document_title: Downtown

question_text: the centers of most cities became business areas after the invention of what

text: Downtown

text: History[edit]

text: Origins[edit]

text: The term "downtown" is thought to have been coined in New York City, where it was in use by the 1830s to refer to the original town at the southern tip of the island of Manhattan.[2] As the town of New York grew into a city, the only direction it could grow on the island was toward the north, proceeding upriver from the original settlement, the "up" and "down" terminology coming from the customary map design in which up was north and down was south.[2] Thus, anything north of the original town became known as "uptown" (Upper Manhattan), and was generally a residential area, while the original town – which was also New York's only major center of business at the time – became known as "downtown" (Lower Manhattan).[2]

text: During the late 19th century, the term was gradually adopted by cities across the United States and Canada to refer to the historical core of the city, which was most often the same as the commercial heart of the city. "Uptown" also spread, but to a much lesser extent. In both cases, though, the directionality of both words was lost, so that a Bostonian might refer to going "downtown", even though it was north of where they were.[3]

text: Downtown lay to the south in Detroit, but to the north in Cleveland, to the east in St. Louis, and to the west in Pittsburgh. In Boston, a resident pointed out in 1880, downtown was in the center of the city. Uptown was north of downtown in Cincinnati, but south of downtown in New Orleans and San Francisco.[3]

text: Notably, "downtown" was not included in dictionaries as late as the 1880s.[4] But by the early 1900s, "downtown" was clearly established as the proper term in American English for a city's central business district, although the word was virtually unknown in Britain and Western Europe, where expressions such as "city centre", "le centre de ville" (French), "el centro" (Spanish) and "das Zentrum" (German) are used. Even as late as early part of the 20th century, English travel writers felt it necessary to explain to their readers what "downtown" meant [4]

text: Although American downtowns lacked legally-defined boundaries, and were often parts of several of the wards that most cities used as their basic functional district, locating the downtown was not difficult, as it was the place where all the street railways and elevated railways converged, and – at least in most places – where the railroad terminals were. It was the location of the great department stores and hotels, as well as the theatres, clubs, cabarets, and dance halls, and where skyscrapers were built once that technology was perfected. It was also frequently, at first, the only part of a city that was electrified. It was also the place where street congestion was the worst, a problem for which a solution was never really found.[5]

text: But most of all, downtown was the place where the city did its business. Inside its small precincts, sometimes as small as several hundred acres, the majority of the trading, selling, and purchasing – retail and wholesale – in the entire area would take place. There were hubs of business in other places around the city and its environs, but the downtown area was the chief one, truly the central business district. And as more and more business was done downtown, those who had their homes there were gradually pushed out, selling their property and moving to quieter residential areas uptown.[6]

text: Skyscrapers[edit]

text: The skyscraper would become the hallmark of the downtown area. Prior to the invention of the elevator – and later the high-speed elevator – buildings were limited in height to about six stories, which was a de facto limit set by the amount of stairs it was assumed that people would climb, but with the elevator, that limit was shattered, and buildings began to be constructed up to about sixteen stories. What limited them then was the thickness of the masonry needed at the base to hold the weight of the building above it. As the buildings got taller, the thickness of the masonry and the space needed for elevators did not allow for sufficient rentable space to make the building profitable. What shattered that restriction was the invention of first the iron- and then the steel frame building, in which the building's load was carried by an internal metal frame skeleton, which the masonry – and later glass – simply hung off of without carrying any weight.[7]

text: Although first used in Chicago, the steel-framed skyscraper caught on most quickly in New York City in the 1880s, and from there spread to most other American cities in the 1890s and 1900s. The apparent lack of a height limitation of this type of building set off a fervent debate over whether their height should be restricted by law, with proponents and opponents of height limits bringing out numerous arguments in favor of their position. The question of height limits also had a profound implication for the nature of downtown itself: would it continue to be a concentrated core, or as it grew, would height limits force it to spread out into a larger area.[7] In the short run, the proponents of height limits were successful in their efforts. By the 1910s, most of the largest and medium-sized cities had height limits in effect, with New York – despite several concerted efforts to enact them, Philadelphia, Detroit, Pittsburgh and Minneapolis being notable holdouts.[8]

text: Zoning[edit]

text: Ultimately, though, it would not be height limits per se that restricted skyscrapers, but comprehensive zoning laws which would set up separate requirements for different parts of a city, and would regulate not only height, but also a building's volume, the percentage of the lot used, and the amount of light the building blocked, and would also encourage setbacks to reduce a building's bulk by allowing additional height per foot of setback – the exact amount depending on what zone the building was in. New York City was the first to do this, with the 1916 Zoning Resolution, which was prompted in good part by the construction of the Equitable Building in 1915, a 40-story building with straight sides and no setbacks, which raised fears of the downtown area become a maze of dark streets which never saw the sun. What was worse, at least to real estate interests, the building dumped 1.2 million square feet (111,000 m2) of office space on what was a sluggish real estate market. To many in the real estate industry, the zoning law was an example of a "reasonable restriction."[9] Once New York had passed its law, other cities followed, although proposed zoning measures did meet stiff resistance in some places, often because of the inclusion of overly restrictive height limits, and sometimes because the entire concept of zoning was seen as undemocratic and bordering on socialism.[10] Eventually, a model law, the Standard State Zoning Enabling Act of 1922 was drawn up for the guidance of cities wishing to enact zoning regulations, which are now part of virtually every American city.

text: Central business district[edit]

text: During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the downtown area was the business district of the American city, but beginning around the 1920s and 1930s, as cities continued to grow in size and population, rival business districts began to appear outside of downtown in outlyng districts. This was the time when the term "central business district" began to appear as more-or-less synonymous with the downtown area. The phrase acknowledged the existence of other business districts in the city, but allocated to downtown the primacy of being "central", not only geographically, in many cities, by also in importance. And in many cases, the downtown area or central business district, itself began to grow, such as in Manhattan where the business district lower Manhattan and the newer one in midtown began to grow towards each other,[Notes 1] or in Chicago, where downtown expanded from the Loop across the Chicago River to Michigan Avenue. In fact, the instability of downtown was a cause for concern for business and real estate interests, as the business district refused to stay where it had been, and shifted its location in response to numerous factors, although it generally stayed fairly compact – in the early 1930s even the largest took up less than 2% of the city's space, and most were significantly smaller – and remained the primary business district of the city.[11]

text: Real estate interests were particularly concerned about the tendency of downtown to move because the downtown area had by far the highest land values in each city. One commentator said that if Chicago's land values were shown as height on a relief map, the Loop would be equivalent to the peaks of the Himalayas compared to the rest of the city. In 1926. Chicago's central business district, which took up less than 1% of the city, had 20% of the city's land value. The same relationship was true in St. Louis in the mid-20s (20%) and Los Angeles in the early 1930s (17%). So when a downtown area started to shift its location, some property owners were bound to lose a great deal of money, while others would stand to gain.[12]

text: Decentralization[edit]

text: One way in which downtown changed from the late 19th century to the early part of the 20th century was that industrial concerns began to leave downtown and move to the periphery of the city, which meant that downtown's businesses were chiefly part of the burgeoning service sector. Brand new firms followed the older ones, and never came to downtown, settling at the edges of the city or the urban area. Industrial districts developed in these areas, which were sometimes specifically zoned for manufacturing. There, land was considerably cheaper than downtown, property taxes were lower, transportation of supplies and finished products was much easier without the constant congestion emblematic of downtown, and with the improvement of the telephone system, the industrial firms could still keep in touch with the companies they did business with elsewhere. As a result of this migration, manufacturing was no longer a significant part of the downtown mix of businesses.[13]

text: Another sector which began to move away from downtown even before the turn of the 20th century were the great cultural institutions: museums, symphony halls, main libraries and so on. Not only was the high cost of land downtown a factor, but these institutions wanted larger plots of land than were available there, so that their buildings could themselves be easily perceived as works of art. Organizations such as the Metropolitan Museum of Art, the New-York Historical Society, the American Museum of Natural History and the Museum of the City of New York, all in Manhattan, moved out of downtown, as did the Museum of Fine Arts, the Boston Public Library, the Boston Symphony Orchestra, and the Massachusetts Historical Society in Boston, the Cleveland Museum of Art, the Baltimore Museum of Art, the Detroit Public Library and the Detroit Institute of Art, and most of the cultural institutions in Pittsburgh. Public reaction to these moves was mixed, with some bemoaning the loss of a counterbalance to the overall materialism of downtown, while others, particularly those involved in real estate, looked positively on the availability of the land which the cultural institutions left behind.[14]

text: The loss of the major cultural institutions left downtown as a place primarily dedicated to business, but the loss of another sector, retail shopping, defined the type of business that was done there. The great retail outlets like the department stores had always had the tendency to move closer to the residential districts, to make it easier for their customers to get to them, but after 1920 they started to congregate in secondary business districts on the periphery of the city. The growth of chain stores such as J. C. Penney, F. W. Woolworth, Kresge and W. T. Grant, contributed to the increased importance of the outlying shopping districts, which began outselling those retail stores which had remained in the central business district, and provoked those stores to open branches in the secondary districts in attempt to go to where there customers were instead of having them come downtown to them.[15]

text: Entertainment venues also contributed to the decentralization of commerce which affected the importance and influence of downtown and the central business district. Theaters, vaudeville houses, dance halls and night clubs had been primarily located in downtown, with nickelodeons spread throughout the city. When film became the dominant medium, and exhibitors started to build movie theaters to show them in, they at first built those venues downtown as well, but, as in retail shopping, chain exhibitors such as Loews began to construct them in locations convenient to the mass audience they were seeking; again, it was a matter of bringing their product to where the people were. By the late 1920s, movie houses outside of downtown far outnumbered those in the central district. Not all the movie theaters in the periphery were palaces, but some were, and the net effect was that downtown was no longer the entertainment center of the city.[16]

text: With the loss of manufacturing, the major cultural institutions, much of the retail shopping in the city, and its loss of status as the entertainment center, the nature of downtown had changed considerably. It was still the location of banks, stocks and commodity exchanges, law and accounting firms, the headquarters of the major industrial concerns and public utilities, insurance companies, and advertising agencies, and in its confines continued to be built new and taller skyscrapers housing offices, hotels and even department stores, but it was still steadily losing ground as decentralization took its toll. Its daytime population was not keeping pace with the population growth of the city around it, and property values, while continuing to rise, were not rising as fast as those in the secondary business districts. Downtown was still the central business district, and was still the most important area for doing business and commerce, but it was no longer as dominant as it once was.[17]

text: Cause and effect[edit]

text: The causes of decentralization, which decreased the importance of downtown in the life of American cities, has been ascribed to many factors, including each city's normal growth patterns; advances in technology like the telephone, which made it easier for business-to-business intercourse to take place over a distance, thus lessening the need for a centralized commercial core; the rise of the private automobile, which allowed shoppers to go to peripheral business districts more easily; a strong increase in streetcar fares; and the continuing problem of congestion in the narrow streets of the downtown area.[18]

text: As much as people disagreed about what caused decentralization, they were even less in agreement about how decentralization would affect the central business district, with opinions varying all the way from the belief that it would diminish downtown sufficiently that it would eventually consist of only offices and the headquarters of corporate giants, to the belief that decentralization would lead to the (perhaps deserved) death of downtown entirely as unnecessary, a victim on its untameable traffic congestion. In between were those who saw a diminishment of the area's influence, but not sufficiently enough to prevent it from remaining the "Sun" that the outlying business districts revolved around. Others doubted whether decentralization had as strong an impact as it was credited with. Positions were taken that downtown was a natural part of the evolution of a city, or the unnatural result of a de facto conspiracy by merchants and property owners, so the question of what decentralization would do to downtown became bound up with the question about the area's legitimacy.[19]

text: Decentralization also increased the incidences of rivalry between downtown and burgeoning business districts. In Los Angeles, for instance, downtown and Wilshire Boulevard battled for dominance, and in Cincinnati the rivalry was between the old downtown centered around Fountain Square and the one on Canal Street. The diminishment of downtown by decentralization caused these battles to be between areas that were now more relatively equal.[20]

text: The Great Depression[edit]

text: Like almost every other aspect of American life, the Great Depression had a major effect on the country's downtown area. Downtown was just coming off a major building boom, in which significant amounts of new commercial and office space, hotels, and department stores had been built. By 1931 there were 89 buildings of 30 stories or more in Manhattan, and between 1925 and 1931, office space nearly doubled; in Chicago, it increased by almost 75%, in Philadelphia by almost two-thirds, and by more than 50% in New Orleans and Denver. In the 1920s, 500,000 additional hotel rooms were built in New York, and from 1927 to 1931 there were 84 large hotels built there, an increase of hotel space by two-thirds.[21]

text: When the boom was over, and the Depression had begun to have its effect, much of this new space became unneeded excess. Owners of smaller buildings who could not keep a sufficient number of tenants to pay their overhead, tore down their buildings, but wheeras in the recent past they would have been replaced with taller buildings, now they became one- and two-story parking garages or ground-level parking lots. These were widely known as "taxpayers", as they generated enough revenue for the owner of the lot to pay the taxes on it. Rents fell, sometimes as much as 30%, and non-payment of rent increased. Even with the "taxpayers" taking away commercial space, vacancy rates rose precipitously. Owners went into default, and downtown real estate lost considerable value: 25 - 30% in the Chicago Loop – although values in other parts of the city, including the outlying business districts, fared even worse.[21]

text: Department stores were hit hard; most managed to keep their doors open, but few made money. Hotels which needed to have large staffs, and required high occupancy rates to make a profit were also deeply affected; in Manhattan the hotel occupancy rate fell from 1929's 70% to around 50% in 1933. Room rates were slashed, revenue dropped, and many hotels closed or defaulted. By 1934, 80% of hotels in Manhattan were owned by their creditors.[21]

text: Recovery[edit]

text: The slow recovery from the effects of the Great Depression began in the mid-1930s, decelerated at the end of the 1930s, and picked up speed with the start of World War II, so that by the early 1940s the country was for the most part out of the Depression. Excess commercial space began to be used, vacancy rates dropped, department store sales rose, hotel occupancy rates went up, and revenues increased.[22]

text: Despite this recovery, the daytime population of the country's downtowns did not rebound. For instance, in Chicago between 1929 and 1949, the population of the city grew 7%, and that of the entire metropolitan area by about 14%, but the daytime population of The Loop only rose 1/3 of 1%. With a few exceptions, such as New York City, this pattern was typical across American cities, and was tied to the slowing down of the rate of growth of the cities themselves. Cities in the US grew much more slowly than during any other period in the history of the country, and some even lost population. Metropolitan regions grew faster than the cities inside them, indicating the start of the decades of urban sprawl, but they too grew at a slower pace than usual. Downtowns also had less daytime population because people now went to the outlying business districts, which were closer to their homes by car, for their shopping and entertainment, to do business, and to work. The increased use of automobiles over mass transit also damaged downtown, since the streetcar lines converged on downtown, while the roads went everywhere. All of these factors contributed to the lesser recovery of downtown relative to the city as a whole and the metropolitan area.[22]

text: Another sign that downtowns were no longer as central to city life as they once were include the decreased portion of retail trade that took place there as compared to the peripheral business areas, which profited by the growth of the chain stores, to the detriment of the big downtown department stores Furthermore, the "taxpayers", which many people had expected to disappear once the economy improved, remained in place, and even increased in number. In the Loop in Chicago, by the early 1940s, 18% of the land was vacant or was used for parking; in Los Angeles at the same timethe figure was 25%. Demand for commercial space was so light that it did not make financial sense to construct expensive new buildings, and banks began to refuse to make loans for that purpose, redlining whole neighborhoods in the central business bistrict.[22]

text: Characteristics[edit]

text: The typical American downtown has certain unique characteristics. During the postwar economic boom in the 1950s, the residential population of most downtowns crashed. This has been attributed to reasons such as slum clearance, construction of the Interstate Highway System, and white flight from urban cores to rapidly expanding suburbs.[23] Due to well-intended but ineptly executed urban revitalization projects, downtowns eventually came to be dominated by high-rise office buildings in which commuters from the suburbs filled white-collar jobs, while the remaining residential populations sank further into unemployment, poverty, and homelessness.[24] By the 1990s, many office-oriented businesses began to abandon the tired old downtowns for the suburbs, resulting in what are now known as "edge cities". One textbook, in explaining why edge cities are so popular, stated:

text: The big central city comes with dirt, crime, subways, stress, congestion, high taxes, and poor public schools. Edge cities are not immune to all of these problems (especially congestion) but for now they largely avoid most of them.[25]

text: Since then, between 2000 and 2010, downtown areas grew rapidly in population. In U.S. metro areas with at least five million people, the population within two miles of the city hall grew twice as fast as the overall population in the metro area.[26][27]

text: Relative geography[edit]

text: The terms downtown and uptown can refer to cardinal directions, for example, in Manhattan, where downtown is also a relative geographical term. Anything south of where the speaker is currently standing, in most places, is said to be downtown. Anything north of the speaker is uptown. In the common New York City phrase "We're going to take the subway downtown", downtown refers to traveling in the geographic direction of south. A person standing on 121st Street and walking ten blocks south could also be said to have walked ten blocks downtown. The term uptown is used to refer to the cardinal direction north. Such concepts derive from Manhattan's elongated shape, running roughly north/south and nowhere more than 2 mi (3.2 km) wide. As such, transportation on the island travels in the uptown/downtown directions. The other boroughs are wider, and "downtown" there refers to Lower Manhattan, Downtown Brooklyn, or some more local business district. Mercantile efforts to promote the South Bronx as "Downtown Bronx" have met with little success.[28]

text: In some North American cities, downtown is the formal name of the neighborhood in which the city's central business district is located. Most major North American cities are located on major bodies of water, like oceans, lakes, and rivers. As cities expanded, people built further away from the water and their historical cores, often uphill. Thus the central business district of a North American city, or the historical core of the city, is often located "down", in altitude, relative to the remainder of the city. Many cities use the Manhattan model and continue to use downtown, midtown, and uptown both as informal relative geographical terms and as formal names for distinct districts. However, the city of Philadelphia uses the designation Center City, not downtown, due to the business district's central location, as well as Philadelphia's age and circumstances; "Center City" corresponds to the City of Philadelphia prior to its amalgamation with Philadelphia County in 1854, leaving it without a unique name, unlike the former boroughs surrounding it; the center of the city is also where Philadelphia City Hall is located within the city's original plat. New Orleans uses the term Central Business District (or CBD) for their downtown due to the historical French Quarter district taking up what would usually be considered the city's historical downtown district, and another area of the city south of the CBD being referred to as "downtown".

text: Major downtowns[edit]

text: United States[edit]

text:
Midtown Manhattan, New York City
Financial District, New York City
Downtown Brooklyn, New York City
Chicago Loop
Downtown Los Angeles
Center City, Philadelphia
Downtown Albany
Downtown Atlanta
Downtown Anchorage
Downtown Austin
Downtown Baltimore
Downtown Bellevue
Downtown Boise
Downtown Boston
Financial District, Boston
Downtown Charleston
Uptown Charlotte
Downtown Cincinnati
Downtown Cleveland
Downtown Denver

Downtown Detroit
Downtown Dallas
Downtown Fort Worth
Downtown Hartford
Downtown Honolulu
Downtown Houston
Downtown Indianapolis
Downtown Jacksonville
Downtown Jersey City
Downtown Kansas City
Downtown Las Vegas
Downtown Memphis
Downtown Miami
Downtown Milwaukee
Downtown Minneapolis
New Orleans Central Business District[Notes 2]
Downtown Norfolk
Downtown Oakland
Downtown Oklahoma City
Downtown Orlando

Downtown Phoenix
Downtown Pittsburgh
Downtown Portland
Downtown Providence
Downtown Richmond
Downtown St. Louis
Downtown Saint Paul
Downtown San Antonio
Downtown San Diego
Downtown San Francisco
Downtown San Jose
Downtown Salt Lake City
Downtown Seattle
Downtown Spokane
Downtown Stamford
Downtown Syracuse
Downtown Tacoma
Downtown Tampa
Downtown, Washington, D.C.

tag: table

text: Canada[edit]

text:
Downtown Calgary
Downtown Edmonton
Downtown Halifax
Downtown Montreal
Downtown Ottawa
Sainte-Foy–Sillery–Cap-Rouge (Quebec City)
Downtown St. John's
Downtown Toronto
Downtown Vancouver
Downtown Victoria
Downtown Winnipeg

text: In popular culture[edit]

text:
Numerous songs have been written about or called "Downtown", but perhaps the best known is the 1964 song written by Tony Hatch and first recorded by Petula Clark. Clark's "Downtown" was an international hit, reaching No. 1 on the Billboard Hot 100 and No. 2 in UK Singles Chart. Both Hatch and Clark are English.
"Downtown" is also a description given beginning in the 1970s to many different styles of art and performing arts connected to artists and venues in downtown Manhattan, to differentiate them from mainstream arts. Styles such as minimalist music, modern and postmodern dance, performance art, Off-Off Broadway theater and the various styles of downtown music were included in this broad categorization. "Downtown" art tends to be avant-garde and individualistic in nature.


document_title: End Conscription Campaign

question_text: when was compulsory military service stopped in south africa

root

text: End Conscription Campaign

text: Apartheid government's policy on military conscription[edit]

text: The apartheid government had a policy of compulsory conscription for young white men who were expected to perform military service at regular intervals, starting with an extended training which began in the year immediately following the one in which they left school or as soon as they turned 16, whichever came last. Many were granted deferment, for example to attend University and complete an undergraduate degree first, but very few young men were exempted from conscription for any reason other than being medically unfit or for a race classification error.  Valid reasons included conscientious objection based on religious beliefs, but these exceptions were tightened in 1974.[1] Increasingly stringent laws were passed increasing periods of service, broadening the base of eligible white men who could be called up, and providing stringent sentences for those men who objected.

tag: p

text: Conscripts comprised a significant part of South African Defence Force (SADF).

text: Formation[edit]

text: The End Conscription Campaign (ECC) was formed in 1983, in protest against compulsory military service. It mobilised support for its campaigns, proposed service alternatives, supported conscientious objectors and provided a forum for the public with information and education on conscription and the alternatives. The ECC was founded in response to a resolution passed by Black Sash at their annual conference, which condemned South Africa's occupation of Namibia and charged the SADF with fighting a civil war.[2]

text: Conscientious objection was a serious choice as the consequences were severe. The reasons for conscientious objection included political, ethical and religious reasons. Some religious organisations, parent groups and student organisations such as the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS) also engaged in anti-conscription activities.

text: At its peak, conscription in South Africa consisted of two years of mandatory military service, followed by camps at intervals. Under apartheid, the call-up applied to all white men after completing their schooling or further studies.

text: Objections against war and participation in the Apartheid State[edit]

text: Objections to military service and the War in Angola were generally based on the role of the military and security forces in enforcing the policy of apartheid.  Although South Africa's defence forces were active against various liberation movements in Southern Africa and the frontline states (countries bordering the republic including Angola, South West Africa (now Namibia) and Mozambique), suppressing a guerrilla war, they also waged war against MPLA and Cuban forces in a conventional war at the battle of Cuito Cuanavale. The military had also become increasingly active in suppressing a civil war in South Africa's black townships.

text: Those who refused military service were subject to contempt from the minority white community, and left with the choice of either going underground (internal exile) fleeing the republic (external exile) or imprisonment of up to double the length of the allotted military service. Many conscripts simply went Absent Without Leave (AWOL), failed to arrive at BASICS (training) or got lost in the system.

text: The End Conscription Campaign, one of many anti-war movements alongside Congress of South African War Resistors (COSAWR) mobilised against the draft, promoted alternatives to military service, provided information about the situation in the townships and support to those brave enough to speak out against the war, as conscientious objectors.

text: Troops out of the townships[edit]

text: In 1985, the ECC held the "Troops out of the Townships" rally and were overwhelmingly successful in demonstrating the growing dissatisfaction within the white community, with the government of the day

text: The rally was preceded by a three-week fast by objectors Ivan Toms, Harold Winkler and Richard Steele.

text: It was announced in parliament that 7 589 conscripts failed to report for National Service in January 1985, as opposed to only 1 596 in the whole of 1984. [a] As there were two intakes annually, in January and July, this would suggest a tenfold increase in non-reportees over the previous year.  An estimated additional 7 000 "draft-dodgers" were also said to be living in Europe in 1985.This campaign received as significant boost when at 1983 Durban Conference the National PFP Youth, its Western Cape Chairperson Stephen Drus ( Stephen Darori) endorsed the ECC and proposed a motion calling for Alternative to Conscription. The motion  was passed unanimously.He proposed the  same motion  at the Annual Conference of the PFP in Cape Town a few months later which  passed with little opposition.Following intense backroom negotiations between Harry Schwarz and Philip Myburg, the Defense Spokesmen of the PFP, the Nationalist Government passed an amendment that introduced a four-year Alternative to Conscription. 1452 people opted for the Alternative to Conscription between 1984 and the cancelling of Conscription in South Africa in 1993.

text: January 1985 and July 1985 were the first so-called "immigrant intakes" after the involuntary nationalisation of white immigrant men of a predetermined age group in November 1984. The high number of non-reportees was due to many of these immigrants opting to return to their countries of origin rather than do military service, since this opportunity was easily available to them because of their dual citizenship.

text: Group of 23 refuse military call-up[edit]

text: In 1987, a group of 23 conscientious objectors from the Universities of Cape Town and Stellenbosch, including Cameron Dugmore, then University of Cape Town Students Representative Council Chairperson and Jonathan Handler, South African Union of Jewish Students (SAUJS) Chairperson,  refused to do military service in the South African Defense Force. Handlers' objection was based upon the notion of an "Unjust War" as opposed to the Pacifist position held by many Christian students.

text: ECC banning[edit]

text: The organisation was banned in August 1988 under emergency regulations. In a press statement Adriaan Vlok, then Minister of Law and Order said:  "The changes posed by the activities of the End Conscription Campaign to the safety of the public, the maintenance of public order and the termination of the State of Emergency, leave no other choice than to act against the ECC and to prohibit the organisation from continuing any activities or acts."

text: The same month, an issue of an alternative newspaper, the Weekly Mail, was confiscated by security police, "on the grounds that it had covered, and therefore promoted, opposition to conscription." News coverage included a cartoon, an advertisement from War Resisters International, and "a report on 143 men who stated they would never serve in the South African Defence Force."[4]

text: As a result of the banning of the ECC and confiscation of the Weekly Mail, protests at the University of Cape Town (UCT) and other campuses were held. According to Grassroots, a crowd of 3000 UCT students marched on campus after a meeting condemning the banning.[5] The paper said, "government fears losing control of white youth. This is the message sent by the banning of the ECC under emergency regulations...the ECC pointed out that there is a civil war in our country, and that the SADF is being used against fellow South Africans....ECC's growing influence, led PW Botha and Magnus Malan to close it down. They fear that the message of the ECC will undermine apartheid's defence force."[6] After the End Conscription Campaign was banned, hundreds of white South African war resisters refused the call-up, and conscription into the War in Angola and Civil War raging in South Africa's Black Townships continued. Some dodged the draft, others fled the country, some stood-up and faced the consequences for what they believed. None were ever given recognition by either the South African government or the newly elected democracy.[citation needed]

text: Shortening of conscription[edit]

text: In 1989, conscription was reduced from two years to one year, and during the negotiations to end apartheid from 1990 to 1994, it was less rigorously enforced. A Kairos campaign against conscription was the 1989 Campaign focussing on the End Conscription Campaign with participation of Alistair Teeling Smith, Rob Watson and Mandy Tailor. Saul Batzofin, 27, a member of the End Conscription Campaign, was sentenced to 18 months' imprisonment in 1989 for refusing to serve in the South African Defence Force. After he had completed his sentence he later told the Truth and Reconciliation Commission that he wanted to apply for amnesty to clear his criminal record. Although he was proud to have been a conscientious objector, the record caused difficulties with visa applications for foreign countries.

text: During September 1989, thirty Stellenbosch conscientious objectors joined more than 700 listed COs nationwide by publicly refusing to do military service. The National Registry of Conscientious Objectors was also launched.[7]

text: End of conscription[edit]

text: On 24 August 1993 Minister of Defence Kobie Coetsee announced the end of conscription. In 1994 there would be no more call-ups for the one-year initial training. But although conscription was suspended it was not entirely abandoned. Indeed, in January 1994 for the first time there was no call-up for initial training, but at the same time conscripts who had already undergone training could be subject to "camp" call-ups, as they were technically subject to military law rather than civilian law. Actually "camp" call-ups reached record proportions over the period of the April 1994 elections, and for the first time in history the ECC called on conscripts to consider these call-ups to be different from previous call-ups.

text: (However, as of 2015 : An ANC-led alliance has reportedly begun pushing for the return of military conscription to the country, in a bid to contain youth unemployment and also instill discipline, patriotism and volunteerism into young people from the ages of 18. ANC secretary general Gwede Mantashe has stated he would support the reintroduction of conscription, saying the country moved away from the system “too soon”. Although reintroducing conscription may go against the spirit of the Constitution, Mantashe said “the country must do what it needs to do for the country to work”. The draft plan still needs to be approved, but if so, young South Africans may be forced to attend a compulsory military programme as soon as 2016.)[8]

tag: ul

text: Conscription moratorium[edit]

text:
Until the August 1994 moratorium on prosecutions for not responding to call-ups, several of those who did not respond to "camp" call-ups were fined. After the first multi-racial election in 1994, conscription has no longer applied in South Africa and the civilian draft has been exchanged for a professional standing army.
However, conscripts who failed to report for duty, still faced prosecution under South Africa's Defence Act. An amendment to the act promulgated in 2002 allows for absentee members of the SANDF to be regarded as discharged from official duty.

text: Absent without leave[edit]

text: 3 Section 59(3) of the Defence Act determines that: A member of the Regular Force absent from official duty without permission of their commanding officer for more than thirty days is regarded as having been dismissed if an officer, or discharged if of other rank, for misconduct with effect from the day immediately following the day of attendance to duty or last day of official leave, but the Chief of the Defence Force may, with good cause, authorise reinstatement of such conditions as they determine.

text: According to a Department of Defence bulletin, dated 10 July 2003, "In essence, this means that if a member has absented himself or herself for a continuous period of thirty days, he or she is automatically discharged from the SANDF. It is therefore no longer necessary to approach the Minister of Defence for such a dismissal or discharge, as the individual will effect their own discharge if absent thirty days without permission. Should a member wish to be reinstated in the SANDF, he or she should approach the Chief of the SANDF with sound reasons why he or she was absent without permission."[9]

text: Forces Favourites and musicians against conscription[edit]

text: In 1986, Shifty Records released Forces Favourites in conjunction with the ECC. Named after a radio programme for sending greetings to the troops fighting on the "border" - the frontline of the Angolan campaign.

text: The ironically titled Forces Favourites compilation features some of the strongest political songs of the time.

text:
"Pambere" - Mapantsula
"National Madness" - Aeroplanes
"Potential Mutiny" - Stan James
"Numbered Again" - The Facts
"Shot Down In The Streets" - Cherry Faced Lurchers
"Don't Dance" - Kalahari Surfers
"Whitey" - The Softies
"Don't Believe" - In Simple English
"Too Much Resistance" - Nude Red
"Spaces Tell Stories" - Roger Lucey
"Suburban Hum" - Jennifer Ferguson

tag: ol

text: Counter-operations against the ECC[edit]

text: Many ECC members were subject to persecution. During 1986 98 members were detained, and others subjected to systematic harassment and intimidation. Meetings, publications and activities of the organisation were banned. Disinformation, death threats, fire-bombings, assaults, break-ins, and anonymous counter-propaganda against the organisation was commonplace. Evidence in a Cape Town court in 1988 revealed that the SADF itself had been running a disinformation campaign against the ECC.[10]

text: Political and military figures adopted varying and sometimes contradictory methods and messages to try and contain the threat of conscientious objection. National Party politicians characterised ECC activists as naive, malevolent in intent, in league with 'communist revolutionaries' and also as sexually deviant (i.e. homosexual) and cowardly. However, there is evidence that sentencing magistrates and even state prosecutors came to admire objectors for their stand.[11]

text: Psychiatric oppression and the ECC[edit]

text: In order to get out of forced conscription into the SADF, many conscripts allowed themselves to be labeled as mentally ill, sick, or incapable of carrying a weapon. The price was incarcaration in one of South Africa's psychiatric facilities. Instances of psychiatric abuse of conscripts who refused national service have also been recorded. The cases of conscripts who ended up in mental hospitals are in the process of being documented by groups such as MindFreedom International.


document_title: I Can't Make You Love Me

question_text: who played piano on i can't make you love me

question_tokens: who played piano on i ca n 't make you love me

text: I Can't Make You Love Me

text: Writing and recording[edit]

text: "I Can’t Make You Love Me" was written by Nashville writers Mike Reid and Allen Shamblin, who were well-noted for their successes in the country music arena. The song was rewritten many times before being finalized, months later. "We wrote, most every week, in Mike’s basement," Shamblin told Peter Cooper in an interview with the Nashville Tennessean. "And we’d worked on this song for more than six months. One day, he said, ‘Come up to the living room,’ where his piano was. He sat down and started playing this melody, and it was one of the most moving pieces of music I’d heard. I mean, it hit me in a hard way... Instantly, I knew it was the best thing I’d ever been a part of."[4] Reid and Shamblin were both country music songwriters, who according to some accounts originally wrote the song as a fast, bluegrass number. Upon slowing down the tempo considerably, they realized the song gained considerable power and thought about giving the song to one of three artists: Bonnie Raitt, Bette Midler or Linda Ronstadt. Eventually, the song made its way to Bonnie Raitt, who recorded the track for her eleventh studio album, "Luck of the Draw" (1991). Raitt co-produced the song with Don Was, while Bruce Hornsby provided a piano accompaniment.[5]

text: Composition and inspiration[edit]

text: "I Can't Make You Love Me" was composed in the key of Bb major, with a moderate slow tempo of 72 beats per minute. Raitt's vocal range on the song spans from the low-note of F3 to the high-note of Bb4.[6] The idea for the song came to Reid while reading an article about a man arrested for getting drunk and shooting at his girlfriend's car. The judge asked him if he had learned anything, to which he replied, "I learned, Your Honor, that you can't make a woman love you if she don't."[7] Raitt recorded the vocal in just one take in the studio, later saying that it was so sad a song that she could not recapture the emotion: "We'd try to do it again and I just said, 'You know, this ain't going to happen.'"[8]

text: A pensive ballad, "I Can't Make You Love Me" was recorded against a quiet electric piano-based arrangement, with prominent piano fills and interpolations supplied by Bruce Hornsby. The singer depicts a now one-sided romantic relationship about to end in soft but brutally honest terms: "Turn down the lights, turn down the bed/Turn down these voices inside my head/Lay down with me, tell me no lies/Just hold me close, don't patronize... don't patronize me/'Cause I can't make you love me if you don't/You can't make your heart feel something that it won't," she sings.[9]

text: Critical reception and accolades[edit]

text: "I Can't Make You Love Me" received acclaim from music critics. Stephen Thomas Erlewine of AllMusic praised the track, calling it a "strong song" and picking it as one of the album's best tracks.[10] Steve Hochman of Los Angeles Times hailed the song as one of Raitt's most elegant tracks.[11] Elysa Gardner wrote for Rolling Stone that "Raitt's gorgeously understated rendering of 'I Can't Make You Love Me,' in which sentiments such as 'I will lay down my heart and I'll feel the power/But you won't' are delivered with a quiet resignation that's worth a hundred glissandi in emotional weight."[12]

text: "I Can't Make You Love Me" entered many lists of the greatest songs of all time. In 2000, Mojo magazine placed it at number 8 on its "100 Greatest Songs of All Time" list.[5] The song is also ranked #339 on the Rolling Stone magazine's list of The 500 Greatest Songs of All Time.[2] The website "Ultimate Classic Rock" placed the song at number 24 on their "25 Saddest Songs Ever", praising Bonnie Raitt vocals, writing that "she sings in one of her most impassioned vocals ever. There's real ache in every word that drips from her pained lips."[13]

text: The song's popularity helped solidify her remarkable late-in-career commercial success that had begun two years before. In the time since, "I Can't Make You Love Me" has gone on to become a pop standard and a mainstay of adult contemporary radio formats. For Raitt, the song was notoriously difficult to sing, due to its required vocal range, difficult phrasing and breathing, and the emotional content involved. At the televised Grammy Awards of 1992 Raitt performed it in an even more austere setting than on record, with just her and Hornsby highlighted. As she negotiated the final vocal line, she let out a big audible and visible sigh of relief that she had successfully gotten through it. Her live performance of the song was released on the 1994 album Grammy's Greatest Moments Volume III.[14] Raitt has continued to sing the song in all her concert tours:

text:
“
I mean, 'I Can't Make You Love Me' is no picnic. I love that song, so does the audience. So it's almost a sacred moment when you share that, that depth of pain with your audience. Because they get really quiet, and I have to summon ... some other place in order to honor that space.
”

text: Chart performance[edit]

text: The song was a big hit for Raitt, reaching number 18 on the Billboard Hot 100 and number 6 on the Billboard Adult Contemporary chart.[15] The song placed at number 100 on the Billboard Year-End chart of 1992.[16] In New Zealand, the song was Raitt's highest charting-single, reaching number 22,[17] while in Netherlands, the song charted moderately at number 43.[18]

text: Charts[edit]

text: Weekly charts[edit]

text:
Chart (1991)
Peak
position

New Zealand (Recorded Music NZ)[17]
22

Netherlands (Single Top 100)[18]
43

US Billboard Hot 100[19]
18

US Adult Contemporary (Billboard)[20]
6

text: Year-end charts[edit]

text:
Chart (1992)
Position

US Billboard Year-End Chart[21]
100

text: Bruce Hornsby performance use[edit]

text: Although Bruce Hornsby had no hand in writing the song, his piano part on it became associated with him. Phil Collins described it as instantly recognizable as Hornsby's work.[22] Hornsby's own publicity material mentions his role on the "classic".[23]

text: On his own subsequent tours, Hornsby included the song in a number of his set lists. He sometimes let a female backing singer in his band take on the vocal.[24] Other times, he sang the song himself.[25]

text: George Michael version[edit]

text:
"I Can't Make You Love Me"

Single by George Michael

from the album Ladies & Gentlemen: The Best of George Michael

A-side
"Older"

Released
20 January 1997

Format

Cassette
CD

Recorded
1996

Genre
Pop

Length
5:23

Label

Dreamworks
Virgin

Songwriter(s)

Mike Reid
Allen Shamblin

Producer(s)
George Michael

George Michael singles chronology

"Spinning the Wheel"
(1996)
"I Can't Make You Love Me"
(1997)
"Star People"
(1997)

"Spinning the Wheel"
(1996)
"Older/I Can't Make You Love Me"
(1997)
"Star People"
(1997)

text: English singer George Michael covered "I Can't Make You Love Me" and released as a B-side of his single, "Older", which was released on 20 January 1997 as the fourth single from the album of the same name. Michael's version was also included on his compilation, Ladies & Gentlemen: The Best of George Michael (1998). "Older" and "I Can't Make You Love Me" both reached number 3 on the UK Singles Chart.

text: Background and release[edit]

text: After the release of his second studio album, Listen Without Prejudice Vol. 1 (1990), George Michael started a legal battle with his label, Sony Music, declaring his contract was financially inequitable and creatively stifling. Michael sued Sony to end his contract, leading to a long and costly legal battle that ended in 1995, with Michael signing to the newly launched Dreamworks Records label in the United States and Virgin in the rest of the world.[26] In 1995, the singer released the song "Jesus to a Child", which became a huge hit worldwide, followed by "Fastlove" and "Spinning the Wheel", which also became successful songs from his third studio album, Older (1996).[27][28]

text: While choosing the fourth single from the album, the title track "Older" was announced as the chosen one, with an EP also titled "Older" being released to promote the song. The EP features four tracks, including "Older", "The Strangest Thing" (also from the album "Older") and two covers: the famous Brazilian song "Desafinado" and Bonnie Raitt's "I Can't Make You Love Me",[29] which became the official B-side of the single. Since it was released as a B-side to "Older", "I Can't Make You Love Me" also entered the UK Singles Chart at number 3.[28]

text: Chart performance[edit]

text:
Chart (1997)
Position

UK Singles Chart[28]
3*

text: The peak position is the same of its A-side single "Older".

text: Boyz II Men version[edit]

text:
"I Can't Make You Love Me"

Single by Boyz II Men

from the album Love

Released
October 27, 2009

Format

CD
digital download

Recorded
2008

Genre
R&B

Length
5:17

Label

Decca
UMTV

Songwriter(s)

Mike Reid
Allen Shamblin

Boyz II Men singles chronology

"Mercy Mercy Me (The Ecology)"
(2008)
"I Can't Make You Love Me"
(2009)
"Iris"
(2009)

"Mercy Mercy Me (The Ecology)"
(2008)
"I Can't Make You Love Me"
(2009)
"Iris"
(2009)

text: American R&B vocal group Boyz II Men recorded "I Can't Make You Love Me" for their third cover album, Love (2009). Their version was released as the album's first single on October 27, 2009. Having a more R&B approach, "I Can't Make You Love Me" received generally favorable reviews from music critics, while it has achieved minor success on the Billboard's Hot R&B/Hip-Hop Songs chart.

text: Background and release[edit]

text: After releasing their second cover album in 2007, Motown: A Journey Through Hitsville USA, which was well received by critics, but failed to produce a successful single, the band announced plans for a new cover album, that features cover versions of songs by "artists I don't think people would expect us to cover," according to member Shawn Stockman.[30] On October 23, 2009, "I Can't Make You Love Me" was announced as Love's lead-single.[31] The song was later released on October 27, 2009 through iTunes store.[32] For the band members, "We wanted to stay true to our roots, and it's a very beautiful song. And with our sound, we gave it an R&B twist. It's always been a favorite of ours, and we hope people will fall in love with it again."[33]

text: Reception[edit]

text: A writer for Soul Bounce wrote that "The biggest surprise on this album is the bluesy interpretation of Bonnie Rait's country hit, 'I Can't Make You Love Me.' Starting with strong lyrics and a deep fried instrumental, the Boyz make this song their own with their unique flow providing good contrast to a familiar melodic line."[34] Los Angeles Theatre called it an "impassioned" performance.[35] On the charts, the song performed very modestly, reaching number 75 on the Hot R&B/Hip-Hop Songs chart.[36]

text: Chart performance[edit]

text:
Chart (2009)
Position

US Hot R&B/Hip-Hop Songs[36]
75

text: Adele version[edit]

text:
"I Can't Make You Love Me"

Song by Adele

from the album Live at the Royal Albert Hall

Recorded
22 September 2011

Genre
Soul

Length
3:39

Label

XL
Columbia
Sony

Songwriter(s)

Mike Reid
Allen Shamblin

text: In 2011, English singer Adele covered "I Can't Make You Love Me" for her first live album, Live at the Royal Albert Hall (2011). The song was acclaimed by music critics, who praised Adele's delivery and vocals. The song has charted on the UK Singles Chart, reaching the top-forty, although it was never released as a single.

text: Background and live performances[edit]

text: In addition to receiving positive reviews from music critics, Adele's second album 21 became one of the most successful albums of the 2010s, being the biggest selling musical release for both 2011 and 2012 and entering the Guinness World Records. While promoting the album and its third single, "Set Fire to the Rain", Adele performed on the iTunes Festival London 2011. On the setlist, Adele performed tracks from 21 and a cover of "I Can't Make You Love Me". Before performing the track, Adele stated that it was one of her favorite songs and described it as "perfect in every way". She added that Bonnie Raitt has a "stunning voice" and went on to compliment the lyrics, calling them "mind-blowing".[37]

text: After the positive response of the iTunes Festival performance, Adele covered once again the track, during her first live album, Live at the Royal Albert Hall, recorded on 22 September 2011. She made further comment over the song, saying, "It blows me away" and further adding that she thought the song was "incredibly moving". Adele also commented on the emotions the song gives her, saying, "It makes me really, really happy and really, really devastated and depressed at the same time. It makes me think of my fondest and best times in my life, and it makes me think of the worst as well, and combined, probably is a recipe for disaster, but I do love this song. It's just fucking stunning."[38]

text: Critical reception[edit]

text: While reviewing her iTunes Festival performance, David Smyth of London Evening Standard wrote that Adele sang the song "with raw expressiveness."[39] Andrew Leahey of Allmusic wrote that the cover "made all the more tender by the rarely heard frailties in Adele’s voice."[40] Donald Gibson of Seattle Pi wrote that "she breathes new life into Bonnie Raitt's 'I Can't Make You Love Me,' with similar intimacy and conviction."[41]

text: While reviewing her Live at the Royal Albert Hall DVD, critics lauded Adele's rendition. Andy Gill of The Independent called it an "impassioned version,"[42] while Alex Young of Consequence of Sound named it "heartfelt and stunning."[43] Kit O'Toole of Blogcritics praised her rendition, writing that it "retains its heart-wrenching, devastating mood thanks to Adele's multi-layered voice. Hearing her perform this song, one would imagine her as an older woman who has survived lifelong heartaches instead of a 23-year-old."[44] Maria Schurr of PopMatters lauded the covers (Raitt's "I Can't Make You Love Me" and Bob Dylan's "Make You Feel My Love") on the live album, naming "the most successful," writing that "both seem deeply heartfelt, like Adele understands, and is the only one who can make these words that are not hers ring true."[45] Chris Willman of The Wrap called it "a classic of unrequited love that you'd have to swear she wrote if Bonnie Raitt hadn't turned it into the ultimate female weepie back when Adele was 2."[46]

text: Chart performance[edit]

text: Despite not being released as a single, "I Can't Make You Love Me" debuted at number 53 on the UK Singles Chart week of 30 September 2012.[47] It later peaked at number 37, on the following week, 6 October 2012,[48] becoming her eighth top-forty song and first non-single top-forty hit.

text:
Chart (2012)
Peak
position

Irish Singles Chart[49]
78

Scottish Singles Chart[50]
34

UK Singles Chart[48]
37

text: Priyanka Chopra version[edit]

text:
"I Can't Make You Love Me"

Single by Priyanka Chopra

Released
22 April 2014 (2014-04-22)

Format
Digital download

Genre

Electropop
EDM

Length
3:38

Label

2101
DesiHits
Interscope

Songwriter(s)

Mike Reid
Allen Shamblin

Producer(s)
Manual "DJ Manian" Reuter

Priyanka Chopra singles chronology

"Exotic"
(2013)
"I Can't Make You Love Me"
(2014)

"Exotic"
(2013)
"I Can't Make You Love Me"
(2014)

Music video

"I Can't Make You Love Me" by Priyanka Chopra on YouTube

text: In 2014, Indian actress and singer Priyanka Chopra recorded a version of "I Can't Make You Love Me" for her upcoming debut studio album. Speaking about the song, Chopra said "This is one of my favorite tracks on the album. It's my ode to a classic, a song that I love, and one that says so much – this is for the actor in me."[51] Chopra's version of the song incorporates electronic dance music (EDM) and electropop in its production,.[52][53] which comes courtesy of German producer Manuel "DJ Manian" Reuter. Andy Gensler from Billboard commented on how different Chopra's version was from the original by Raitt, saying that "Chopra's more uptempo take on the song is more likely to connect with a generation of ravers with no idea of the song's origin"[54] The up-tempo version was demoed by American singer Ester Dean at the request of Interscope Records chairman Jimmy Iovine.[54]

text: It was released on 22 April 2014, by DesiHits, in association with 2101 Records and Interscope Records.[55][56] It is the third internationally released single following "In My City" (featuring will.i.am), which failed to achieve airplay in the United States,[57] and "Exotic". In the United Kingdom, "I Can't Make You Love Me" was originally planned to be Chopra's debut single, but was never released.[53]

text: Promotion and music video[edit]

text: Chopra's version of "I Can't Make You Love Me" was used to promote Beats by Dre. In a press release, it was revealed that the song would be used in the launch of a new campaign for the popular Beats Pill XL portable Bluetooth speaker. Chopra and her new track would be featured in the national ad campaign, that ran nationwide from May 1 through May 25.[58]

text: An accompanying music video was filmed in Los Angeles in February 2014.[59] It was conceptualised and directed by duo Jeff Nicholas and Jonathan Craven of The Uprising Creative.[56] Actor Milo Ventimiglia plays Chopra's love interest and scenes include Chopra throwing coloured paint at Ventimiglia as part of celebrations for the Indian festival of Holi, as well as embraces between the couple and solo scenes with Chopra.[59] According to NDTV, the video charts a fictional relationship that "goes from loving to hellish".[60] Behind the scenes footage was released to Access Hollywood.[61] It premiered in New York City on 30 April 2014.[52] Gensler noted that the video also contained product placement for Nokia and Beats by Dre speakers.[54]

text: Critical reception[edit]

text: CNN-News18 said, "The singer certainly sounds great, so much that it's almost unbelievable it is Priyanka Chopra. The number is definitely foot-tapping and you're going to be hearing this one at every restaurant and club in the days to come" and added that Chopra had "definitely done a great job recreating the Bonnie Ratt song".[62]

text: Chart performance[edit]

text:
Chart

Peak
position

US Hot Dance/Electronic Songs (Billboard)[63]
28

text: Notes[edit]

text:
Jump up ^ "Lennon track voted the best by songwriters". The Independent. Archived from the original on 2007-12-18.
^ Jump up to: a b "Rolling Stone's 500 Greatest Songs of All Time".
Jump up ^ https://www.rollingstone.com/music/news/nirvana-bowie-rem-songs-added-to-grammy-hall-of-fame-w452651
Jump up ^ Moore, Rick (June 3, 2013). "Bonnie Raitt, "I Can't Make You Love Me"". American Songwriter. Retrieved May 11, 2014.
^ Jump up to: a b Cooper, Peter (May 10, 2012). "Peter Cooper On Music: 'I Can't Make You Love Me' endures". Tennessean. Retrieved May 12, 2014.
Jump up ^ "Bonnie Raitt "I Can't Make You Love Me" Music Sheet". Musicnotes.com. Alfred Publishing Co., Inc. Retrieved May 12, 2014.
Jump up ^ 1001 Songs: The Great Songs of All Time and the Artists, Stories and Secrets Behind Them, Toby Creswell
Jump up ^ 107.1 KGSR - Radio Austin Archived 1 November 2006 at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ "Bonnie Raitt - I Can't Make You Love Me Lyrics". MetroLyrics. CBS Interactive. Retrieved May 12, 2014.
Jump up ^ Erlewine, Stephen Thomas. "Bonnie Raitt - Luck of the Draw | AllMusic". AllMusic. Rovi Corporation. Retrieved May 12, 2014.
Jump up ^ Hochman, Steve (June 23, 1991). "ALBUM REVIEW : ***1/2 BONNIE RAITT "Luck of the Draw" Capitol". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved May 12, 2014.
Jump up ^ Gardner, Elysa (June 17, 1997). "Luck of the Draw | Album Reviews | Rolling Stone". Rolling Stone. Retrieved May 12, 2014.
Jump up ^ Gallucci, Michael. "25 Saddest Songs Ever". Ultimate Classic Rock. Retrieved May 12, 2014.
Jump up ^ "Grammy's Greatest Moments, Volume III: Various Artists". Amazon.com. Retrieved 23 November 2011.
Jump up ^ Whitburn, Joel (2002). Top Adult Contemporary: 1961-2001. Record Research. p. 199.
Jump up ^ "Billboard Top 100 - 1992". Archived from the original on 17 January 2010. Retrieved 30 July 2010.
^ Jump up to: a b "Charts.org.nz – Bonnie Raitt – I Can't Make You Love Me". Top 40 Singles. Retrieved May 12, 2014.
^ Jump up to: a b "Dutchcharts.nl – Bonnie Raitt – I Can't Make You Love Me" (in Dutch). Single Top 100. Retrieved May 12, 2014.
Jump up ^ "Bonnie Raitt Chart History (Hot 100)" Billboard.
Jump up ^ "Bonnie Raitt Chart History (Adult Contemporary)" Billboard.
Jump up ^ "Best of 1989: Country Songs". Billboard. Prometheus Global Media. 1989. Retrieved August 28, 2013.
Jump up ^ "Phil Collins On 'I Can't Make You Love Me' on SiriusXM". SiriusXM. YouTube. January 20, 2011.
Jump up ^ "Bruce Hornsby in Concert". Cascade Theatre. Retrieved May 16, 2014.
Jump up ^ "This Week's Playlist: Song: I Can't Make You Love Me". lostandfoundradio.com. Retrieved May 16, 2014.  Also "Good Listening: Bruce Hornsby – Cleveland Music Hall – 11/20/93". addictedtovinyl.com. Retrieved May 16, 2014.
Jump up ^ "Bruce Hornsby 9/22/2012 at BU Anderson Center". Furthur. Archived from the original on May 17, 2014. Retrieved May 16, 2014.
Jump up ^ "George Michael | Biography | Allmusic". AllMusic. Rovi Corporation. Retrieved 13 May 2014.
Jump up ^ "George Michael | Awards | Allmusic". AllMusic. Retrieved 13 May 2014.
^ Jump up to: a b c "George Michael | Artist | Official Charts". The Official Charts Company. Retrieved 13 May 2014.
Jump up ^ "Older EP - George Michael - Allmusic". Allmusic. Retrieved 13 May 2014.
Jump up ^ Aleman, Annie. "Boyz II Men bring harmonies to NCC stage". Beacon News. Archived from the original on 14 May 2014. Retrieved 14 May 2014.
Jump up ^ "Music: Boyz II Men: I Can't Make You Love Me - New Single". This Is R&B. October 23, 2009. Retrieved May 14, 2014.
Jump up ^ "I Can't Make You Love Me - Single Boyz II Men". iTunes. Retrieved May 14, 2014.
Jump up ^ France, Lisa Respers (November 17, 2009). "Boyz II Men sending out 'Love'". CNN. Retrieved May 14, 2014.
Jump up ^ "Getting 'Love' From Boyz II Men". Soul Bounce. November 12, 2009. Retrieved May 14, 2014.
Jump up ^ "Fox Performing Arts Center Riverside, CA - Boyz II Men". Los Angeles Theatre. Retrieved May 14, 2014.
^ Jump up to: a b "Boyz II Men - Awards - Allmusic". Allmusic. Retrieved May 14, 2014.
Jump up ^ "Adele - I Can't Make You Love Me (Live) Itunes Festival 2011 HD". YouTube. 8 July 2011. Retrieved 14 May 2014.
Jump up ^ "Adele - I Can't Make You Love Me (Live At The Royal Albert Hall DVD)". YouTube. 14 February 2012. Retrieved 14 May 2014.
Jump up ^ Smyth, David (8 July 2011). "iTunes Festival, Adele, Roundhouse - review". London Evening Standard. Archived from the original on 14 May 2014. Retrieved 14 May 2014.
Jump up ^ Leahey, Andrew. "Adele: iTunes Festival: London 2011 - Allmusic". Allmusic. Retrieved 14 May 2014.
Jump up ^ Gibson, Donald (16 July 2011). "Music Review: Adele - iTunes Festival: London 2011 [EP]". Seattle Pi. Retrieved 14 May 2014.
Jump up ^ Gill, Andy (25 November 2011). "Album: Adele, Live at The Royal Albert Hall, XL". The Independent. Retrieved 14 May 2014.
Jump up ^ Young, Alex (1 December 2011). "Album Review: Adele – Live at the Royal Albert Hall". Consequence of Sound. Retrieved 14 May 2014.
Jump up ^ O'Toole, Kit (14 December 2011). "Music DVD Review: Adele Live at the Royal Albert Hall". Blogcritics. Archived from the original on 14 May 2014. Retrieved 14 May 2014.
Jump up ^ Schurr, Maria (10 January 2012). "Adele: Live at the Royal Albert Hall [DVD]". PopMatters. Retrieved 14 May 2014.
Jump up ^ Willman, Chris (29 November 2011). "Review: Adele Bares It All in Candor-Filled 'Live at Albert Hall'". The Wrap. Retrieved 14 May 2014.
Jump up ^ "Adele - I Can't Make You Love Me". Music Charts. Retrieved 14 May 2014.
^ Jump up to: a b "Adele - Artist - Official Charts". The Official Charts Company. Retrieved 14 May 2014.
Jump up ^ Hung, Steffen. "Discography Adele". Irish Charts Portal. Hung Medien (Steffen Hung).
Jump up ^ "Top 40 Scottish Singles Archive". The Official Charts Company. 7 October 2012. Retrieved 13 October 2012.
Jump up ^ "Priyanka Chopra Releases New Single 'I Can't Make You Love Me', Shoots Holi-Themed Music Video with Milo Ventimiglia". International Business Times. Retrieved 8 May 2014.
^ Jump up to: a b "Priyanka Chopra launches 'I Can't Make You Love Me' video - Bollywood News". Digital Spy. 30 April 2014. Retrieved 8 May 2014.
^ Jump up to: a b "Priyanka Chopra confirms 'I Can't Make You Love Me' release date - Bollywood News". Digital Spy. 20 April 2014. Retrieved 8 May 2014.
^ Jump up to: a b c "Priyanka Chopra Covers 'I Can't Make You Love Me' By Bonnie Raitt: Video". Billboard. Retrieved 8 May 2014.
Jump up ^ "I Can't Make You Love Me: Priyanka Chopra: MP3 Downloads". Amazon.com. 22 April 2014. Retrieved 8 May 2014.
^ Jump up to: a b "Interscope Records Recording Artist Priyanka Chopra Releases New Single 'I Can't... - SANTA MONICA, Calif., April 25, 2014 /PRNewswire/" (Press release). Prnewswire.com. Retrieved 8 May 2014.
Jump up ^ Gerrick D. Kennedy Times (20 November 2012). "Bollywood's Priyanka Chopra as pioneering pop act in America - Los Angeles Times". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 8 May 2014.
Jump up ^ "Priyanka Chopra's New Song Tapped for Beats By Dre Ad (Audio)". Billboard. 25 April 2014. Retrieved 8 May 2014.
^ Jump up to: a b "Priyanka Chopra shoots Holi scene for 'I Can't Make You Love Me' video - Bollywood News". Digital Spy. 23 February 2014. Retrieved 8 May 2014.
Jump up ^ "Priyanka Chopra Has Her Heart Broken In I Can't Make You Love Me Video". NDTV.com. 1 May 2014. Retrieved 8 May 2014.
Jump up ^ "Priyanka Chopra Exclusive: 'I Can't Make You Love Me'". Access Hollywood. 25 April 2014. Retrieved 8 May 2014.
Jump up ^ "Review of Priyanka Chopra's latest single 'I Can't Make You Love Me': Foot-tapping but doesn't pick up!". CNN-News18. April 24, 2014. Retrieved June 9, 2016.
Jump up ^ "Artist Charts Search: Priyanka Chopra". Billboard Chart Search. Prometheus Global Media. Archived from the original on 11 May 2014. Retrieved 11 May 2014.


document_title: Ventricular system

question_text: where are the ventricles of the brain located

text: Ventricular system

text: Structure[edit]

text: The system comprises four ventricles:

text:
lateral ventricles right and left (one for each hemisphere)
third ventricle
fourth ventricle

text: There are several foramina, openings acting as channels, that connect the ventricles. The interventricular foramina (also called the foramina of Monro) connect the lateral ventricles to the third ventricle through which the cerebrospinal fluid can flow.

text:
Name
From
To

interventricular foramina (Monro)
lateral ventricles
third ventricle

cerebral aqueduct (Sylvius)
third ventricle
fourth ventricle

median aperture (Magendie)
fourth ventricle
subarachnoid space via the cisterna magna

right and left lateral aperture (Luschka)
fourth ventricle
subarachnoid space via the cistern of great cerebral vein

text: Ventricles[edit]

text: The four cavities of the human brain are called ventricles.[1] The two largest are the lateral ventricles in the cerebrum; the third ventricle is in the diencephalon of the forebrain between the right and left thalamus; and the fourth ventricle is located at the back of the pons and upper half of the medulla oblongata of the hindbrain. The ventricles are concerned with the production and circulation of cerebrospinal fluid[2]

text: Development[edit]

text: The structures of the ventricular system are embryologically derived from the neural canal, the centre of the neural tube.

text: As the part of the primitive neural tube that will develop into the brainstem, the neural canal expands dorsally and laterally, creating the fourth ventricle, whereas the neural canal that does not expand and remains the same at the level of the midbrain superior to the fourth ventricle forms the cerebral aqueduct. The fourth ventricle narrows at the obex (in the caudal medulla), to become the central canal of the spinal cord.

text: In more detail, around the third week of development, the embryo is a three-layered disc. The embryo is covered on the dorsal surface by a layer of cells called ectoderm. In the middle of the dorsal surface of the embryo is a linear structure called the notochord. As the ectoderm proliferates, the notochord is dragged into the middle of the developing embryo. The notochord becomes a canal within the embryo known as the neural canal.[3]

text: As the brain develops, by the fourth week of embryological development several swellings have formed within the embryo around the canal, near where the head will develop. These swellings represent different components of the central nervous system, and are three in number: the prosencephalon, mesencephalon and rhombencephalon. These in turn divide into five sections. As these sections develop around the neural canal, the inner neural canal becomes known as primitive ventricles. These form the ventricular system of the brain:[3] The neural stem cells of the developing brain, principally radial glial cells, line the developing ventricular system in a transient zone called the ventricular zone.[4]

text:
The prosencephalon divides into the telencephalon, which forms the cortex of the developed brain, and the diencephalon. The ventricles contained within the telencephalon become the lateral ventricles, and the ventricles within the diencephalon become the third ventricle.
The rhombencephalon divides into a metencephalon and myelencephalon. The ventricles contained within the rhombencephalon become the fourth ventricle, and the ventricles contained within the mesencephalon become the aqueduct of Sylvius.

text: Separating the anterior horns of the lateral ventricles is the septum pellucidum: a thin, triangular, vertical membrane which runs as a sheet from the corpus callosum down to the fornix. During the third month of fetal development, a space forms between two septal laminae, known as the cave of septum pellucidum (CSP), which is a marker for fetal neural maldevelopment. During the fifth month of development, the laminae start to close and this closure completes from about three to six months after birth. Fusion of the septal laminae is attributed to rapid development of the alvei of the hippocampus, amygdala, septal nuclei, fornix, corpus callosum and other midline structures. Lack of such limbic development interrupts this posterior-to-anterior fusion, resulting in the continuation of the CSP into adulthood.[5]

text: Function[edit]

text: Flow of cerebrospinal fluid[edit]

text: The ventricles are filled with cerebrospinal fluid (CSF) which bathes and cushions the brain and spinal cord within their bony confines. CSF is produced by modified ependymal cells of the choroid plexus found in all components of the ventricular system except for the cerebral aqueduct and the posterior and anterior horns of the lateral ventricles. CSF flows from the lateral ventricles via the interventricular foramina into the third ventricle, and then the fourth ventricle via the cerebral aqueduct in the brainstem. From the fourth ventricle it can pass into the central canal of the spinal cord or into the subarachnoid cisterns via three small foramina: the central median aperture and the two lateral apertures.

text: The fluid then flows around the superior sagittal sinus to be reabsorbed via the arachnoid granulations (or arachnoid villi) into the venous sinuses, after which it passes through the jugular vein and major venous system. CSF within the spinal cord can flow all the way down to the lumbar cistern at the end of the cord around the cauda equina where lumbar punctures are performed.

text: The cerebral aqueduct between the third and fourth ventricles is very small, as are the foramina, which means that they can be easily blocked.

text: Protection of the brain[edit]

text: The brain and spinal cord are covered by the meninges, the three protective membranes of the tough dura mater, the arachnoid mater and the pia mater. The cerebrospinal fluid (CSF) within the skull and spine provides further protection and also buoyancy, and is found in the subarachnoid space between the pia mater and the arachnoid mater.

text: The CSF that is produced in the ventricular system is also necessary for chemical stability, and the provision of nutrients needed by the brain. The CSF helps to protect the brain from jolts and knocks to the head and also provides buoyancy and support to the brain against gravity. (Since the brain and CSF are similar in density, the brain floats in neutral buoyancy, suspended in the CSF.) This allows the brain to grow in size and weight without resting on the floor of the cranium, which would destroy nervous tissue.[6][7]

text: Clinical significance[edit]

text: The narrowness of the cerebral aqueduct and foramina means that they can become blocked, for example, by blood following a hemorrhagic stroke. As cerebrospinal fluid is continually produced by the choroid plexus within the ventricles, a blockage of outflow leads to increasingly high pressure in the lateral ventricles. As a consequence, this commonly leads in turn to hydrocephalus. Medically one would call this post-haemorrhagic acquired hydrocephalus, but is often referred to colloquially by the layperson as "water on the brain". This is an extremely serious condition regardless of the cause of blockage. An endoscopic third ventriculostomy is a surgical procedure for the treatment of hydrocephalus in which an opening is created in the floor of the third ventricle using an endoscope placed within the ventricular system through a burr hole. This allows the cerebrospinal fluid to flow directly to the basal cisterns, thereby shortcutting any obstruction. A surgical procedure to make an entry hole to access any of the ventricles is called a ventriculostomy. This is done to drain accumulated cerebrospinal fluid either through a temporary catheter or a permanent shunt.

text: Other diseases of the ventricular system include inflammation of the membranes (meningitis) or of the ventricles (ventriculitis) caused by infection or the introduction of blood following trauma or haemorrhage (cerebral haemorrhage or subarachnoid haemorrhage).

text: During embryogenesis in the choroid plexus of the ventricles, choroid plexus cysts can form.

text: The scientific study of CT scans of the ventricles in the late 1970s gave new insight into the study of mental disorders. Researchers found that individuals with schizophrenia had (in terms of group averages) larger than usual ventricles. This became the first "evidence" that schizophrenia was biological in origin and led to a renewed interest in its study via the use of imaging techniques. Magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) has superseded the use of CT in research in the role of detecting ventricular abnormalities in psychiatric illness.

text: Whether the enlarged ventricles is a cause or a result of schizophrenia has not yet been established. Enlarged ventricles are also found in organic dementia and have been explained largely in terms of environmental factors.[8] They have also been found to be extremely diverse between individuals, such that the percentage difference in group averages in schizophrenia studies (+16%) has been described as "not a very profound difference in the context of normal variation" (ranging from 25% to 350% of the mean average).[9]

text: The cave of septum pellucidum has been loosely associated with schizophrenia,[10] post-traumatic stress disorder,[11] traumatic brain injury,[12] as well as with antisocial personality disorder.[5] CSP is one of the distinguishing features of individuals displaying symptoms of dementia pugilistica.[13]

text: Additional images[edit]

text:
Transverse dissection showing the ventricles of the brain.

View of ventricles.

Scheme showing relations of the ventricles to the surface of the brain.

Drawing of a cast of the ventricular cavities, viewed from above.

View of ventricles and choroid plexus


document_title: Standin' on the Corner Park

question_text: who sings standing on a corner in winslow arizona

text: Standin' on the Corner Park

text:
Standin' on the Corner Park

Standin' on the Corner Park, a tribute to the Jackson Browne/Glenn Frey song "Take It Easy"

Type
Municipal

Location
Winslow, Arizona

Coordinates
35°1′24.54″N 110°41′53.03″W / 35.0234833°N 110.6980639°W / 35.0234833; -110.6980639

Created
1999

Operated by
Standin' on the Corner in Winslow, Arizona Park Committee

Status
Open all year

text: Standin' on the Corner Park (opened 1999 in Winslow, Arizona) is a public park, commemorating the song "Take It Easy", written by Jackson Browne and Glenn Frey, and, most famously, recorded by the Eagles. The song includes the verse "Well, I'm a standing on a corner in Winslow, Arizona and such a fine sight to see. It's a girl, my Lord, in a flatbed Ford slowin' down to take a look at me". The park contains a two-story trompe-l'œil mural by John Pugh, and a bronze statue of a life-sized man with a guitar from the Eagles song "Take it Easy"[1] by Ron Adamson, standing on a corner with a guitar. The park is surrounded by a wall of bricks, each with a donor's name on it, and a story by each of the donors describing their fondness for Winslow.[2]

text: History[edit]

text: Up until the 1960s, Winslow was a thriving town in northern Arizona just off Route 66. Construction of the $7.7 million bypass around Winslow began soon after 1977.[3] When I-40 bypassed the community many local businesses disappeared, tourism being among the hardest hit. While some local jobs remained (as Winslow is the base of operation for one thousand railroad workers), the local downtown was badly hurt by the influx of national chains (such as Walmart and McDonald's) along the new interstate highway to the north of the town.[4] Twenty years passed and Winslow was stuck in a commercial rut.

text: Winslow was the next to last town to be bypassed... We would watch hundreds of trucks roll by day and night. Then one morning, they opened (I-40) and everything stopped. For about 20 years, nobody knew what to do.

text: In 1997, the La Posada Hotel (a former Harvey House on the Santa Fe Railroad, long at risk for demolition) was restored and reopened. Listing of La Posada Historic District on the National Register of Historic Places served as a first step toward re-awakening the town.

text: The Standin' on the Corner Foundation was formed to create a renaissance of Winslow. Determined to build on tourism, the foundation took advantage of the town being mentioned in the song "Take It Easy" made famous by the Eagles. From 1997 until 1999, the foundation was busy finding donors and planning design concepts. On September 10 and 11, 1999 the park was opened to the public.[2]

text: The 2006 release of animated film Cars brought renewed attention to the efforts to save local U.S. Route 66 main street businesses in towns long bypassed. While Winslow itself is not depicted on-screen, the movie's credits list both La Posada Hotel and Diane Patterson's souvenir shop at Standin' on the Corner Park among the many Mother Road locations at which Pixar studio personnel conducted exhaustive interviews as part of extensive research for the film.

text: On October 18, 2004, there was a fire at the Standin' on the Corner Park. While the face of the building and the actual corner survived, the rest of the building was burned down. As of 2011[update], an attempt to restore downtown Winslow tourism is booming.

text: In September 2016, a statue was unveiled at the park in the likeness of Glenn Frey, who died earlier that year.[5]