking the lead on politics serves the gun industry's profitability. In particular when gun owners respond to fears of gun confiscation with increased purchases and by helping to isolate the industry from the misuse of its products used in shooting incidents.[46]

text: The Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence began in 1974 as Handgun Control Inc. (HCI). Soon after, it formed a partnership with another fledgling group called the National Coalition to Ban Handguns (NCBH) - later known as the Coalition to Stop Gun Violence (CSGV). The partnership did not last, as NCBH generally took a tougher stand on gun regulation than HCI.[47]:186 In the wake of the 1980 murder of John Lennon, HCI saw an increase of interest and fund raising and contributed $75,000 to congressional campaigns. Following the Reagan assassination attempt and the resultant injury of James Brady, Sarah Brady joined the board of HCI in 1985. HCI was renamed in 2001 to Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence.[48]

text: Centers for Disease Control (CDC) restriction[edit]

text: In 1996, Congress added language to the relevant appropriations bill which required "none of the funds made available for injury prevention and control at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention may be used to advocate or promote gun control."[49] This language was added to prevent the funding of research by the CDC that gun rights supporters considered politically motivated and intended to bring about further gun control legislation. In particular, the NRA and other gun rights proponents objected to work supported by the National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, then run by Mark L. Rosenberg, including research authored by Arthur Kellermann.[50][51][52]

text: 21st century[edit]

text: In October 2003, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention published a report on the effectiveness of gun violence prevention strategies that concluded "Evidence was insufficient to determine the effectiveness of any of these laws."[53]:14 A similar survey of firearms research by the National Academy of Sciences arrived at nearly identical conclusions in 2004.[54] In September of that year, the Assault Weapons Ban expired due to a sunset provision. Efforts by gun control advocates to renew the ban failed, as did attempts to replace it after it became defunct.

text: The NRA opposed bans on handguns in Chicago, Washington D.C., and San Francisco, while supporting the NICS Improvement Amendments Act of 2007 (also known as the School Safety And Law Enforcement Improvement Act), which strengthened requirements for background checks for firearm purchases.[55] The GOA took issue with a portion of the bill, which they termed the "Veterans' Disarmament Act."[56]

text: Besides the GOA, other national gun rights groups continue to take a stronger stance than the NRA. These groups include the Second Amendment Sisters, Second Amendment Foundation, Jews for the Preservation of Firearms Ownership, and the Pink Pistols. New groups have also arisen, such as the Students for Concealed Carry, which grew largely out of safety-issues resulting from the creation of gun-free zones that were legislatively mandated amidst a response to widely publicized school shootings.

text: In 2001, in United States v. Emerson, the Fifth Circuit became the first federal appeals court to recognize an individual's right to own guns. In 2007, in Parker v. District of Columbia, the D.C. Circuit became the first federal appeals court to strike down a gun control law on Second Amendment grounds.[57]

text: Smart guns[edit]

text: Smart guns only fire when in the hands of the owner, a feature gun safety advocates say eliminates accidental firings by children, and the risk of hostile persons (such as prisoners, criminal suspects, an opponent in a fight, or an enemy soldier) grabbing the gun and using it against the owner. Gun rights advocates fear mandatory smart gun technology will make it more difficult to fire a gun when needed.

text: Smith & Wesson reached a settlement in 2000 with the administration of President Bill Clinton, which included a provision for the company to develop a smart gun. A consumer boycott organized by the NRA and NSSF nearly drove the company out of business and forced it to drop its smart gun plans.[58][59]

text: The New Jersey Childproof Handgun Law of 2002 requires that 30 months after "personalized handguns are available" anywhere in the United States, only smart guns may be sold in the state.[60] Some gun safety advocates worry that by raising the stakes of introducing the technology, this law contributes to opposition that has prevented smart guns from being sold anywhere in the United States despite availability in other countries.

text: In 2014, a Maryland gun dealer dropped plans to sell the first smart gun in the United States after receiving complaints and even death threats.[61]

text: District of Columbia v. Heller[edit]

text: In June 2008, in District of Columbia v. Heller, the Supreme Court upheld by a 5-4 vote the Parker decision striking down the D.C. gun law. Heller ruled that Americans have an individual right to possess firearms, irrespective of membership in a militia, "for traditionally lawful purposes, such as self-defense within the home."[62] However, in delivering the majority opinion, Justice Antonin Scalia made it clear that, like other rights, the right to bear arms is limited. He wrote:

text: Like most rights, the Second Amendment right is not unlimited. It is not a right to keep and carry any weapon whatsoever in any manner whatsoever and for whatever purpose: For example, concealed weapons prohibitions have been upheld under the Amendment or state analogues. The Court's opinion should not be taken to cast doubt on longstanding prohibitions on the possession of firearms by felons and the mentally ill, or laws forbidding the carrying of firearms in sensitive places such as schools and government buildings, or laws imposing conditions and qualifications on the commercial sale of arms.[63][64]

text: The four dissenting justices said that the majority had broken established precedent on the Second Amendment,[65] and took the position that the Amendment refers to an individual right, but in the context of militia service.[66][67][68][69]

text: McDonald v. City of Chicago[edit]

text: In June 2010, a Chicago law that banned handguns was struck down. The ruling stated that "The Fourteenth Amendment makes the Second Amendment right to keep and bear arms fully applicable to the States."

text: Advocacy groups, PACs, and lobbying[edit]

text: One way advocacy groups influence politics is through "outside spending," using political action committees (PACs) and 501(c)(4) organizations.[70] PACs and 501(c)(4)s raise and spend money to affect elections.[71][72] PACs pool campaign contributions from members and donate those funds to candidates for political office.[73] Super PACs, created in 2010, are prohibited from making direct contributions to candidates or parties, but influence races by running ads for or against specific candidates.[74] Both gun control and gun rights advocates use these types of organizations.

text: The NRA's Political Victory Fund super PAC spent $11.2 million in the 2012 election cycle,[75] and as of April 2014, it had raised $13.7 million for 2014 elections.[76] Michael Bloomberg's gun-control super PAC, Independence USA, spent $8.3 million in 2012[77][78] and $6.3 million in 2013.[79] Americans for Responsible Solutions, a PAC started by retired Congresswoman Gabrielle Giffords, raised $12 million in 2013,[80] and plans to raise $16 to $20 million by the 2014 elections.[81] The group's treasurer said that the funds would be enough to compete with the NRA "on an even-keel basis."[81]

text: Another way advocacy groups influence politics is through lobbying; some groups use lobbying firms, while others employ in-house lobbyists. According to the Center for Responsive Politics, gun politics groups with the most lobbyists in 2013 were: the NRA's Institute for Legislative Action (NRA-ILA); Mayors Against Illegal Guns (MAIG); the National Shooting Sports Foundation (NSSF); and the Brady Campaign.[82] Gun rights groups spent over $15.1 million lobbying in Washington D.C. in 2013, with the National Association for Gun Rights (NAGR) spending $6.7 million, and the NRA spending $3.4 million.[83] Gun control groups spent $2.2 million, with MAIG spending $1.7 million, and the Brady Campaign spending $250,000 in the same period.[84]

text: 3D printed firearms[edit]

text: In August 2012, an open source group called Defense Distributed launched a project to design and release a blueprint for a handgun that could be downloaded from the Internet and manufactured using a 3-D printer.[85][86] In May 2013, the group made public the STL files for the world's first fully 3D printable gun, the Liberator .380 single shot pistol.[87][88][89]

text: Proposals made by Obama Administration[edit]

text: On January 16, 2013, in response to the Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting and other mass shootings, President Barack Obama announced a plan for reducing gun violence in four parts: closing background check loopholes; banning assault weapons and large capacity magazines; making schools safer; and increasing access to mental health services.[90][91]:2 The plan included proposals for new laws to be passed by Congress, and a series of executive actions not requiring Congressional approval.[90][92][93] No new federal gun control legislation was passed as a result of these proposals.[94] President Obama later stated in a 2015 interview with the BBC that gun control:

text: Executive actions taken by the Obama Administration[edit]

text: The executive actions included:

text:
Improve the data used for the background check system for gun sales;
Direct the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to research gun violence;[96]
Provide incentives for schools to hire school resource officers;
Give law enforcement additional tools to prevent and prosecute gun crime.

text: In 2016, Obama called for a "sense of urgency" against gun violence[97] and made several changes to gun control enforcement,[98][99] including:

text:
requiring a license and background check conduction for all gun distributors (cf. gun show loophole);
extend background checks for guns purchased via a trust or corporation;
extend data available for background checks and improve response time (to close the Charleston loophole).[100]

text: 2013 United Nations Arms Treaty[edit]

text: The Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) is a multilateral treaty that regulates the international trade in conventional weapons, which entered into force on December 24, 2014.[101] Work on the treaty commenced in 2006 with negotiations for its content conducted at a global conference under the auspices of the United Nations from July 2–27, 2012, in New York.[102] As it was not possible to reach an agreement on a final text at that time, a new meeting for the conference was scheduled for March 18–28, 2013.[103] On April 2, 2013, the UN General Assembly adopted the ATT.[104][105] The treaty was opened for signing on June 3, 2013 and by August 15, 2015 it had been signed by 130 states and ratified or acceded to by 72. It entered into force on December 24, 2014 after it was ratified and acceded to by 50 states.[106]

text: On September 25, 2013, Secretary of State John Kerry signed the ATT on behalf of the Obama administration. This was a reversal of the position of the Bush administration which had chosen not to participate in the treaty negotiations. Then in October a bipartisan group of 50 Senators and 181 Representatives released concurrent letters to President Barack Obama pledging their opposition to ratification of the ATT. The group is led by Senator Jerry Moran (R-Kansas) and Representatives Mike Kelly (R-Pennsylvania) and Collin Peterson (D-Minnesota). Following these two letters, four Democrat Senators sent a separate letter to the President stating that "because of unaddressed concerns that this Treaty's obligations could undermine our nation's sovereignty and the Second Amendment rights of law-abiding Americans [they] would oppose the Treaty if it were to come before the U.S. Senate." The four Senators are Jon Tester (D-Montana), Max Baucus (D-Montana), Heidi Heitkamp (D-North Dakota), and Joe Donnelly (D-Indiana).[107][108]

text: Supporters of the treaty claim that the treaty is needed to help protect millions around the globe in danger of human rights abuses. Frank Jannuzi of Amnesty International USA states, "This treaty says that nations must not export arms and ammunition where there is an 'overriding risk' that they will be used to commit serious human rights violations. It will help keep arms out of the hands of the wrong people: those responsible for upwards of 1,500 deaths worldwide every day."[109] Secretary Kerry was quoted as saying that his signature would "help deter the transfer of conventional weapons used to carry out the world's worst crimes."[110] As of December 2013, the U.S. has not ratified or acceded to the treaty.

text: Public opinion[edit]

text: Polls[edit]

text: Huffington Post reported in September 2013 that 48% of Americans said gun laws should be made more strict, while 16% said they should be made less strict and 29% said there should be no change.[111] Similarly, a Gallup poll found that support for stricter gun laws has fallen from 58% after the Newtown shooting, to 49% in September 2013.[111] Both the Huffington Post poll and the Gallup poll were conducted after the Washington Navy Yard shooting.[111] Meanwhile, the Huffington Post poll found that 40% of Americans believe stricter gun laws would prevent future mass shootings, while 52% said changing things would not make a difference.[111] The same poll also found that 57% of Americans think better mental health care is more likely to prevent future mass shootings than stricter gun laws, while 29% said the opposite.[111] A 2016 poll found that 41% of Americans incorrectly believed universal background checks were already required by federal law, 47% recognized that background checks are only required for some gun purchases, and 12% incorrectly believed that federal law does not require background checks on any gun purchases. The same poll found that 74% of Americans who thought that America already required universal background checks supported stricter gun laws, but 89% of those who (correctly) thought that such checks were not universally required supported stricter laws.[112]

text: In a 2015 study conducted by the Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence, state gun laws were examined based on various policy approaches, and were scored on grade-based and ranked scales.[113] States were rated positively for having passed stricter measures and stronger gun laws. Positive points were also given for states that required background checks on all firearm sales and limit bulk firearms purchases, prohibiting sales of assault weapons and large capacity magazines, stricter evaluation on applications when issuing a handgun concealed carry license especially prohibited domestic violence offenders. Points were deducted from states with laws that expanded access to guns, allowed concealed carry in public areas particularly schools and bars without a permit or passed “Stand Your Ground Laws” — which remove the duty to retreat and allow people to shoot potential assailants. Eventually, states were graded indicating the overall strengths or weakness of gun laws. Ten States with the strongest gun laws ranked from strongest starting with California, then New Jersey, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Hawaii, New York, Maryland, Illinois, Rhode Island and finally Michigan. The states with weakest gun laws were ranked as follow: South Dakota, Arizona, Mississippi, Vermont, Louisiana, Montana, Wyoming, Kentucky, Kansas, and Oklahoma. A comparable study of state laws was also conducted in 2016.[114] Based on these findings, The Law Center concluded that comprehensive gun laws reduce gun violence deaths, whereas weaker guns laws increase gun-related deaths. Furthermore, among different kinds of legislation, universal background checks were the most effective at reducing gun-related deaths.[115]

text: Gallup poll[edit]

text: The Gallup organization regularly polls Americans on their views on guns. On December 22, 2012:[116]

text:
44% supported a ban on "semi-automatic guns known as assault rifles."
92% supported background checks on all gun-show gun sales.
62% supported a ban on "high-capacity ammunition magazines that can contain more than 10 rounds."

text: On April 25, 2013:[117]

text:
56% supported reinstating and strengthening the assault weapons ban of 1994.
83% supported requiring background checks for all gun purchases.
51% supported limiting the sale of ammunition magazines to those with 10 rounds or less.

text: On October 6, 2013:[118]

text:
49% felt that gun laws should be more strict.
74% opposed civilian handgun bans.
37% said they had a gun in their home.
27% said they personally owned a gun.
60% of gun owners have guns for personal safety/protection, 36% for hunting, 13% for recreation/sport, 8% for target shooting, 5% as a Second Amendment right.

text: In January 2014:[119]

text:
40% are satisfied with the current state of gun laws, 55% are dissatisfied
31% want stricter control, 16% want less strict laws

text: On October 19, 2015:[120]

text:
55% said the law on sales of firearms should be more strict, 33% kept as they are, 11% less strict

this was sharply polarised by party, with 77% of Democrat supporters wanting stricter laws, against 27% of Republicans

72% continued to oppose civilian handgun bans.

text: National Rifle Association[edit]

text: A member poll conducted for the NRA between January 13 and 14, 2013 found:[121]

text:
90.7% of members favor "Reforming our mental health laws to help keep firearms out of the hands of people with mental illness." (A majority of 86.4% believe that strengthening laws this way would be more effective at preventing mass murders than banning semi-automatic rifles.)
92.2% of NRA members oppose gun confiscation via mandatory buy-back laws.
88.5% oppose banning semi-automatic firearms, firearms that shoot one bullet per trigger pull.
92.6% oppose a law requiring gun owners to register with the federal government.
92.0% oppose a federal law banning the sale of firearms between private citizens.
82.3% of members are in favor of a program that would place armed security professionals in every school.
72.5% agreed that President Obama's ultimate goal is the confiscation of many firearms that are currently legal.

text: Place of living of respondents:

text:
35.4% A rural area
26.4% A small town
22.9% A suburban area
14.7% An urban area or city

text: Regional Break:

text:
36.1% South
24.1% Mid-West
21.5% West
18.3% North-East / Mid-Atlantic

text: Political arguments[edit]

text: Rights-based arguments[edit]

text: Rights-based arguments involve the most fundamental question about gun control: to what degree the government has the authority to regulate guns.

text: Fundamental right[edit]

text: The primary author of the United States Bill of Rights, James Madison, considered them — including a right to keep and bear arms — to be "fundamental." In 1788, he wrote: "The political truths declared in that solemn manner acquire by degrees the character of fundamental maxims of free Government, and as they become incorporated with the national sentiment, counteract the impulses of interest and passion."[122][123]

text: The view that gun ownership is a fundamental right was affirmed by the U.S. Supreme Court in District of Columbia v. Heller (2008). The Court stated: "By the time of the founding, the right to have arms had become fundamental for English subjects."[124] The Court observed that the English Bill of Rights of 1689 had listed a right to arms as one of the fundamental rights of Englishmen. However, it should be noted that human rights law neither recognizes a right to firearms nor a human right to self-defense, but requires states instead to reasonably regulate and restrict the possession and use of firearms to protect the right to life.[125]

text: When the Court interpreted the Fourteenth Amendment in McDonald v. City of Chicago (2010), it looked to the year 1868, when the amendment was ratified, and said that most states had provisions in their constitutions explicitly protecting this right. The Court concluded: "It is clear that the Framers and ratifiers of the Fourteenth Amendment counted the right to keep and bear arms among those fundamental rights necessary to our system of ordered liberty."[126][127]

text: Second Amendment rights[edit]

text: The Second Amendment to the United States Constitution, adopted on December 15, 1791, states:

text: A well regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed.[128]

text: Prior to District of Columbia v. Heller, in the absence of a clear court ruling, there was debate about whether or not the Second Amendment included an individual right.[129] In Heller, the Court concluded that there is indeed such a right, but not an unlimited one.[129] Although the decision was not unanimous, all justices endorsed an individual right viewpoint, but differed on the scope of that right.[66][67]

text: Before Heller gun rights advocates argued that the Second Amendment protects an individual right to own guns. They stated that the phrase "the people" in that amendment applies to individuals rather than an organized collective, and that the phrase "the people" means the same thing in the 1st, 2nd, 4th, 9th, and 10th Amendments.[130]:55–87[131][132] They also said the Second's placement in the Bill of Rights defines it as an individual right.[133][134] As part of the Heller decision, the majority endorsed the view that the Second Amendment protects an individual, not unlimited, right to own guns. Political scientist Robert Spitzer and Supreme Court law clerk Gregory P. Magarian argued that this final decision by the Supreme Court was a misinterpretation of the U.S. Constitution.[135][136][137]

text: After the Heller decision there was an increased amount of attention on whether or not the Second Amendment applies to the states. In 2010 in the case of McDonald v. City Chicago, the Supreme Court ruled that the Second Amendment's provisions do apply to the states as a result of the Fourteenth Amendment.

text: Defense of self and state[edit]

text: The eighteenth-century English jurist William Blackstone (b. 1723), whose writings influenced the drafters of the U.S. Constitution,[138] called self-defense "the primary law of nature" which (he said) man-made law cannot take away.[139] Following Blackstone, the American jurist St. George Tucker (b. 1752) wrote that "the right of self-defense is the first law of nature; in most governments it has been the study of rulers to confine this right within the narrowest limits possible."[140]

text: In both Heller (2008) and McDonald (2010) the Supreme Court deemed that the right of self-defense is at least partly protected by the United States Constitution. The court left details of that protection to be worked out in future court cases.[141]

text: The two primary interest groups regarding this issue are the Brady Campaign and the National Rifle Association.[142] They have clashed, for example, regarding stand-your-ground laws which give individuals a legal right to use guns for defending themselves without any duty to retreat from a dangerous situation.[143] After the Supreme Court's 2008 decision in Heller, the Brady Campaign indicated that it would seek reasonable gun laws "without infringing on the right of law-abiding persons to possess guns for self-defense."[144]

text: Security against tyranny[edit]

text: Another fundamental political argument associated with the right to keep and bear arms is that banning or even regulating gun ownership makes government tyranny more likely.[145] A January 2013 Rasmussen Reports poll indicated that 65 percent of Americans believe the purpose of the Second Amendment is to "ensure that people are able to protect themselves from tyranny."[146] A Gallup poll in October 2013 showed that 60 percent of American gun owners mention "personal safety/protection" as a reason for owning them, and 5 percent mention a "Second Amendment right," among other reasons.[147] The anti-tyranny argument extends back to the days of colonial America and earlier in Great Britain.[148]

text: Various gun rights advocates and organizations, such as former governor Mike Huckabee,[149] former Congressman Ron Paul,[150] and Gun Owners of America,[9] say that an armed citizenry is the population's last line of defense against tyranny by their own government. This belief was also familiar at the time the Constitution was written.[151][152] A right of revolution was omitted from the Constitution, and instead the Constitution was designed to ensure a government deriving its power from the consent of the governed.[153]

text: Gun rights advocates such as Stephen Halbrook and Wayne LaPierre support the "Nazi gun control" theory. The theory states that gun regulations enforced by the Third Reich rendered victims of the Holocaust weak, and that more effective resistance to oppression would have been possible if they had been better armed.[154]:484[155]:87–8,167–8 Other authoritarian regimes gun laws have also been brought up. This counterfactual history theory is not supported by mainstream scholarship,[156]:412,414[157]:671,677[158]:728 though it is an element of a "security against tyranny" argument in U.S. politics.[159]

text: The Declaration of Independence mentions "the Right of the People to alter or to abolish" the government, and Abraham Lincoln's first inaugural address reiterated the "revolutionary right" of the people.[160] In 1957, the legal scholar Roscoe Pound expressed a different view:[161][162] He stated, "A legal right of the citizen to wage war on the government is something that cannot be admitted. ... In the urban industrial society of today a general right to bear efficient arms so as to be enabled to resist oppression by the government would mean that gangs could exercise an extra-legal rule which would defeat the whole Bill of Rights."

text: Historian Don Higginbotham wrote that the well-regulated militia protected by the Second Amendment was more likely to put down rebellions than participate in them.[163] American gun rights activist Larry Pratt says that the anti-tyranny argument for gun rights is supported by successful efforts in Guatemala and the Philippines to arm ordinary citizens against communist insurgency in the 1980s.[164][165] Gun-rights advocacy groups argue that the only way to enforce democracy is through having the means of resistance.[130]:55–87[131][132] Militia-movement groups cite the Battle of Athens (Tennessee, 1946) as an example of citizens who "[used] armed force to support the Rule of Law" in what they said was a rigged county election.[166] Then-senator John F. Kennedy wrote in 1960 that, "it is extremely unlikely that the fears of governmental tyranny which gave rise to the Second Amendment will ever be a major danger to our nation...."[167] However, there is scant empirical evidence that firearms proliferation and the maintenance of democratic institutions are positively related; instead, institutions to protect human rights, fundamental freedoms and the rule of law and also socioeconomic rights have been proven to be far more important factors in preventing military coups or other threats to democracy.[168]

text: Public policy arguments[edit]

text: Public policy arguments are based on the idea that the central purpose of government is to establish and maintain order. This is done through public policy, which Blackstone defined as "the due regulation and domestic order of the kingdom, whereby the inhabitants of the State, like members of a well-governed family, are bound to conform their general behavior to the rules of propriety, good neighborhood, and good manners, and to be decent, industrious, and inoffensive in their respective stations."[1]:2–3

text: Gun violence debate[edit]

text: The public policy debates about gun violence include discussions about firearms deaths – including homicide, suicide, and unintentional deaths – as well as the impact of gun ownership, criminal and legal, on gun violence outcomes. After the tragedy of Sandy Hook the majority of people including gun owners and non gun owners wanted the government to spend more money in order to improve mental health screening and treatment, to deter gun violence in America.In the United States in 2009 there were 3.0 recorded intentional homicides committed with a firearm per 100,000 inhabitants. The U.S. ranks 28 in the world for gun homicides per capita.[169] A U.S. male aged 15–24 is 70 times more likely to be killed with a gun than their counterpart in the eight (G-8) largest industrialized nations in the world (United Kingdom, France, Germany, Japan, Canada, Italy, Russia).[170] In 2015, there were 33,636 deaths due to firearms, and some claim as many as 372 mass shootings, in the U.S, while guns were used to kill about 50 people in the U.K.[170] However, using the FBI definition of a "mass shooting" there were only 4 in the U.S. in 2015.[171] More people are typically killed with guns in the U.S. in a day (about 85) than in the U.K. in a year.[170]

text: Within the gun politics debate, gun control and gun rights advocates disagree over the role that guns play in crime. Gun control advocates concerned about high levels of gun violence in the United States look to restrictions on gun ownership as a way to stem the violence and say that increased gun ownership leads to higher levels of crime, suicide and other negative outcomes.[172][173] Gun rights groups say that a well-armed citizenry prevents crime and that making civilian ownership of firearms illegal would increase the crime rate by making law-abiding citizens vulnerable to those who choose to disregard the law.[174][175] They say that more people defend themselves with a gun every year than the police arrest for violent crimes and burglary[176] and that private citizens legally shoot almost as many criminals as public police officers do.[177]

text: Studies using FBI data and Police Reports of the incidents, have found that there are approximately 1500 verified instances of firearms used in self-defense annually in the United States.[178] Survey-based research derived from data gathered by the National Crime Victimization Survey has generated estimates that, out of roughly 5.5 million violent crime victims in the U.S. annually approximately 1.1 percent, or 55,000 used a firearm in self-defense (175,000 for the 3-year period.) [179] When including property crimes, of the 15.5 million victims of property crimes annually found in the survey (46.5 million for 2013-2015), the NCV survey data yielded estimates that around 0.2 percent of property crime victims, or 36,000 annually (109,000 for the 3-year period) used a firearm in self-defense from the loss of property.[179] Researchers working from the most recent NCVS data sets have found approximately 95,000 uses of a firearm in self-defense in the U.S. each year (284,000 for the years 2013-2015.[179] In addition, the United States has the highest rate of firearm ownership than any other nation, this coincides with higher rates of homicides. For example, between 1988 and 1997, there were 233251 homicides and 68% of them were killed by guns, within the United States.[citation needed]

text: Criminal violence[edit]

text: There is an open debate regarding a causal connection (or the lack of one) between gun control and its effect on gun violence and other crimes. The numbers of lives saved or lost by gun ownership is debated by criminologists. Research difficulties include the difficulty of accounting accurately for confrontations in which no shots are fired and jurisdictional differences in the definition of "crime." Furthermore,

text: Such research is also subject to a more fundamental difficulty affecting all research in this field: the effectiveness of the Criminal Law in preventing crime in general or in specific cases is inherently and notoriously difficult to prove and measure, and thus issues in establishing a causal link between gun control or particular gun control policies and violent crime must be understood to be an aspect of a more general empirical difficulty, which pervades the fields of Criminology and Law at large. It is not simple, for example, to prove a causal connection between the laws against murder and the prevailing murder rates, either. Consequently, this general background must be appreciated when discussing the causal and empirical issues here.

text: A study published in The American Journal of Economics and Sociology in 1997 concluded that the amount of gun related crime and deaths is affected more by the state of the area in terms of unemployment, alcohol problems and drug problems instead of the laws and regulations.[180] This study analysed statistics gathered on the amount of gun crime in states with strict and lenient gun policies and determined that the amount of gun crime is related to how run down economically an area is.

text: A 2003 CDC study determined "The Task Force found insufficient evidence to determine the effectiveness of any of the firearms laws or combinations of laws reviewed on violent outcomes."[53] They go on to state "a finding of insufficient evidence to determine effectiveness should not be interpreted as evidence of ineffectiveness but rather as an indicator that additional research is needed before an intervention can be evaluated for its effectiveness."

text: In 2009, the Public Health Law Research program,[181] an independent organization, published several evidence briefs summarizing the research assessing the effect of a specific law or policy on public health, that concern the effectiveness of various laws related to gun safety. Among their findings:

text:
There is not enough evidence to establish the effectiveness of "shall issue" laws, as distinct from "may issue" laws, as a public health intervention to reduce violent crime.[182]
There is insufficient evidence to determine the effectiveness of waiting period laws as public health interventions aimed at preventing gun-related violence and suicide.[183]
Although child access prevention laws may represent a promising intervention for reducing gun-related morbidity and mortality among children, there is currently insufficient evidence to validate their effectiveness as a public health intervention aimed at reducing gun-related harms.[184]
There is insufficient evidence to establish the effectiveness of such bans as public health interventions aimed at reducing gun-related harms.[185]
There is insufficient evidence to validate the effectiveness of firearm licensing and registration requirements as legal interventions aimed a reducing fire-arm related harms.[186]

text: Homicide[edit]

text: With 5% of the world's population, U.S. residents own roughly 50% of the world's civilian-owned firearms. In addition, up to 48% of households within America have guns.[188] According to the UNODC, 60% of U.S. homicides in 2009 were perpetrated using a firearm.[189] U.S. homicide rates vary widely from state to state. In 2014, the lowest homicide rates were in New Hampshire, North Dakota, and Vermont (each 0.0 per 100,000 people), and the highest were in Louisiana (11.7) and Mississippi (11.4).[190]

text: Gary Kleck, a criminologist at Florida State University, and his colleague Marc Gertz, published a study in 1995 estimating that approximately 2.5 million American adults used their gun in self-defense annually. The incidents that Kleck extrapolated based on his questionnaire results generally did not involve the firing of the gun, and he estimates that as many as 1.9 million of those instances involved a handgun.[191]:164 These studies have been subject to criticism on a number of methodological and logical grounds.[192]

text: Another study from the same period, the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS), estimated 65,000 DGUs (Defensive gun use) annually. The NCVS survey differed from Kleck's study in that it only interviewed those who reported a threatened, attempted, or completed victimization for one of six crimes: rape, robbery, assault, burglary, non-business larceny, and motor vehicle theft. A National Research Council report said that Kleck's estimates appeared to be exaggerated and that it was almost certain that "some of what respondents designate[d] as their own self-defense would be construed as aggression by others".[193]

text: Research based on the NCVS data set largely confirms Hemenway’s earlier results, showing approcimately 55,000 uses of a firearm in self-defense from a violent crime in the United States for the 3-year period of 2013-2015.[179]

text: In a review of his own research, Kleck determined that, of 41 studies half of them found a connection between gun ownership and homicide but these were usually least rigorous studies. Only six studies controlled at least six statistically significant confound variables, and none of them showed a significant positive effect. Eleven macro-level studies showed that crime rates increase gun levels (not vice versa). The reason that there is no opposite effect may be that most owners are noncriminals and that they may use guns to prevent violence.[194]

text: Commenting on the external validity of Kleck's report, David Hemenway, director of the Harvard Injury Control Research Center, said: "Given the number of victims allegedly being saved with guns, it would seem natural to conclude that owning a gun substantially reduces your chances of being murdered. Yet a careful case-control study of homicide in the home found that a gun in the home was associated with an increased rather than a reduced risk of homicide. Virtually all of this risk involved homicide by a family member or intimate acquaintance."[195]:1443 Kleck however pointed out that most of the firearms used in the Kellermann study were not the same ones kept in the household by the victim.[196] Similarly in 2007 when the Permit-To-Purchase law was repealed in Missouri,2008 saw a 34% increase in the rate of firearm homicides in that year alone, and the figure continues to be higher than the figure pre-2007.[197]

text: One study found that homicide rates as a whole, especially those as a result of firearms use, are not always significantly lower in many other developed countries. Kleck wrote, "...cross-national comparisons do not provide a sound basis for assessing the impact of gun ownership levels on crime rates."[198] One study published in the International Journal of Epidemiology, which found that for the year of 1998: "During the one-year study period (1998), 88,649 firearm deaths were reported. Overall firearm mortality rates are five to six times higher in high-income (HI) and upper middle-income (UMI) countries in the Americas (12.72) than in Europe (2.17) or Oceania (2.57) and 95 times higher than in Asia (0.13). The rate of firearm deaths in the United States (14.24 per 100,000) exceeds that of its economic counterparts (1.76) eightfold and that of UMI countries (9.69) by a factor of 1.5. Suicide and homicide contribute equally to total firearm deaths in the U.S., but most firearm deaths are suicides (71%) in HI countries and homicides (72%) in UMI countries."[199]

text: Suicide[edit]

text: Firearms accounted for 51.5% of U.S. suicides in 2013, and suicides account for 63% of all firearm-related deaths.[200] According to Kleck, most research has found no relationship between gun availability and suicide rates.[201] In contrast, a 2012 review by researchers at the Harvard School of Public Health found that in the United States, the percent of suicide attempts that prove fatal is "strongly related to the availability of household firearms."[202]

text: Federal and state laws[edit]

text: The number of federal and state gun laws is unknown. A 2005 American Journal of Preventive Medicine study says 300,[203] and the NRA says 20,000, though the Washington Post fact checker says of that decades-old figure: "This 20,000 figure appears to be an ancient guesstimate that has hardened over the decades into a constantly repeated, never-questioned talking point. It could be lower, or higher, depending on who's counting what."[204]

text: Federal laws[edit]

text: Federal gun laws are enforced by the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF). Most federal gun laws were enacted through:[205][206]

text:
National Firearms Act (1934)
Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968 (1968)
Gun Control Act of 1968 (1968)
Firearm Owners Protection Act (1986)
Undetectable Firearms Act (1988)
Gun-Free School Zones Act of 1990 (1990) (ruled unconstitutional as originally written; upheld after minor edits were made by Congress)
Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act (1993)
Federal Assault Weapons Ban (1994) (expired 2004)

text: State laws and constitutions[edit]

text: In addition to federal gun laws, all U.S. states and some local jurisdictions have imposed their own firearms restrictions. Each of the fifty states has its own laws regarding guns.

text: Forty four of the fifty US states have the right to keep and bear arms written into their state constitutions.[207] The text of these constitutional provisions vary. For example, Hawaii's constitution simply copies the text of the Second Amendment verbatim,[208] while North Carolina and South Carolina begin with the same but continue with an injunction against maintaining standing armies.[209][210] Alaska also begins with the full text of the Second Amendment, but adds that the right "shall not be denied or infringed by the State or a political subdivision of the State".[211] Rhode Island subtracts the first half of the Second Amendment, leaving only, "[t]he right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed".[212]

text: The majority of the remaining states' constitutions differ from the text of the U.S. Constitution primarily in their clarification of exactly to whom the right belongs or by the inclusion of additional, specific protections or restrictions. Seventeen states refer to the right to keep and bear arms as being an individual right, with Utah and Alaska referring to it explicitly as "[t]he individual right to keep and bear arms",[211][213] while the other fifteen refer to the right as belonging to "every citizen",[214] "all individuals",[215] "all persons",[216] or another, very similar phrase.[nb 1] In contrast are four states which make no mention whatever of an individual right or of defense of one's self as a valid basis for the right to arms. Arkansas, Massachusetts, and Tennessee all state that the right is "for the common defense",[229][230][231] while Virginia's constitution explicitly indicates that the right is derived from the need for a militia to defend the state.[232]

text: Most state constitutions enumerate one or more reasons for the keeping of arms. Twenty-four states include self-defense as a valid, protected use of arms;[nb 2] twenty-eight cite defense of the state as a proper purpose.[nb 3] Ten states extend the right to defense of home and/or property,[nb 4] five include the defense of family,[nb 5] and six add hunting and recreation.[nb 6] Idaho is uniquely specific in its provision that "[n]o law shall impose licensure, registration, or special taxation on the ownership or possession of firearms or ammunition. Nor shall any law permit the confiscation of firearms, except those actually used in the commission of a felony".[233] Fifteen state constitutions include specific restrictions on the right to keep and bear arms. Florida's constitution calls for a three-day waiting period for all modern cartridge handgun purchases, with exceptions for handgun purchases by those holding a CCW license, or for anyone who purchases a black-powder handgun.[234] Illinois prefaces the right by indicating that it is "[s]ubject...to the police power".[224] Florida and the remaining thirteen states with specific restrictions all carry a provision to the effect that the state legislature may enact laws regulating the carrying, concealing, and/or wearing of arms.[nb 7] Forty states preempt some or all local gun laws, due in part to campaigning by the NRA for such legislation.[235]


document_title: End of day

question_text: when is the end of a working day

question_tokens: when is the end of a working day

root

text: End of day

text: This article does not cite any sources. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (January 2016) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)

tag: table

text: End of day (EOD), end of business (EOB), close of business (COB), close of play (COP) or end of play (EOP) is the end of the trading day in financial markets, the point when trading ceases. In some markets it is actually defined as the point in time a few minutes prior to the actual cessation of trading, when the regular traders' orders are no longer received. During this period, the market is performing what is called a "Run To Cash", which is when the market is reconciling to its underlying cash market. EOB, COB and COP in the U.S. is usually at 5:00 pm but typically 5:30 pm in the United Kingdom while EOD is 23:59.

tag: p

text: In United States Military[edit]

text: In the United States Military, end of day or close of business is the time when all scheduled training and administrative work stops. The unit's senior noncommissioned officer may hold a formation at this time. During this formation, guidance is given to the enlisted members, the unit commander may publish information and the unit is given the command fall out, which usually means done for the day. However, some members of the unit, especially maintenance crews, may continue working.


document_title: There's No One Quite Like Grandma

question_text: who sang there no one quite like grandma

text: There's No One Quite Like Grandma

text:
"There's No One Quite Like Grandma"

Single by St Winifred's School Choir

B-side
"Pinocchio"

Released
November 1980

Genre
MOR

Length
2:58

Label
Music for Pleasure[1]

Songwriter(s)
Gordon Lorenz[1]

Producer(s)
Peter Tattersall[1]

text: "There's No One Quite Like Grandma" was a number-one hit in the UK Singles Chart,[2] by the Stockport-based primary school choir St Winifred's School Choir from 27 December 1980 to 3 January 1981.[3] It was written by Gordon Lorenz.

text: The song was a Christmas number-one single in both the UK and Ireland. In the UK, it demoted John Lennon's last single, "(Just Like) Starting Over," to number two.[1][2] After two weeks at number one, a previous Lennon song, "Imagine," replaced it. This was a posthumous release as Lennon had been killed three weeks prior. Another song that "There's No One Quite Like Grandma" prevented from reaching number one was "Stop the Cavalry" by Jona Lewie, which has since become a Christmas favourite in the UK but finished at number three on the Christmas chart.

text: More recently, the song was used within the one-off Channel 4 comedy by Peter Kay called Britain's Got the Pop Factor..., which had Sally Lindsay, who was in the original choir of the song, in a cameo role. Furthermore, an extract of the song is always used in the "Granny Brainiac" segment in Series 3 of Sky One TV show Brainiac: Science Abuse.

text: In October 2009, the song was re-recorded by 14 members of the original choir.[4] It was released in the UK in November 2009 as part of food company Innocent Drinks' "Big Knit" campaign, to raise money for Age Concern.

text: The song was covered by Leilah and Jeordie (daughters of Melanie Safka) in 1981, and this version charted on the Canadian singles chart at No. 27 in January 1982.[5]


document_title: Kath & Kim

question_text: who sings the joker is me on kath and kim

text: Kath & Kim

text: History[edit]

text: The characters of Kath, Kim (created by Riley and Turner) and Sharon (created and played by Magda Szubanski[2]) first featured in the early 1990s as a weekly segment of the Australian comedy series Big Girl's Blouse (Seven, 1994–95).[3] They also appeared in Something Stupid (Seven, 1998).[3]

text: The skits were developed by Riley and Turner into a full series. The first series of Kath & Kim premiered on ABC TV on 16 May 2002, with three further series following, while a television movie, entitled Da Kath and Kim Code, was broadcast nationally on 25 November 2005. Kath & Kim has garnered much critical acclaim since its debut, winning two Logie Award, for "Outstanding Comedy Programme" and the "Best Television Drama Series" award at the Australian Film Institute Awards. In Australia, it has become a pop-culture phenomenon, and is a success with audiences nationwide. Internationally, the series has spawned a cult fanbase.

text: Fourth series[edit]

text: The fourth series of Kath & Kim began airing on the Seven Network on 19 August 2007, due to the contract expiring with ABC. The first episode of series four attracted an Australian audience of 2.521 million nationally,[4] the highest rating ever for a first episode in the history of Australian television,[4] until the series premiere of Underbelly: A Tale of Two Cities in 2009 with 2.58 million viewers.[5]

text: American version[edit]

text: Due to the success that Kath & Kim has achieved internationally, it was remade for US audiences by NBC.[6][7][8] Riley and Turner served as executive producers on the US version. In this remake, actress Molly Shannon has taken the role of Kath Day,[9] and Selma Blair the role of Kim.[10] The character of Sharon does not appear at the insistence of Szubanski.

text: NBC chose Jason Ensler to direct. Michelle Nader developed the series for American television, which premiered in the United States as part of the Fall schedule of 2008. The series started to shoot in California in July 2008. NBC debuted the US adaptation on 9 October 2008, while Seven started screening it to Australian viewers on 12 October 2008. After airing only two episodes, Seven dropped the sitcom from their lineup due to poor ratings, only to bring it back several weeks later as a late-night schedule filler. In America, reviews were poor, but it averaged roughly around 5 to 7 million viewers per week, and was rewarded with a full season order in October 2008.[11][12] On Tuesday, 19 May 2009, NBC announced that there would not be a second season of "Kath & Kim".

text: 2012 Film[edit]

text: On 9 March 2011, Turner and Riley announced plans for a movie, in which, Kath, Kim, Kel, Brett, Sharon and Epponnee would head overseas on holiday. Contracts were written to finance the film's production under the working title of The Kath & Kim Filum, with the word 'film' deliberately misspelt with the letter 'u' in typical Kath and Kim humour.[13] However, the title Kath & Kimderella was ultimately used, and the film was released in Australia on 6 September 2012.[14] It was directed by Ted Emery (director of the television series) and produced by Rick McKenna. The holiday scenes were shot in Positano, Italy and filming took a total of two weeks.[15]

text: The film was released in Australian cinemas on 6 September 2012.[14] It grossed in excess of $2.1 million in its first weekend on Australian movie screens.[16]

text: Re-runs[edit]

text: In 2017, the rights to the series were acquired by the Nine Network which began airing repeats of the series from 1 August 2017 until 21 November 2017.[17]

text: Premise[edit]

text: Kath & Kim follows the day-to-day Australian suburban life of Kath Day-Knight (Jane Turner), her only child Kimberly (Kim) Diane Craig née Poole (Gina Riley), Kim's husband and Computa City salesman, Brett Craig (Peter Rowsthorn), Kath's love interest and eventual husband who works as a "purveyor of fine meats", Kel Knight (Glenn Robbins), and long-time family friend Sharon Strzelecki (Magda Szubanski).

text: The main setting is Kath's townhouse in Fountain Lakes. It is taped in a house in the waterfront street of Lagoon Place, Patterson Lakes, Victoria.[1] The house's exact location is 4 Lagoon Place, Patterson Lakes, Victoria.

text: The storyline of first series follows Kath's engagement and plans for her wedding to Kel. Kim frequently stays in her mother's house owing to her rocky relationship with Brett (most of which is due to her own childish, spoilt, and rude behaviour towards Brett). Sharon's always around with a helping hand and her own relationship problems. Her history with Brett is also explored.

text: The second series follows Kim's pregnancy and her rekindled relationship with Brett. Kath and Kel's relationship goes through some teething troubles. Kim and Brett have a baby in the final episode of the second series whom they name Epponn'knee-Raelene Kathleen Darlene Charlene Craig, shortened to Epponn'knee-Rae. Several episodes of the third series focus on Epponn'knee-Rae. The third-season finale features an adult Epponn'knee-Rae, played by Kylie Minogue.

text: Storylines follow the characters' day-to-day lives, and document their personal struggles and the banality of their achievements and aspirations. Kath & Kim satirises the mother-daughter relationship and the habits and values of modern suburban Australians, and emphasises the kitsch and superficial elements of contemporary society, particularly the traditional working class which has progressed to a level of affluence (or "effluence" as quoted by Kath) which previous generations had been unable to achieve. Despite this affluence, good taste and a sense of cultural sophistication still eludes the titular characters.

text: They visit places such as the Westfield Fountain Gate (some parts filmed at Westfield Southland), the local IKEA, Target, and various local restaurants.

text: It also occasionally mocks Australian and international mass popular culture, such as popular reality television shows Big Brother and Australian Idol. It sometimes makes statements about Australian politics. The crass and embarrassing behaviour of the characters, and their gaudy, out-dated fashion sense are popular features of the show. Processed and widely recognised Australian foods, such as Jatz crackers, Tim Tams and Fruiche yoghurt are frequently referenced in the series.

text: During the credits, most episodes end with Kath and Kim sitting in Kath's back yard, chatting about issues related to the episode. Sometimes these chats help to complete the story which was told during episode.

text: Catch phrases[edit]

text: The highly developed alternative vocabulary including the mixed metaphors, hypercorrection, malapropisms, eggcorns (like "effluent" instead of "affluent"), and mis-pronunciations of the regular characters are much-repeated by the show's fans. These include: "Look at moy" (look at me)—used by Kath to command attention during arguments, and "It's noice, different and unusual"—used by Kath, Kim and Sharon to express approval or agreement.

text: Costuming[edit]

text: Second-hand shops were used for Kath's clothing, whereas Kim was dressed in current trends.[18]

text: Cast and characters[edit]

text: Main Cast[edit]

text:
Jane Turner as Kath Day-Knight - A middle aged woman
Gina Riley as Kim Craig - Kath's lazy daughter, in her 20s
Magda Szubanski as Sharon Strzelecki - Kim's "second best friend", described as very unlucky in love
Glenn Robbins as Kel Knight - Kath's boyfriend and later husband, a metrosexual man
Peter Rowsthorn as Brett Craig - Kim's husband

tag: ul

text: Recurring cast[edit]

text:
Zara Harrington, Emma Le Boeuf and Makayla Berkers as Epponnee-Rae Craig - Kim's baby (series 2, episode 8 and onwards)
Jane Turner and Gina Riley as Prue and Trude, two snobby women who work in a homewares store (8 episodes + TV movie)
Marg Downey as Marion, a new age marriage celebrant and counsellor (6 episodes)
Mick Molloy as Gary Poole, Kim's father (2 episodes)
William McInnes (credited as Rock Hampton) as Sandy Freckle, long-time friend of Kel (2 episodes)
Tony Martin as Mark, romantic interest of Sharon (4 episodes)
Peta Brady as Kelly, Brett's supervisor at work (4 episodes + TV movie)
Mark Trevorrow as Daryl Lee, a camp man who works in a men's wear shop (3 episodes + TV movie)
Luke Lennox as Brodie (1 episode + TV movie)
Matt Lucas (as Sharon's sister, 2 episodes)

text: Guest cast[edit]

text:
Eric Bana (as himself, 1 episode)
Alan Brough (first name used, 1 episode)
Michael Bublé (as himself, TV movie)
Sibylla Budd
Rhonda Burchmore (as herself, TV movie)
Glenn Butcher
John Clarke
Vince Colosimo
Gerry Connolly
Rachel Griffiths (as herself, 1 episode)
Donna Hay (as herself)
Mark Holden (as himself, 1 episode)
Barry Humphries (TV movie, and movie (as Edna Everage))
Colin Lane
Judith Lucy (1 episode, TV movie)
Rove McManus (as himself)
Andrew O'Keefe (as himself)
Geoffrey Rush (1 episode)
Rob Sitch (1 episode)
Shane Warne (as a Shane Warne impersonator who marries Sharon, 1 episode)
The Wiggles (as themselves, TV movie)
Frank Woodley (1 episode)
Kylie Minogue (as an adult Epponnee-Rae Craig in episode 3x8, also made brief appearance in episode 3x7)

text: Several guest stars are well-known Australian comedy performers, some of whom previously worked with Turner or Riley. Buble and Lucas were fans of the show and asked to appear in it. Humphries declared himself a fan of the series before taking part.

text: Episodes[edit]

text: The title sequence shows the main five regular characters over a white background. In Series 3, it was amended to include Epponnee-Rae and Cujo. The five regular cast members are then credited over aerial shots of suburban houses. Szubanski is credited as "Special Guest Star," despite appearing in every episode. The theme song is "The Joker," performed by Gina Riley. A re-recording of it debuted in the telemovie opening sequence and has continued into Series 4.

text: Twenty-four episodes lasting approximately twenty-five minutes each across three series aired on ABC TV from 2002 to 2004. The series debuted on 15 May 2002 on the ABC Network with "Sex" and became one of the highest rated shows for ABC.[citation needed] A replacement of a full series occurred in 2005 with the telemovie Da Kath & Kim Code. The fourth series of Kath & Kim premiered on 19 August 2007 at 7:30 pm on the Seven Network with a total of eight episodes.

text: In late 2009, they announced that writing has begun on Series 5,[19] but by May 2010, Turner said: "We sort of felt like it was the end two years ago. We thought, ‘We’ve done enough and the well is dry and we can’t think of any more ideas’ … We think we might just leave it for now."[20] The movie was released in 2012.

text:
Series
Episodes
Originally aired
DVD release

Season premiere
Season finale
Region 2
Region 4

1
8
16 May 2002
4 July 2002
20 June 2005
8 October 2002

2
8
18 September 2003
6 November 2003
27 November 2006
24 November 2003

3
8
7 October 2004
25 November 2004
TBA
30 November 2004

Telemovie
27 November 2005
TBA
1 December 2005

4
8
19 August 2007
14 October 2007
TBA
17 October 2007

Movie
from 6 September 2012 in cinemas

23 May 2013

text: Reception[edit]

text: The first series of Kath and Kim attracted criticism that the creators were making fun of the lower class in Australian society.[21]

text: Ratings[edit]

text: This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (September 2007)

text: Kath & Kim premiered on 16 May 2002 and became one of ABC's highest rated shows. When the show premiered on the Seven Network, it became the highest rating episode in Australian television history, until the record was broken by Nine Network's Underbelly: A Tale of Two Cities on 9 February 2009. The fourth series of Kath & Kim debuted with a record breaking 2.511 million viewers peaking at 2.731 million. In its second and third episodes viewers fell to 1.994 & 1.817 million respectively, however viewers then rebounded for its fourth and fifth episodes with ratings of 2.047 & 2.157 million respectively. Strong ratings continued with viewers of 2.049 and 2.066 million for the sixth and seventh episodes. The eighth episode and series finale rated 2.338 million giving the fourth series an average viewership of 2.122 million, making it the highest rating series in Australia for 2007 and the highest rating of all four series of the show.[citation needed]

text: Channel Seven have since started showing repeats of the show from series one onwards which had previously only aired on the ABC network. The repeats have proved quite successful, rating 1.465 and 1.530 so far, winning in a very competitive timeslot and being amongst the highest rating shows of the week.[22]

text:
Season
Episodes
Originally aired
Network
Viewers (millions)
Rank

Season premiere
Season finale

1
8
16 May 2002
4 July 2002
ABC
1.254[23]
#15

2
8
18 September 2003
6 November 2003
1.755[23]
#1

3
8
7 October 2004
25 November 2004
1.829[24]
#1

4
8
19 August 2007
14 October 2007
Seven Network
2.127[24]
#1

text: Merchandise[edit]

text: The enduring public interest and popularity of Kath and Kim has led to a merchandising industry. The title family and supporting characters appear on everything from T-shirts to posters. The Kath & Kim series have been released on VHS (although titles are now discontinued in the VHS format) and DVD, in box-sets and separate series editions in both Region 4 (Australia, New Zealand, Latin America) as well as Region 2 (Europe). The series has also had a CD release, featuring songs from the series and recordings from Kath and Kim. In addition, there have been clothing (such as aprons, T-shirts and oven mitts). Merchandise is available to purchase online, from the Kath & Kim official website.

text: CD releases[edit]

text:
Album info

Kath & Kim's Party Tape

Release date: 2 May 2004 [1]
Chart positions: #17 (Australian Albums Chart)[2]
Accreditation: Gold (50,000+ units sold)[3]

In 2004, Kath & Kim's Party Tape was released in Australia under the Universal record label. It features 21 tracks including the full length version of the show's title theme, "The Joker" (as sung by Gina Riley) as well as Diana Ross and Lionel Richie's "Endless Love" and Donna Summer's "MacArthur Park".

text: Track listing[edit]

text:
Gina Riley – "The Joker"
Kath & Kim (Jane Turner and Gina Riley) – "Wine Time #1"
The Tubes – "Don't Touch Me There"
Bobby Hebb – "Sunny"
Kath & Kim – "Wine Time #2"
Diana Ross and Lionel Richie – "Endless Love"
Status Quo – "Roll Over Lay Down"
Kath & Kim – "Wine Time #3"
The Supremes – "Rhythm of Life"
Van McCoy – "The Hustle"
Yvonne Elliman – "If I Can't Have You"
Donna Summer – "MacArthur Park"
Kath & Kim – "Wine Time #4"
The Commodores – "Three Times a Lady"
Sérgio Mendes and Brasil '66 – "Day Tripper"
Kath & Kim – "Wine Time #5"
Yvonne Fair – "It Should Have Been Me"
Stephanie Mills – "Never Knew Love Like This Before"
Kath & Kim – "Wine Time #6"
Captain & Tennille – "Love Will Keep Us Together"
Kath & Kim – "Lady Bump"

tag: ol

text: DVD releases[edit]

text: Single seasons[edit]

text:
Season
Episodes
Discs
DVD release date

Region 2
Region 4

1
8
2
United Kingdom: 20 June 2005
Australia: 8 October 2002

This release of the complete first season has a total running time of 202 minutes and contains all 8 episodes. Special features include features entitled "Being Stewpid", "Wine Time Philosophy" and "Scenes that are different, un-ewes-yewl" as well as re-living Brett And Kim's Connubials!

text:
Season
Episodes
Discs
DVD release date

Region 2
Region 4

2
8
2
United Kingdom: 27 November 2006
Australia: 24 November 2003

This release of the complete second season has a total running time of 215 minutes and contains all 8 episodes. Special features include features entitled "A bit of huffy puffy with Kath and Kel", "More Yumor", "More Wine Time philosophy" and "Scenes that are different, un-ewes-yewl".

text:
Season
Episodes
Discs
DVD release date

Region 4

3
8
2
Australia: 30 November 2004

This release of the complete third season has a total running time of 248 minutes and contains all 8 episodes. Special features includes a feature entitled "'In the Raw' with Kath & Kim" as well as goof reels, deleted scenes, a performance of "Lady Bump" at the Logies, interviews with Kath & Kim, bonus "Wine Time" material as well as Prue and Trued telling it how it is.

text:
Season
Episodes
Discs
DVD release date

Region 4

4
8
2
Australia: 17 October 2007

text: Box sets[edit]

text:
Seasons
Episodes
Discs
DVD release date

Region 2
Region 4

1 & 2
16
4
United Kingdom: 27 November 2006
Australia: 8 April 2004

This box set of the first and second seasons has a total running time of 431 minutes. It contains the same special features as the single season releases.

text:
Seasons
Episodes
Discs
DVD release date

Region 4

1–3
24
6
Australia: 7 April 2005

This box set of the first, second and third seasons has a total running time of 686 minutes. It contains the same special features as the single season releases.

text:
Seasons
Episodes
Discs
DVD release date

Region 4

1–4
32
8
Australia: 6 November 2008

Special box set featuring all four seasons. Called The Hornbag Collection.

text:
Seasons
Episodes
Discs
DVD release date

Region 4

1 & 2
16
4
Australia: 2 July 2009

Called Kath & Kim: Series 1 & 2. Total running time 417 minutes. Contains the same special features as single season releases. Released through Roadshow Entertainment. Cover artwork states that it is PAL Region 4 but the discs have All Regions printed.

text:
Seasons
Episodes
Discs
DVD release date

Region 4

3 & 4
16
4
Australia: 2 July 2009

Called Kath & Kim: Series 3 & 4. Total Running Time 513 minutes. Contains the same special features as single season releases. Released through Roadshow Entertainment. Cover artwork states that it is PAL Region 4 but the discs have All Regions printed.

text:
Seasons
Episodes
Discs
DVD release date

Region 4

1–4
32
8
Australia: 1 April 2010

Called Kath & Kim Kollection Series 1–4.

text: Other DVDs[edit]

text: Da Kath & Kim Code[edit]

text:
Discs
DVD release date

Region 4

2
Australia: 1 December 2005

text: Da Kath & Kim Code repackage[edit]

text:
Discs
DVD release date

Region 4

2
Australia: 1 April 2010

This release of Da Kath & Kim Code features two discs with a total running time of 164 minutes. It contains the telemovie as well as special features including an exended ending for the telemovie, behind the scenes, goofs, a feature entitled "Barry Humphries at 'The Buckingham'", deleted scenes as well as a feature entitled "Kath & Kim & Bert". The release also includes "Live in London" content which includes Kath & Kim live at the Toast Festival, wine tasting, talking to the BBC as well as having "A Current Affair".

text: Awards and nominations[edit]

text: This section does not cite any sources. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (February 2015) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)

text: The show itself, and the cast, have been nominated several television awards in the past, including AFI Awards and Logies. In addition, Kath and Kim and Da Kath and Kim Code have won four major awards for the show itself.

text:
Year
Award
Category
Recipients and nominees
Result

2002
AFI Awards
Best Actress in a Supporting or Guest Role in a Television Drama at the AFI Awards
Magda Szubanski
Won

2002
AFI Awards
Best Screenplay in a Television Drama at the AFI Awards

Won

2002
AFI Awards
Best Television Drama Series at the AFI Awards

Won

2003
Logies
Most Outstanding Comedy Program at the Logies

Won

2004
Logies
Most Outstanding Comedy Program at the Logies (tied with CNNNN)

Won

2004
Logies
Most Popular Light Entertainment or Comedy Program

Won

text: Nominated[edit]

text:
2002: Best Screenplay in a Television Drama at the AFI Awards
2003, 2004, 2005: Most Popular Light Entertainment / Comedy Program at the Logies
2003, 2004: Best Actor in a Leading Role in a Television Drama or Comedy (Glenn Robbins) at the AFI Awards
2003, 2004: Best Actress in a Leading Role in a Television Drama or Comedy (Jane Turner) at the AFI Awards
2003, 2004: Best Actress in a Leading Role in a Television Drama or Comedy (Gina Riley) at the AFI Awards
2003, 2004: Best Comedy Series – Sitcom or Sketch
2004, 2005, 2006: Most Popular Actor (Glenn Robbins) at the Logies ('04 & '05 for Kath and Kim; '06 for Da Kath and Kim Code)
2004: Best Actress in a Supporting or Guest Role in a Television Drama or Comedy (Magda Szubanski) at the AFI Awards
2004: Best Screenplay in Television
2005: Most Popular Actress (Gina Riley) at the Logies
2005: Most Popular Actress (Magda Szubanski) at the Logies
2005: Most Outstanding Comedy Program at the Logies
2006: Most Outstanding Miniseries / Telemovie at the Logies (for Da Kath and Kim Code)


document_title: The Quiet Man

question_text: what year was the quiet man supposed to be set in

text: The Quiet Man

text: Plot[edit]

text: This section's tone or style may not reflect the encyclopedic tone used on Wikipedia. See Wikipedia's guide to writing better articles for suggestions. (September 2018) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)

text: In the 1920s, Sean Thornton (John Wayne), an Irish-born American from Pittsburgh, travels to Ireland to reclaim his family's farm and his birthplace in Inisfree. He meets and falls in love with the fiery Mary Kate Danaher (Maureen O'Hara), the sister of the bullying, loud-mouthed landowner Squire "Red" Will Danaher (Victor McLaglen). Danaher, who had wanted the farm himself, is angry that the Widow Tillane (angered by Danaher's admission that he had discussed her in the local pub) accepts Sean's bid, and retaliates by refusing consent for his sister to marry. Several town locals, including the Catholic priest, Father Lonergan (Ward Bond) and the village matchmaker (and bookmaker) Michaleen Oge Flynn (Barry Fitzgerald), conspire to trick him into believing that the wealthy Widow Tillane (Mildred Natwick) wants to marry him, but only if Mary Kate is no longer living in his house. After learning the truth on Sean and Mary Kate's wedding day, an enraged Will refuses to give his sister her dowry which is made up of a large sum of money and her family possessions passed down from her mother.

text: Sean, unschooled in Irish customs, cares nothing about the dowry, but to Mary Kate the dowry represents her independence, identity, and pride. She feels passionately and intensely that the dowry is hers and is needed to validate her marriage to Sean. Angered and shamed by Sean's refusal to confront her brother and demand what is legally hers, she brands him a coward, and, despite living together, they are estranged as husband and wife. In the morning they find that others in the village had visited Will and pressured him to return Mary Kate's furniture, but could not make him pay the 350 pounds of dowry money.

text: Sean had been a boxer in the United States, a heavyweight challenger known as "Trooper Thorn." After accidentally killing an opponent in the ring, Sean hung up his gloves, vowing never to fight again. This is known to only one person in the village, the Church of Ireland minister, the Rev. Playfair (Arthur Shields), who once upon a time had been the lightweight champion and so understands Thornton's internal conflict over the fight.

text: In an attempt to force Sean to confront Will, Mary Kate leaves him and boards a train departing Castletown and headed to Dublin. Sean hears from Michaleen that she left for the station and drags her off the train. Followed by a crowd of townspeople, he forces her to walk with him the five miles back to Inisfree and directly to the Danaher farm. Sean demands that Will hand over her dowry. When Will refuses, he throws Mary Kate back at Will, saying that "no dowry, no marriage" is their custom, not his; shocking the two and shaming Will into finally paying the monetary portion of his sister's dowry. Sean promptly throws the money into a nearby furnace which Mary Kate holds open, showing that Mary Kate never cared about the money but only what it represented.

text: After a proud Mary Kate announces so all can hear that she will now return home to prepare his supper and departs, Will throws a punch at Sean, and is dropped by Sean's vicious right hook to the gut. A long, memorable fistfight ensues between the two, drawing crowds from miles around. They slug it out through the village, stop for a drink, admit grudging mutual respect for each other, and disagree over who is to pay for the porter they are drinking. Sean ends the fight by clocking Danaher on the jaw hard enough to smash him through the pub's door, knocking him out. Then, somewhat drunk, the two return to Sean and Mary Kate's home for supper, where it is implied the rift is healed. Sean regains Mary Kate's love and respect.

text: In the aftermath it is shown that Will and the Widow Tillane begin courting, and "peace is returned to Inisfree". When last seen, Mary Kate has whispered something in Sean's ear and the couple is shown trotting back to their house ... in the middle of the day, no less.

text: Cast[edit]

text:
John Wayne as Sean Thornton
Maureen O'Hara as Mary Kate Danaher
Barry Fitzgerald as Michaeleen "Óge" Flynn (Óge means "young" in Irish, which was used to denote between a father and son named the same, such as "Sr." and "Jr." are used in English)
Victor McLaglen as Squire "Red" Will Danaher
Ward Bond as Father Peter Lonergan
Mildred Natwick as the Widow Sarah Tillane
Francis Ford as Dan Tobin
Arthur Shields as Rev. Cyril Playfair
Eileen Crowe as Elizabeth Playfair
Charles FitzSimons as Hugh Forbes
James Fitzsimons (as James Lilburn) as Father Paul
Sean McClory as Owen Glynn
Emily Eby as Mave Campbell
Jack MacGowran as Ignatius Feeney
Philip Stainton as Anglican Bishop
May Craig as Fishwoman with Basket at Station
Paddy O'Donnell as Railway porter
Eric Gorman as Costello – Engine driver
Kevin Lawless as Engine fireman
Joseph O'Dea as Molouney – Train guard
Tony Canzoneri as Boxing Second (uncredited)
Frank Baker as Man in Bar (uncredited)
Ruth Clifford as Mother (uncredited)
Maureen Coyne as Dan Tobin's Daughter Ireland (uncredited)
Mimi Doyle as Dan Tobin's Daughter USA (uncredited)
Ken Curtis as Dermot Fahy (uncredited)
Douglas Evans as Ring Physician (uncredited)
Charles Ferguson as Danaher Brother (uncredited)
Robert Foy as Driver of Cart Across River (uncredited)
Sam Harris as the deaf General (uncredited)
D.R.O. Hatswell as Guppy (uncredited)
John Horan as Man at Railway Station (uncredited)
David Hughes as Police Constable (uncredited)
Billy Jones as Bugler (uncredited)
Tiny Jones as Nell (Maid)  (uncredited)
Colin Kenny as Pub Extra (uncredited)
Patrick Wayne as Boy on Wagon at Horse Race (uncredited)
Michael Wayne as Teenage Boy at Races (uncredited)
Toni Wayne as Teenage Girl at Races (uncredited)
Melinda Wayne as Girl on Wagon at Horse Race (uncredited)
Mae Marsh as Father Paul's Mother (uncredited)
Jim Morrin as Roof Thatcher (uncredited)
Jim McVeigh as Man Following Cart Across River (uncredited)
Harry Tenbrook as Police Sergeant Hanan (uncredited)
Harry Tyler as Pat Cohan (Publican) (uncredited)
Al Murphy as Boxing Referee (uncredited)
Hank Worden as Boxing Trainer (uncredited)
Michael O'Brian as Musha Musha Man (uncredited)
Pat O'Malley as Man in Bar (uncredited)
Frank O'Connor as Ringside Photographer (uncredited)
Web Overlander as Hugh Bailey (Stationmaster)  (uncredited)
Bob Perry as Trooper Thorn's Ringside Trainer (uncredited)
Darla Ridgeway as Girl (uncredited)
Freddy Ridgeway as Boy (uncredited)
Philip Stainton as Anglican Bishop (uncredited)
Jack Roper as Tony Gardello (Boxer) (uncredited)
Brick Sullivan as Townsman (uncredited)

text: Production[edit]

text: The film was something of a departure for Wayne and Ford, who were both known mostly for Westerns and other action-oriented films. It was also a departure for Republic Pictures, which backed Ford in what was considered a risky venture at the time. It was the only time the studio, known for low budget B-movies, released a film that would receive an Oscar nomination for Best Picture.

text: Ford read the story in 1933 and soon purchased the rights to it for $10. The story's author was paid another $2,500 when Republic bought the idea, and he received a final payment of $3,750 when the film was actually made.[4] Republic Pictures agreed to finance the film with O'Hara and Wayne starring and Ford directing, but only if all three agreed to first film a Western with Republic. They did, and after completing Rio Grande, they headed for Ireland to start shooting.

text: One of the conditions that Republic placed on Ford was that the film run under two hours. However, the finished picture was two hours and nine minutes. When screening the film for Republic executives, Ford stopped the film at approximately two hours in, on the verge of the climactic fistfight. Republic executives relented and allowed the film to run its full length.[5] It was one of the few films that Republic filmed in Technicolor; most of the studio's other color films were made in a more economical process known as Trucolor.

text: The film employed many actors from the Irish theatre, including Barry Fitzgerald's brother, Arthur Shields, as well as extras from the Irish countryside, and it is one of the few Hollywood movies in which the Irish language can be heard. Filming commenced on June 7, 1951.[citation needed] All of the outdoor scenes were shot on location in Ireland in County Mayo and County Galway. The inside scenes were filmed toward the end of July at the Republic Studios in Hollywood.

text: The story is set in the fictitious community of Inisfree. This is not the same as the Lake Isle of Innisfree, a place in Lough Gill on the Sligo–Leitrim border made famous by poet William Butler Yeats, which is a tiny island. Many scenes for the film were actually shot in and around the village of Cong, County Mayo, on the grounds of Cong's Ashford Castle. Cong is now a wealthy small town and the castle a 5-star luxury hotel. The connections with the film have led to the area becoming a tourist attraction. In 2008, a pub opened in the building used as the pub in the film (it had actually been a shop at the time when the movie was shot); the pub hosts daily re-runs of the film on DVD.[6] The Quiet Man Fan Club holds its annual general meeting in Ashford Castle. Other locations in the film include Thoor Ballylee, Co. Galway, home of poet W.B. Yeats for a period, Ballyglunin railway station near Tuam Co. Galway, which was filmed as Castletown station, and various places in Connemara Co. Galway and Co. Mayo. Among those are Lettergesh beach, where the horse race scene was filmed,[7] the Quiet Man Bridge, signposted off the N59 road between Maam Cross and Oughterard[8] and the "White O'Morn" cottage. The latter is located on R336 south of Maam, but has long ago fallen into ruin.[9]

text: The film also presents Ford's depiction of an idealized Irish society, with no social divisions based on class or religion. The Catholic priest, Father Lonergan, and the Protestant Rev. Playfair maintain a strong friendly relationship throughout the film – which represented the norm in what was then the Irish Free State. (Religious tensions occurred in the 1930s, but were the norm only in Northern Ireland.) The only allusions to Anglo-Irish animosity occur after the happy couple is married and a congratulatory toast expresses the wish that they live in "national freedom" (the term national has been censored from most editions)[7] and before the final donnybrook when Thornton demands his wife's dowry from Danaher.  Danaher asks Hugh Forbes, who had been commander of the local Irish Republican Army unit during the fight to expel the British, "So the IRA is in this too, ah",  to which Forbes replies, "If it were, not a scorched stone of your fine house would be standing."

text: Music[edit]

text: Ford chose his friend, Hollywood composer Victor Young, to compose the score for the film. Young sprinkled the soundtrack with many Irish airs such as the "Rakes of Mallow" and "The Wild Colonial Boy". One piece of music, chosen by Ford himself, is most prominent: the melody the "Isle of Innisfree", written not by Young, but by the Irish policeman/songwriter Richard Farrelly. The melody of the "Isle of Innisfree", which is first heard over the opening credit sequence with Ashford Castle in the background, becomes the principal musical theme of The Quiet Man. The melody is reprised at least eleven times throughout the film.

text: The upbeat melody comically hummed by Michaeleen Oge Flynn and later played on the accordion is the "Rakes of Mallow".

text: A portion of the Irish version of "The Wild Colonial Boy" is played throughout the film.

text: When Maureen O'Hara died in October 2015, her family stated she listened to music from The Quiet Man during her final hours.[10] Filmmaker George A. Romero was also said to have died listening to the score.[11]

text: Reception[edit]

text: A. H. Weiler of The New York Times called the film "as darlin' a picture as we've seen this year," with "dialogue that is as tuneful as a lark's song."[12] Variety called the picture "beautifully filmed" and wrote that "Wayne works well under Ford's direction," but found the 129-minute running time "unnecessary."[13] Harrison's Reports called the film "a delightful and rollicking comedy melodrama of Irish life, directed with skill and acted with gusto by a fine cast."[14] Richard L. Coe of The Washington Post called it "a complete jim-dandy ... The photography is glorious and Victor Young's score, inspired by folk airs, is a complete joy for an exuberant, vigorous picture."[15] Philip Hamburger of The New Yorker was not so taken with the film, writing, "If am to believe what I saw in John Ford's sentimental new film, 'The Quiet Man,' practically everybody in Ireland is just as cute as a button," adding, "Mr. Ford's scenes of the Irish countryside are often breathtaking ... but the master who made 'The Informer' appears to have fallen into a vat of treacle."[16]

text: The Quiet Man has a 90% approval rating on Rotten Tomatoes, with the critical consensus stated as, "Director John Ford and star John Wayne depart the Western for the Irish countryside, and the result is a beautifully photographed, often comedic romance."[17]

text: The film was also a financial success, grossing $3.8 million in its first year of release. This was among the top ten grosses of the year.[18] It was the seventh most popular film for British audiences in 1952.[19]

text: Academy Awards[edit]

text:
Award[20][21]

Person

Best Director

John Ford

Best Cinematography

Winton C. Hoch  Archie Stout

text:
Nominations

Best Picture

John Ford  Merian C. Cooper

Best Supporting Actor

Victor McLaglen

Best Art Direction

Frank Hotaling  John McCarthy Jr.  Charles S. Thompson

Best Sound

Daniel J. Bloomberg  (Republic Sound Department)

Best Adapted Screenplay

Frank S. Nugent

text: Home video[edit]

text: It was first released on DVD December 14, 1998 by Artisan Home Entertainment.  It was also released 4 years later on a Collector's edition DVD on October 22, 2002 by Artisan. The Special features on this edition include "The Making of the Quiet Man" Documentary with Leonard Maltin, and "The Joy of Ireland" Documentary with Maureen O'Hara and Andrew V. McLaglen, and "Remembering The Quiet Man Montage".

text: On January 22, 2013 Olive Films released The Quiet Man on DVD and for the first time on Blu-ray, as a 60th Anniversary Special edition. It included the documentary "The Making of the Quiet Man" with Leonard Maltin.

text: In 2010 there was a documentary called Dreaming The Quiet Man made about the journey and making of The Quiet Man. It was narrated by Gabriel Byrne, and had interviews with Peter Bogdanovich, Martin Scorsese, Charles F. Fitzsimons, and Maureen O'Hara.  It was released on DVD and Blu-ray for the first time on March 24, 2015.