document_title: Tea in the United Kingdom

question_text: how did tea make its way to england

question_tokens: how did tea make its way to england

text: Tea in the United Kingdom

text: History[edit]

text: Early mentions[edit]

text: The first record of tea written in English came from English merchants abroad. In 1615, Richard Wickham, who ran an East India Company office in Japan, wrote in a letter to merchants in Macao requesting that they bring him "a pot of the best sort of chaw". Peter Mundy, a traveller and merchant who came across tea in Fujian, China in 1637, wrote, "chaa — only water with a kind of herb boiled in it ".[3]

text: Green tea exported from China was first introduced in the coffeehouses of London shortly before the Stuart Restoration (1660); in 1657, tea was offered as an item in a London coffeehouse in Exchange Alley.[4] The owner Thomas Garraway had to explain the new beverage in a pamphlet, and an advertisement in Mercurius Politicus for 30 September 1658 offered "That Excellent, and by all Physicians approved, China drink, called by the Chinese, Tcha, by other nations Tay alias Tee, ...sold at the Sultaness-head, ye Cophee-house in Sweetings-Rents, by the Royal Exchange, London". [5] In London "Coffee, chocolate and a kind of drink called tee" were "sold in almost every street in 1659", according to Thomas Rugge's Diurnall.[6] Tea was mainly consumed by upper and mercantile classes: Samuel Pepys, curious for every novelty, tasted the new drink in 1660 and recorded the experience in his diary: [25 September] "I did send for a cup of tee, (a China drink) of which I had never had drunk before". Some years later, in 1667, Pepys noted that his wife was taking tea on medical advice – "a drink which Mr Pelling the Pottecary tells her is good for her colds and defluxions". The Royal College of Physicians debated whether any of the exotic new hot drinks would "agree with the Constitutions of our English bodies".[7]

text: Stuarts and Georgians[edit]

text: In 1660, two pounds and two ounces of tea bought from Portugal were formally presented to Charles II by the British East India Company.[8] The drink, already common in Europe, was a favourite of his new Portuguese bride, Catherine of Braganza, who introduced it at court after she married Charles II in 1662. As tea was her temperance drink of choice, it gained social acceptance among the aristocracy. Catherine of Braganza's choice of tea was also instrumental in the popularization of tea in Britain – because tea was introduced primarily through male-frequented coffee houses, there would have been far less social acceptability for women to drink this beverage had it not been for her example. Catherine of Braganza's use of tea as a court beverage, rather than a medicinal drink, influenced its popularity in literary circles around 1685.[9]

text: The British East India company made its first order for the importation of tea in 1667 to their agent in Bantam, and two canisters of tea weighing 143 lbs 8 oz arrived from Bantam in 1669.[10] In 1672, a servant of Baron Herbert in London sent his instructions for tea making, and warming the delicate cups, to Shropshire;

text: "The directions for the tea are: a quart of spring water just boiled, to which put a spoonful of tea, and sweeten to the palate with candy sugar. As soon as the tea and sugar are in, the steam must be kept in as much as may be, and let it lie half or quarter of an hour in the heat of the fire but not boil. The little cups must be held over the steam before the liquid be put in."[11]

text: The earliest English equipages for making tea date to the 1660s. Small porcelain tea bowls were used by the fashionable; they were occasionally shipped with the tea itself. Tea-drinking spurred the search for a European imitation of Chinese porcelain, first successfully produced in England at the Chelsea porcelain manufactory, established around 1743-45 and quickly imitated. See tea set.

text: Black tea overtook green tea in popularity in the 1720s when sugar and milk were added to tea, a practice that was not done in China. The growth in the import of tea parallels that of sugar in the 18th century.[12] Between 1720 and 1750 the imports of tea to Britain through the British East India Company more than quadrupled.[13] Fernand Braudel queried, "is it true to say the new drink replaced gin in England?"[14] By 1766, exports from Canton stood at six million pounds on British boats, compared with 4.5 on Dutch ships, 2.4 on Swedish, 2.1 on French.[15] Veritable "tea fleets" grew up. Tea was particularly interesting to the Atlantic world not only because it was easy to cultivate but also because of how easy it was to prepare and its ability to revive the spirits and cure mild colds.[16]

text: Thomas Twining opened the first known tea shop in 1706, which still remains at 216 Strand, London. In 1787, the company created its logo, still in use today, which is thought to be the world's oldest commercial logo that has been in continuous use since its inception.[17] Under Associated British Foods since 1964, Stephen Twining now represents the company's tenth generation. In 2006, Twinings celebrated its 300th anniversary with a special tea and associated tea caddies. Twining's is a Royal Warrant holder (appointed by HM The Queen).

text: Victorian and later[edit]

text: Some scholars suggest that tea played a role in British Industrial Revolution. Afternoon tea possibly became a way to increase the number of hours labourers could work in factories; the stimulants in the tea, accompanied by sugary snacks would give workers energy to finish the day's work. Further, tea helped alleviate some of the consequences of the urbanization that accompanied the industrial revolution: drinking tea required boiling the water, thereby killing water-borne diseases like dysentery, cholera, and typhoid.[18]

text: The popularity of tea occasioned the furtive export of slips, a small shoot for planting or twig for grafting to tea plants, from China to British India and its commercial cultivation there, beginning in 1840.

text: Between 1872 and 1884 the supply of tea to the British Empire increased with the expansion of the railway to the east. The demand, however, was not proportional, which caused the prices to rise. Nevertheless, from 1884 onward, due to innovation in tea preparation, the price of tea dropped and remained relatively low throughout the first half of the 20th century.

text: Soon afterwards London became the centre of the international tea trade.[19] With high tea imports also came a large increase in the demand for porcelain. The demand for tea cups, pots and dishes increased to go along with this popular new drink.[16]

text: Roger Fulford argues that tea rooms benefitted women in the Victorian era, in that these neutral public spaces were instrumental in the "spread of independence" for women and their struggle for the vote.[20] Paul Chrystal characterises tea rooms as "popular and fashionable, especially with women", providing them a dignified and safe place to meet and eat - and strategise on political campaigns.[21]

text: British-style tea[edit]

text: Brewing the tea[edit]

text: Even very slightly formal events can be a cause for cups and saucers to be used instead of mugs. A typical semi-formal British tea ritual might run as follows (the host performing all actions unless noted):[22]

text:
The kettle is brought to a rolling boil (with fresh water to ensure good oxygenation which is essential for proper diffusion of the tea leaves).[23]
Enough boiling water is swirled around the teapot to warm it and then poured out.
Add loose tea leaves (usually black tea) or tea bags, always added before the boiled water.
Fresh boiling water is poured over the tea in the pot and allowed to brew for 2 to 5 minutes while a tea cosy may be placed on the pot to keep the tea warm.[24]
A tea strainer is placed over the top of the cup and the tea poured in, unless tea bags are used. Tea bags may be removed, if desired, once desired strength is attained.
Fresh milk and white sugar are added, usually by the guest. Most people have milk with their tea, many without sugar.
The pot will normally hold enough tea so as not to be empty after filling the cups of all the guests. If this is the case, the tea cosy is replaced after everyone has been served. Hot water may be provided in a separate pot, and is used only for topping up the pot, never the cup.

text: The question of milk[edit]

text:
"By putting the tea in first and stirring as one pours, one can exactly regulate the amount of milk, whereas one is likely to put in too much milk if one does it the other way round"

—One of Orwell's eleven rules for making tea from his essay "A Nice Cup of Tea", appearing in the London Evening Standard, 12 January 1946.[25]

tag: div

text: Whether to put milk into the cup before or after the tea has been a matter of debate since at least the mid-20th century; in his 1946 essay "A Nice Cup of Tea", author George Orwell wrote, "tea is one of the mainstays of civilisation in this country and causes violent disputes over how it should be made".[26] Whether to put tea in the cup first and add the milk after, or the other way around, has split public opinion, with Orwell stating, "indeed in every family in Britain there are probably two schools of thought on the subject".[26]

text: Another aspect of the debate are claims that adding milk at the different times alters the flavour of the tea (for instance, see ISO 3103 and the Royal Society of Chemistry's "How to make a Perfect Cup of Tea".[27]) Some studies suggest that the heating of milk above 75 degrees Celsius (adding milk after the tea is poured, not before) does cause denaturation of the lactalbumin and lactoglobulin.[28] Other studies argue brewing time has a greater importance.[29] Regardless, when milk is added to tea, it may affect the flavour. In addition to considerations of flavour, the order of these steps is thought to have been, historically, an indication of class. Only those wealthy enough to afford good-quality porcelain would be confident of its being able to cope with being exposed to boiling water unadulterated with milk.[30]

text: A further point of discussion on when to add milk is how it affects the time taken for the liquid to reach a drinkable temperature. While adding milk first will cause an initial drop in temperature which leads to a more shallow cooling curve (thus slower cooling) while also increasing volume (which would slightly increase the surface area through which the tea could lose heat), one study noted that adding milk first leads to the tea retaining heat out of all proportion with these effects. The major mechanism by which hot tea cools is not conduction or radiation but evaporative loss which is affected by the physical properties of the milk.[footnote 1] The study concluded that lipids in milk prevent water evaporating so rapidly thus retaining heat longer.[footnote 2]

text: Drinking etiquette[edit]

text: There are opinions as to the proper manner in which to drink tea when using a cup and saucer.[31] Historically, during the 1770s and 1780s, it was fashionable to drink tea from saucers. Saucers were deeper than is the current fashion and so more similar to bowls like their Chinese antecedents.[32] If one is seated at a table, the proper manner to drink tea is to raise the teacup only, placing it back into the saucer in between sips. When standing or sitting in a chair without a table, one holds the tea saucer with the off hand and the tea cup in the dominant hand. When not in use, the tea cup is placed back in the tea saucer and held in one's lap or at waist height. In either event, the tea cup should never be held or waved in the air. Fingers should be curled inwards, no finger should extend away from the handle of the cup.[22]

text: Tea as a break[edit]

text: British workers by law, have the right to a minimum of a twenty-minute break in a shift of six hours; government guidelines describe this as " a tea or lunch break".[33] More informally, this is known as elevenses, i.e. a couple of hours before the midday meal, traditionally served at 1pm.

text: Builder's tea in a mug is typical of a quick break in the working day.

text: Tea as a meal[edit]

text: Tea is not only the name of the beverage, but of a light meal. Anna Russell, Duchess of Bedford is credited with its creation circa 1840, to ward off hunger between luncheon and dinner, as the latter was being served later and later. The tradition continues to this day in tea rooms in the UK. While these establishments have declined in popularity since World War II, there are still many to be found in the countryside. In the West Country, cream teas are a speciality: scones, clotted cream, and jam accompany the drink. Afternoon tea, in contemporary British usage, usually indicates a special occasion, perhaps in a hotel dining room, with savoury snacks (tea sandwiches) as well as small sweet pastries.

text: A social event to enjoy tea together, usually in a private home, is a tea party.

text: "Tea" (sometimes "high tea") can also mean the savoury, hot early evening meal. This usage is common in working class British English and in Northern England. See Tea as the evening meal.

text: Tea cards[edit]

text: In the United Kingdom a number of varieties of loose tea sold in packets from the 1940s to the 1980s contained tea cards. These were illustrated cards roughly the same size as cigarette cards and intended to be collected by children. Perhaps the best known were Typhoo tea and Brooke Bond (manufacturer of PG Tips), the latter of whom also provided albums for collectors to keep their cards in. The brand named Brooke Bond Dividend D, that is, the card was a dividend ("divvy") against the cost of the tea.

text: Some renowned artists were commissioned to illustrate the cards, including Charles Tunnicliffe. Many of these card collections are now valuable collectors' items.

text: A related phenomenon arose in the early 1990s when PG Tips released a series of tea-based pogs, with pictures of cups of tea and chimpanzees on them. Tetley's tea released competing pogs but never matched the popularity of the PG Tips variety.

text: Popularity of tea in UK[edit]

text: This section may be too long to read and navigate comfortably. Please consider splitting content into sub-articles, condensing it, or adding or removing subheadings. (September 2017)

text: Historians argue about the origins of tea’s popularity and many attribute it to one or two factors. Ukers argues in All About Tea: Volume I that the rise in popularity of tea in Great Britain was largely due to tea’s reputation among men as a medical drink that can cure a wide array of ailments and its burgeoning presence in the coffeehouses where elite men congregated.[34] As for tea’s popularity among women, he briefly acknowledges that Princess Catherine of Braganza made tea fashionable among aristocratic women, but largely attributes its popularity to its ubiquity in the medical discourse of seventeenth century. Ellis, Coulton, and Mauger trace tea’s popularity back to three distinct groups in Empire of Tea: The Asian Leaf that Conquered the World. These groups were virtuosi, merchants, and elite female aristocrats.[35] They argue that the influence of these three groups combined launched tea as a popular beverage in Great Britain. Smith, in his article “Complications of the Commonplace: Tea, Sugar, and Imperialism” differs from Ukers and Ellis, Coulton, and Mauger in that he argues that tea only became popular once sugar was added to the drink and tea with sugar became associated with a domestic ritual that indicated respectability.[36] Mintz, in both “The Changing Roles of Food in the Story of Consumption” and Sweetness and Power, agrees and disagrees with Smith. Mintz acknowledges that sugar played a monumental role in the rise of tea, but contradicts Smith’s connection of tea to respectability.[37] While Smith argues that tea first became popular in the home, Mintz believes tea first became popular in the workplace, as people drank tea during the workday for its warm sweetness and stimulating properties.[38] It was later that it entered the home and became an “integral part of the social fabric.”[39] After reviewing the discourse, it is clear that while many historians attribute tea’s rise to prominence in England to only two or three varying factors, it was actually due to a combination of up to six factors that changed and progressed over time as tea became more common throughout various levels of English society.

text: The history of European interactions with tea dates back to the mid-sixteenth century. The earliest mention of tea in European literature was by Giambattista Ramusio, a Venetian explorer, as Chai Catai or “Tea of China” in 1559.[40] Tea was mentioned several more times in various European countries afterwards, but Jan Hugo van Linschooten, a Dutch navigator, was the first to write a printed reference of tea in 1598 in his Discours of Voyages.[41] However, it was several years later, in 1615, that the earliest known reference to tea by an Englishman took place in a letter exchanged between Mr. R. Wickham, an agent for the British East India Company stationed at Japan to a Mr. Eaton, who was stationed in Macao, China.[42] In this letter, Wickham asked Eaton to send him “a pot of the best sort of chaw,”[42] phonetically how one would write chàh, the local (Cantonese) dialect word for tea. Another early reference to tea appears in the writings of trader Samuel Purchas in 1625.[43] Purchas describes how the Chinese consume tea as “the powder of a certaine herbe called chia of which they put as much as a walnut shell may contain, into a dish of Porcelane, and drink it with hot water.”[43] Though there were a number of early mentions, it was several more years before tea was actually sold in England. Thomas Garway, a tobacconist and coffee house owner, was the first person in England to sell tea as a leaf and beverage at his shop in Exchange Alley in 1657.[44] Immediately after Garway began selling it, the Sultaness Head Coffee House began selling tea as a beverage and posted the first newspaper advertisement for tea in Mercurius Politicus in 1658.[45] The announcement proclaimed “That Excellent and by all Physicians approved China drink, called by the Chineans Tcha, by other Nations Tay, alias Tee, is sold at the Sultaness Head Cophee House in Sweetings Rents, by the Royal Exchange, London.”[45] While tea slowly became more common in coffeehouses in the years that followed, the first tea shop in London did not open until 1717 and it was not until this time that tea became commonly used.[46] In between tea’s earliest mentions in England and its widespread popularity little over a century later, many factors contributed the craze for this previously unknown foreign commodity.

text: The first factor that contributed to the rise in popularity of tea was its reputation as a medical drink. Tea first became labeled as a medical drink in 1641 by Dr. Nikolas Dirx, who wrote under the pseudonym “Nicolas Tulp” and was a celebrated Dutch physician.[47] Tulp praised tea in his book, Observationes Medicae, claiming that “nothing is comparable to this plant” and that those who use it are “exempt from all maladies and reach an extreme old age.”[48] He goes into detail on the specific merits of tea, such as curing “headaches, colds, ophthalmia, catarrh, asthma, sluggishness of the stomach, and intestinal troubles.”[48] It is important to note that Tulp was also a director of the Dutch East India Company, so his praise of tea was likely a marketing tactic.[49] Thomas Garway, the first English shopkeeper to sell tea, published a broadsheet in 1660 titled “An Exact Description of the Growth, Quality, and Vertues of the Leaf TEA” which also praised tea’s medical benefits. Garway claims that “the Drink is declared to be most wholesome, preserving in perfect health until extreme Old Age,” as well as “maketh the body active and lusty,” “helpeth the Headache,” “taketh away the difficulty of breathing,” “strengtheneth the Memory,” and “expelleth infection.”[50] There were many more published works on the health benefits of tea, including those by Hartlib in 1657, Bontekoe in 1678, Povey in 1686, and Tryon in the 1690s.[51][52][53] Even John Locke, the famous English philosopher, developed a fondness for tea after spending time with Dutch medical men in the 1680s.[54] Ellis, Coulton, and Mauger refer to these men as “virtuosi”: scientists, philosophers, and doctors who first took an interest in tea and contributed to its early popularity as a pharmaceutical.[55] But, such as with the case of Tulp, some of these men may have been influenced by Indies companies and merchants who wished to create a market for tea. Nevertheless, there is little doubt that these writings about the so-called health benefits of tea contributed to rise in popularity of tea in England.

text: The proliferation of works on the health benefits of tea happened to come at a time when people in the upper classes of English society began to take an interest in their health, which ties into the second factor that gave rise to tea’s popularity. As most historians will say, Princess Catherine of Braganza, the Portuguese princess who married King Charles II in 1662, introduced tea to the aristocratic class and made it fashionable among the ladies of the court.[49][56] According to Ellis, Coulton, Maugher, “tea was six to ten times more expensive than coffee” in the 1660s, making it an extremely expensive and luxurious commodity.[57] Tea’s association with luxury was perhaps why it became so popular among the elite. Whenever it was consumed in the court, it was “conspicuously on display” so as to show it off.[55] Tea drinking became a central aspect of aristocratic society in England by the 1680s, particularly among women who drank it while gossiping in the home.[58] Catherine of Braganza’s introduction of tea to ladies was significant because it made tea an acceptable drink for both sexes, when it easily could have been categorized as a men’s drink if it had remained only available in the coffeehouses that only men frequented. Wealthy ladies’ desire to show off their luxurious commodities in front of other ladies also increased demand for tea and made it more popular. Another factor that made tea desirable among the elite crowd was the addition of sugar, another luxurious commodity which was already well-established among the upper classes.

text: Though tea was already gaining popularity on its own, the addition of sugar is what allowed tea’s popularity to soar, making sugar the third factor that contributed to tea’s rise. According to Smith, the English began adding sugar to their tea between 1685 and the early eighteenth century.[59] At this time, sugar was already being used to enhance the flavor of other foods among the elite and had a reputation as an ostentatious luxury.[60] Because both tea and sugar had status implications it made sense to drink them together.[61] Furthermore, sugar imports into England were growing rapidly because the supply of sugar was highly elastic due to the growth of sugar plantations in the Americas.[62] But, as previously mentioned, the elite classes of England were starting to care more about their health and literature on the unhealthiness of sugar was beginning to circulate in the late seventeenth century.[63] Adding sugar to tea, however, was seen as an acceptable way to consume sugar because it suggested that “one had the self-control to consume sugar in a healthy way.”[63] Sugar also masks tea’s bitterness, so it simply made tea more desirable because it tasted better. As the supply of both tea and sugar grew during the early eighteenth century, the combination of the two commodities became more universal and increased the popularity and demand for both products.

text: Tea would not have become the English staple it is known as if not for the increase in its supply that made it more accessible. When tea was first introduced to England, the British East India Company was not directly trading with China and merchants relied on tea imports from Holland.[64] Because this tea was so expensive and difficult to get, there was very little demand for it, except among the elite who could afford it and made special orders. It was not until after 1700 that the British East India Company began to trade regularly with China and ordering tea, though not in large quantities.[65] Smith argues that the tea trade was actually a side effect of the silk and textile trade because these were the Chinese commodities that were most desired at the time.[65] In 1720, however, Parliament banned the importation of finished Asian textiles and traders began to focus on tea instead.[65] This new focus marked a turning point for the English tea trade and is arguably why tea became more popular than coffee. Once the British East India company focused on tea as its main import, tea attained price stability soon after. Conversely, the price of coffee remained unpredictable and high, allowing tea to grow in popularity before coffee became more accessible.[66] Furthermore, the rising demand for tea and sugar was easily met with increased supply as the tea industry grew in India, which prevented sharp price increases that would have discouraged people from buying it.[67] In fact, the price of tea actually fell as it was becoming more popular among the upper-middle and middle classes. The significant drop in tea’s price between 1720 and 1750 was a major turning point for tea in England. The increase in supply of tea was one of the most important factors that boosted its popularity in Britain and opened up the world of tea to new levels of society.

text: The fifth factor that led to tea’s dominance in Great Britain was its adoption as a domestic ritual enjoyed by a variety of groups in the middle and upper classes. Because tea began as a luxury for only the super-rich, it already had a reputation as a high-class commodity. But as prices slowly dropped in the eighteenth century, more people at the middle levels of society had access to it. According to Smith, drinking tea became associated with respectability.[68] When people drank tea, they were expected to possess certain manners and behave in a particular way.[68] Soon, drinking tea became a domestic ritual among families, colleagues, and friends who were just wealthy enough to afford it, which also increased demand.[67] The association between tea and respectability became so ingrained in British culture that it reached a point where it could not go out of fashion.[63] Tea-drinking among these groups was also soon considered patriotic. Because the British East India Company had a monopoly over the tea industry in England, tea became more popular than coffee, chocolate, and alcohol.[69] Tea was seen as inherently British and tea-drinking was encouraged by the British government because of the revenue gained from taxing tea.[70] Unlike coffee and chocolate, which came from the colonies of Britain’s rivals in various regions of the world, tea was produced in a single massive colony and served as a means of not only profit, but colonial power.[70][63] Mintz goes so far as to argue that the combination of ritualization and increased production in the British colonies was how tea became inherently British.[71] As the British continued to import more and more tea throughout the eighteenth century, tea slowly went from a respectable commodity consumed by the well-mannered classes in domestic rituals to an absolute necessity in the British diet, even among the poor working classes. It was at this point that tea became universal among all levels of society.

text: Tea’s popularity finally reached the working class in the late eighteenth century and early nineteenth century and was soon considered an everyday necessity among poor laborers. According to Scottish historian David MacPherson, tea had become cheaper than beer in the early nineteenth century.[72] Furthermore, sugar had also become extremely cheap by this time and the two were almost always consumed together.[73] However, the poor consumed tea much differently than the well-mannered ritual adopted by the upper classes. For starters, according to Mintz, “tea-drinking among the poor probably began in connection with work, not in the home.”[74] Day laborers brewed their tea out in the open and brought their tea equipment with them to work, as opposed to the private domestic ritual that had previously surrounded tea-drinking.[39] Tea’s cheapness at this time definitely contributed to its adoption among the poor, but there were other factors as well. Drinking a hot, sweet beverage transformed their meals, which generally consisted of dry bread and cheese, and made them go down more easily.[39] Additionally, the warm beverage was especially appealing given Britain’s cold and wet climate.[39][71] The poor also got a significant calorie boost when sugar was added, which gave them an energy bump when combined with tea’s stimulant properties.[71] Though the price of coffee had also gone down by this point, tea was the preferred drink because, unlike coffee, it still tasted good when diluted, which is often how the poor consumed it in order to save money.[75] John Hanway, an eighteenth century social reformer, observed the widespread consumption of tea by the poor in 1767. He described “a certain lane...where beggars are often seen...drinking their tea,” as well as “laborers mending their roads drinking their tea” and tea “in the cups of haymakers.”[76] Just two centuries after the first appearance of tea in English society as a beverage for aristocrats, tea had become so widely popular and available that those at the absolute bottom of the social hierarchy were consuming it as their beverage of choice.

text: The rise in popularity of tea between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries had major social, political, and economic implications for Great Britain. It defined respectability and domestic rituals, supported the rise and dominance of the British Empire, and contributed to the rise of the Industrial Revolution by supplying both the capital for factories and calories for laborers.[39] It also demonstrates the power of globalization and imperialism to transform a country and shape it into the modern society it is known as today. Tea remains a popular drink in Britain in the modern day and is still considered to be the epitome of British ritual and identity.

text: Tea today[edit]

text: In 2003, DataMonitor reported that regular tea drinking in the United Kingdom was on the decline.[77] There was a 10.25 percent decline in the purchase of normal teabags in Britain between 1997 and 2002.[77] Sales of ground coffee also fell during the same period.[77] Britons were instead drinking health-oriented beverages like fruit or herbal teas, consumption of which increased 50 percent from 1997 to 2002. A further, unexpected, statistic is that the sales of decaffeinated tea and coffee fell even faster during this period than the sale of the more common varieties.[77] Declining tea sales were matched by an increase in espresso sales.[78]


document_title: Saud bin Rashid Al Mu'alla

question_text: who is the ruler of umm al quwain

question_tokens: who is the ruler of umm al quwain

root

text: Saud bin Rashid Al Mu'alla

text:
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tag: table

text:
Saud bin Rashid Al Mu'alla
Sheikh Predecessor
Rashid III bin Ahmad Al Mu'alla
Full name
Saud bin Rashid Al Mu'allahFather
Rashid III bin Ahmad Al Mu'alla

text: Sheikh Saud bin Rashid Al Mu'allah (Arabic: سعود بن راشد المعلا; born 1 October 1952; referred to as Sheikh Saud) is the ruler and head of state of the Umm al-Quwain emirate since 2009 and a member of the Federal Supreme Council of the United Arab Emirates.[1] He is the son of Rashid III bin Ahmad Al Mu'alla and succeeded his father as monarch of Umm al-Quwain on 2 January 2009 after his father died.

tag: p

text: Previously, Sheikh Saud was the Commander of the Umm al-Quwain National Guard with the rank of colonel. In 1979 he headed the Umm al-Quwain Royal Court (Al Diwan Al Amir). Then on the 22 June 1982 his father Sheikh Rashid III bin Ahmad Al Mu'alla designated him to be the Crown Prince of Umm al-Quwain. He assisted his father in managing the emirate’s affairs, oversaw many investment projects and established numerous government entities and local enterprises.

text: Biography[edit]

text: Born on 1 October 1952, Sheikh Saud received his elementary and primary education in Umm al-Quwain before attending high school in Lebanon. He graduated with a degree in economics from Cairo University, Egypt in 1974.[2]

text: He was appointed to the United Arab Emirates foreign ministry in 1973, and seconded at the Umm al-Quwain Amiri court. He was appointed Commander of the Umm al-Quwain Amiri guard in 1977. In 1979, he was appointed chief of the Umm al-Quwain Amiri court (Diwan) and became crown prince in 1982.[2]


document_title: All-Ireland Senior Football Championship records and statistics

question_text: who has the most all ireland football titles

text: Most successful counties[edit]

text: The most successful team (1887 – present) is Kerry.

text:
Team
Inter-county football competitions

All-Ireland Championship
All-Ireland Senior Football Final Losing Appearances
Total

Kerry
37
22
59

Dublin
27
13
40

text: Least successful counties[edit]

text: The following counties have never been represented in an All-Ireland Senior Football Championship Final: Carlow, Fermanagh, Kilkenny, Leitrim, Sligo, Westmeath, Wicklow, and Longford.

text: Kilkenny do not compete anymore, having won three Leinster Senior Football Championships in the distant past. Kilkenny currently concentrate on the sport of hurling. Carlow also compete in hurling and have won an All-Ireland Senior B Hurling Championship. Westmeath have enjoyed considerable success in hurling in recent years, winning a number of All-Ireland Senior B Hurling Championships and Christy Ring Cups, and their gaelic football team won the 2004 Leinster Football Championship.

text: As for the other teams, Fermanagh came close in 2004 — by reaching an All-Ireland Senior Football Championship semi-final replay — having defeated 1999 All-Ireland winners Meath, 2002 Munster Champions Cork, a Donegal team that reached the 2003 All-Ireland semi-finals and an Armagh team fresh from appearances in two consecutive All-Ireland Senior Football Finals.[1] Wicklow senior Gaelic football team's most notable recent achievement was winning the 2012 NFL Division 4 final.

text: By decade[edit]

text: The most successful team of each decade, judged by number of All-Ireland Senior Football Championship titles, is as follows:[2]

text:
1890s: 6 for Dublin (1891-92-94-97-98-99)
1900s: 5 for Dublin (1901-02-06-07-08)
1910s: 4 for Wexford (1915-16-17-18)
1920s: 3 each for Dublin (1921-22-23) and Kerry (1924-26-29)
1930s: 5 for Kerry (1930-31-32-37-39)
1940s: 3 for Kerry (1940-41-46)
1950s: 3 for Kerry (1953-55-59)
1960s: 3 each for Down (1960-61-68) and Galway (1964-65-66)
1970s: 4 for Kerry (1970-75-78-79)
1980s: 5 for Kerry (1980-81-84-85-86)
1990s: 2 each for Down (1991-94) and Meath (1996–99)
2000s: 5 for Kerry (2000-04-06-07-09)
2010s: 5 for Dublin (2011-13-15-16-17)

tag: ul

text: By semi-final appearances[edit]

text:
Team
No. of Appearances
------ First and Latest Semi-finals

Kerry
81
1903 - 2017

Dublin
50
1891 - 2017

Mayo
48
1901 - 2017

Galway
41
1890 - 2001

Cavan
39
1891 - 1997

Cork
36
1890 - 2012

Meath
21
1939 - 2009

Roscommon
20
1892 - 1991

Tyrone
15
1956 - 2017

Kildare
14
1903 - 2010

Down
13
1959 - 2010

text: By county[edit]

text:
#
County
Winners
Runners-up
Years won
Years runner up

1
Kerry
37
22
1903, 1904, 1909, 1913, 1914, 1924, 1926, 1929, 1930, 1931, 1932, 1937, 1939, 1940, 1941, 1946, 1953, 1955, 1959, 1962, 1969, 1970, 1975, 1978, 1979, 1980, 1981, 1984, 1985, 1986, 1997, 2000, 2004, 2006, 2007, 2009, 2014
1892, 1905, 1910, 1915, 1923, 1927, 1938, 1944, 1947, 1954, 1960, 1964, 1965, 1968, 1972, 1976, 1982, 2002, 2005, 2008, 2011, 2015

2
Dublin
27
13
1891, 1892, 1894, 1897, 1898, 1899, 1901, 1902, 1906, 1907, 1908, 1921, 1922, 1923, 1942, 1958, 1963, 1974, 1976, 1977, 1983, 1995, 2011, 2013, 2015, 2016, 2017
1896, 1904, 1920, 1924, 1934, 1955, 1975, 1978, 1979, 1984, 1985, 1992, 1994

3
Galway
9
13
1925, 1934, 1938, 1956, 1964, 1965, 1966, 1998, 2001
1919, 1922, 1933, 1940, 1941, 1942, 1959, 1963, 1971, 1973, 1974, 1983, 2000

4
Cork
7
16
1890, 1911, 1945, 1973, 1989, 1990, 2010
1891, 1893, 1894, 1897, 1899, 1906, 1907, 1956, 1957, 1967, 1987, 1988, 1993, 1999, 2007, 2009

5
Meath
7
9
1949, 1954, 1967, 1987, 1988, 1996, 1999
1895, 1939, 1951, 1952, 1966, 1970, 1990, 1991, 2001

6
Cavan
5
6
1933, 1935, 1947, 1948, 1952
1925, 1928, 1937, 1943, 1945, 1949

7
Wexford
5
3
1893, 1915, 1916, 1917, 1918
1890, 1913, 1914

8
Down
5
1
1960, 1961, 1968, 1991, 1994
2010

9
Kildare
4
5
1905, 1919, 1927, 1928
1926, 1929, 1931, 1935, 1998

10
Tipperary
4
1
1889, 1895, 1900, 1920
1918

11
Mayo
3
13
1936, 1950, 1951
1916, 1921, 1932, 1948, 1989, 1996, 1997, 2004, 2006, 2012, 2013, 2016, 2017

12
Offaly
3
3
1971, 1972, 1982
1961, 1969, 1981

13
Louth
3
3
1910, 1912, 1957
1887, 1909, 1950

14
Tyrone
3
2
2003, 2005, 2008
1986, 1995

15
Roscommon
2
3
1943, 1944
1946, 1962, 1980

16
Donegal
2
1
1992, 2012

2014

17
Limerick
2
0
1887, 1896

18
Armagh
1
3
2002
1953, 1977, 2003

19
Derry
1
1
1993
1958

20
London[a]
0
5

1900, 1901, 1902, 1903, 1908

21
Laois
0
2

1889, 1936

Antrim
0
2

1911, 1912

23
Waterford
0
1

1898

Clare
0
1

1917

Monaghan
0
1

1930

text: a. ^ London received a bye to the final in 5 seasons.

text: By province[edit]

text:
Cavan and Down are the Ulster teams with the most All-Ireland Senior Football Championship titles.
Dublin are the Leinster team with the most All-Ireland Senior Football Championship titles.
Galway are the Connacht team with the most All-Ireland Senior Football Championship titles.
Kerry are the Munster team with the most All-Ireland Senior Football Championship titles.

text:
#
Province
Total*
Winners
Losers
 % Success Rate
Winners by county
Losers by county

1
Munster
91
50
41
54%
Kerry (37), Cork (7), Tipperary (4), Limerick (2)
Kerry (22), Cork (16), Clare (1), Tipperary (1), Waterford (1)

2
Leinster
87
49
38
56%
Dublin (27), Meath (7), Wexford (5), Kildare (4), Offaly (3), Louth (3)
Dublin (13), Meath (9), Kildare (5), Wexford (3), Offaly (3),
Louth (3), Laois (2)

3
Connacht
41
14
27
34%
Galway (9), Mayo (3), Roscommon (2)
Galway (12), Mayo (12), Roscommon (3)

4
Ulster
34
17
17
50%
Cavan (5), Down (5), Tyrone (3), Donegal (2), Armagh (1), Derry (1)
Cavan (6), Armagh (3), Tyrone (2), Antrim (2), Derry (1), Monaghan (1) Down (1), Donegal (1)

text: Total = Appearances in an All-Ireland Senior Football Championship Final

text: The provinces providing the highest number of different winning counties are Leinster and Ulster, with six each: Dublin, Meath, Wexford, Kildare, Offaly and Louth in Leinster and Cavan, Down, Tyrone, Donegal, Armagh and Derry in Ulster.

text:
Only on three occasions has the All-Ireland Senior Football Championship Final been contested by two teams from the same province:

Ulster: Tyrone vs Armagh (2003)
Munster: Kerry vs Cork (2007)
Munster: Kerry vs Cork (2009)

text: Final records and statistics[edit]

text: Success rates[edit]

text:
One county currently have a 100% record in the All-Ireland Senior Football Championship Final.

Limerick

Note: Limerick won the first ever All-Ireland Senior Football Championship Final and its 100% success rate has only ever been threatened once - in 1896. It remained intact.

Historic 100% success rates (when a team won their first All-Ireland Senior Football Championship Final before losing a final at a later time) are:

Tipperary (1889-1918)
Dublin (1891-1896)
Kildare (1905-1926)
Roscommon (1943-1946)
Down (1960-2010)
Donegal (1992-2014)

text:
On the opposite end of the scale, three counties have appeared in the All-Ireland Senior Football Championship Final on one occasion. All three lost.

Waterford (1898)
Clare (1917)
Monaghan (1930)

Three counties have appeared in the final more than once, losing on each occasion:

Laois (1889, 1936)
Antrim (1911, 1912)
London (1900, 1901, 1902, 1903, 1908)

Note: In each of London's first four appearances in the Final, they have been the beneficiaries of byes to that stage. From the 1900 Championship to the 1903 Championship, the GAA ran the competition between teams based in Ireland first, with the winners of the 'Home Final' going on to play London in the 'Grand Final'. In 1908 London qualified for the Final by winning the Semi-Final

text: Losing Counties[edit]

text:
Kerry, Cork, Dublin, Galway and Mayo have lost the most All-Ireland Senior Football Championship Finals.

Kerry have lost 22 finals;
Cork have lost 16 finals;
Dublin have lost 13 finals;
Galway have lost 13 finals;
Mayo have lost 13 finals.

text: Biggest winning margins[edit]

text:
The five most one sided All-Ireland Senior Football Championship Finals and their margins of victory:

19 points – 1911: Cork 6-06 – 1-02 Antrim
18 points – 1936: Mayo 4-11 – 0-05 Laois
18 points - 1930: Kerry 3-11 - 0-2 Monaghhan
17 points – 1978: Kerry 5-11 – 0-09 Dublin
15 points – 1889: Tipperary 3-06 – 0-00 Laois

text: Longest gap between successive All-Ireland titles[edit]

text:
Counties that waited more than two decades between winning an All-Ireland Senior Football Championship Final.

45 years: Louth (1912-1957)
34 years: Cork (1911-1945)
32 years: Galway (1966-1998)
28 years: Cork (1945-1973)
23 years: Down (1968-1991)
22 years: Wexford (1893-1915)
21 years: Cork (1890-1911)

text: Longest gap between All-Ireland final appearances[edit]

text:
Counties that waited more than two decades between appearances in an All-Ireland Senior Football Championship Final.

63 years: Kildare (1935-1998)
47 years: Laois (1889-1936)
44 years: Meath (1895-1939)
38 years: Louth (1912-1950)
38 years: Mayo (1951-1989)
35 years: Derry (1958-1993)
34 years: Cork (1911-1945)
25 years: Armagh (1977-2002)
24 years: Armagh (1953-1977)
23 years: Down (1968-1991)

text: Disciplinary[edit]

text: In 1943, Joe Stafford of Cavan became the first player to be sent off in an all-Ireland senior football final. Many others have been sent off since then, including John Donnellan of Galway and brothers Derry O'Shea and John 'Thorny' O'Shea of Kerry in the 1965 final, Charlie Nelligan of Kerry in the 1978 final, Páidí Ó Sé of Kerry in the 1979 final, Brian Mullins, Kieran Duff, Ray Hazley of Dublin and Tomás Tierney of Galway in the 1983 final, Gerry McEntee of Meath in the 1988 final replay, Tony Davis of Cork in the 1993 final, Charlie Redmond of Dublin in the 1996 final, Liam McHale of Mayo and Colm Coyle of Meath in the 1996 final replay, Nigel Nestor of Meath in the 2001 final, Diarmuid Marsden of Armagh in the 2003 final and John Small of Dublin and Donal Vaughan of Mayo in the 2017 final

text: Six players have received black cards during All-Ireland finals: Johnny Buckley and Aidan O'Mahony, both of Kerry, in the 2014 and 2015 finals, respectively; three players in the 2016 replay:Jonny Cooper of Dublin and Rob Hennelly and Lee Keegan both of Mayo and Ciaran Kilkenny of Dublin in the 2017 final

text: Galway holds the record of losing a final to a team containing the least number of players, they were beaten by a Dublin team which had been reduced to just 12 players in the All Ireland Final of 1983.

text: Fastest goal[edit]

text: Garry McMahon's goal after 35 seconds of the 1962 All-Ireland Senior Football Championship Final is the fastest in All-Ireland Senior Football Championship Final history.[3]

text:
Other early goals include:

1993 - Joe Kavanagh (5 minutes)
2004 - Alan Dillon (4 minutes)
2005 - Dara Ó Cinnéide (6 minutes)
2012 - Michael Murphy (3 minutes)
2017 - Con O'Callaghan (1 minute)
2014 - Paul Geaney (49 seconds)
1980 - John O'Connor (35 seconds)

text: Players[edit]

text: All-time top scorers[edit]

text:
All-time top scorers in the All-Ireland Senior Football Championship

Rank
Player
Team
Scores
Tally
Games
Era
Average

1
Colm Cooper
Kerry
23-283
352
85 games
2002-2017
4.1

2
Cillian O'Connor
Mayo
20-250
310
44 games
2011-
7.0

3
Mikey Sheehy
Kerry
29-205
292
45 games
1973-1988
6.5

4
John Doyle
Kildare
8-260
284
67 games
1999-2014
4.2

5
Padraig Joyce
Galway
12-229
265
66 games
1997-2012
4.0

6
Bernard Brogan
Dubin
21-196
259
58 games
2006-
4.5

7
Paddy Bradley
Derry
17-202
253
44 games
1999-2012
5.8

8
Maurice Fitzgerald
Kerry
12-205
241
58 games
1988-2001
6.5

9
Brian Stafford
Meath
9-206
233
41 games
1986-1995
5.7

10
Oisin McConville
Armagh
11-197
230
52 games
1994-2008
4.4

11
Jimmy Keaveney
Dublin
15-182
227
42 games
1964-1980
5.4

12
Stephen McDonnell
Armagh
16-176
224
?? games
1999-2011
??

text: All-time appearances[edit]

text:
Rank
Player
Team
Appearances
Year

1
Stephen Cluxton
Dublin
91
2001-

2
Sean Cavanagh
Tyrone
90
2002-2017

3
Marc Ó Sé
Kerry
88
2002-2015

4
Tomás Ó Sé
Kerry
88
1998-2013

5
Colm Cooper
Kerry
85
2002-2016

6
Darragh Ó Sé
Kerry
81
1997-2010

7
Tom O Sullivan
Kerry
76
2000-2011

8
Conor Gormley
Tyrone
75
2001-2014

9
Brian Dooher
Tyrone
73
1995-2011

10
Andy Moran
Mayo
72
2004-


document_title: Flat panel display

question_text: when did the first flat screen come out

question_tokens: when did the first flat screen come out

text: Flat panel display

text: History[edit]

text: The first engineering proposal for a flat-panel TV was by General Electric as a result of its work on radar monitors.[when?] Their publication of their findings gave all the basics of future flat-panel TVs and monitors. But GE did not continue with the R&D required and never built a working flat panel at that time.[1] The first production flat-panel display was the Aiken tube, developed in the early 1950s and produced in limited numbers in 1958. This saw some use in military systems as a heads up display, but conventional technologies overtook its development. Attempts to commercialize the system for home television use ran into continued problems and the system was never released commercially.[2] The Philco Predicta featured a relatively flat (for its day) cathode ray tube setup and would be the first commercially released "flat panel" upon its launch in 1958; the Predicta was a commercial failure. The plasma display panel was invented in 1964 at the University of Illinois, according to The History of Plasma Display Panels.[3] The first active-matrix addressed display was made by T Peter Brody's Thin-Film Devices department at Westinghouse Electric Corporation in 1968.[4] In 1977, James P Mitchell prototyped and later demonstrated what was perhaps the earliest monochromatic flat panel LED television display LED Display. As of 2012[update], 50% of global market share in flat-panel display (FPD) production is by Taiwanese manufacturers such as AU Optronics and Chimei Innolux Corporation.

text: Common types[edit]

text: Liquid crystal displays[edit]

text: Liquid crystal displays (LCDs) are lightweight, compact, portable, cheap, more reliable, and easier on the eyes than cathode ray tube screens. LCD screens use a thin layer of liquid crystal, a liquid that exhibits crystalline properties. It is sandwiched between two electrically conducting plates. The top plate has transparent electrodes deposited on it, and the back plate is illuminated so that the viewer can see the images on the screen. By applying controlled electrical signals across the plates, various segments of the liquid crystal can be activated, causing changes in their light diffusing or polarizing properties. These segments can either transmit or block light. An image is produced by passing light through selected segments of the liquid crystal to the viewer. They are used in various electronics like watches, calculators, and notebook computers.

text: Liquid crystal displays with light-emitting diode (LED) backlighting[edit]

text: Some LCD screens are backlit with a number of light-emitting diodes (LEDs). LEDs are two-lead semiconductor light source that resembles a basic "pn-junction" diode, except that an LED also emits light. This form of LCD (liquid crystal display) is the most prevalent in the 2010s. The image is still generated by the LCD.

text: Plasma panels[edit]

text: A plasma display consists of two glass plates separated by a thin gap filled with a gas such as neon. Each of these plates has several parallel electrodes running across it. The electrodes on the two plates are at right angles to each other. A voltage applied between the two electrodes one on each plate causes a small segment of gas at the two electrodes to glow. The glow of gas segments is maintained by a lower voltage that is continuously applied to all electrodes. In the 2010s, plasma displays have been discontinued by numerous manufacturers.

text: Electroluminescent panels[edit]

text: In an electroluminescent display (ELD), the image is created by applying electrical signals to the plates which makes the phosphor glow.

text: Organic light-emitting diode[edit]

text: An OLED (organic light-emitting diode) is a light-emitting diode (LED) in which the emissive electroluminescent layer is a film of organic compound which emits light in response to an electric current. This layer of organic semiconductor is situated between two electrodes; typically, at least one of these electrodes is transparent. OLEDs are used to create digital displays in devices such as television screens, computer monitors, portable systems such as mobile phones, handheld game consoles and PDAs. A major area of research is the development of white OLED devices for use in solid-state lighting applications.[1][2][3]

text: Quantum dot light emitting diode[edit]

text: QLED- QLED or Quantum Dot LED is a flat panel display technology introduced by Samsung under this trade mark. Other television set manufacturers such as Sony have used the same technology to enhance the backlighting of LCD Television already in 2013.[5][6] Quantum dots create their own unique light when illuminated by a light source of shorter wavelenght such as blue LEDs. This type of LED TV introduced by Samsung enhances the color gamut of LCD panels, where the image is still generated by the LCD. In the view of Samsung, quantum dot displays for large-screen TVs are expected to become more popular then the OLED displays in the coming years. This is surprising because Samsung Galaxy devices such as smartphones are mainly equipped with OLED displays manufactured by Samsung as well. Samsung states on their website that the QLED TV they produce can determine what part of the display needs more or less contrast. Samsung also announced a partnership with Microsoft that will promote the new Samsung QLED TV.

text: Volatile[edit]

text: Volatile displays require that pixels be periodically refreshed to retain their state, even for a static image. As such, a volatile screen needs electrical power, either from mains electricity (being plugged into a wall socket) or a battery to maintain an image on the display or change the image. This refresh typically occurs many times a second. If this is not done, for example, if there is a power outage, the pixels will gradually lose their coherent state, and the image will "fade" from the screen.

text: Examples[edit]

text: The following flat-display technologies have been commercialized in 1990s to 2010s:

text:
Plasma display panel (PDP)
Active-matrix liquid-crystal display (AMLCD)
Rear projection: Digital Light Processing (DLP), LCD, LCOS
Electronic paper: E Ink, Gyricon
Light-emitting diode display (LED)
Active-matrix organic light-emitting diode (AMOLED)
Quantum dot display (QLED)

text: Technologies that were extensively researched, but their commercialization was limited or has been ultimately abandoned:

text:
Active-matrix Electroluminescent display (ELD)
Interferometric modulator display (IMOD)
Field emission display (FED)
Surface-conduction electron-emitter display (SED, SED-TV)

text: Static[edit]

text: Static flat-panel displays rely on materials whose color states are bistable. This means that the image they hold requires no energy to maintain, but instead requires energy to change. This results in a much more energy-efficient display, but with a tendency towards slow refresh rates which are undesirable in an interactive display. Bistable flat-panel displays are beginning deployment in limited applications (Cholesteric displays, manufactured by Magink, in outdoor advertising; electrophoretic displays in e-book reader devices from Sony and iRex; anlabels).


document_title: Shot clock

question_text: when did the nba start using a shot clock

text: Shot clock

text: History[edit]

text: Background[edit]

text: The NBA (National Basketball Association) had problems attracting fans (and positive media coverage) before the shot clock's inception.[2] This was due to teams running out the clock once they were leading in a game; without the shot clock, teams passed the ball nearly endlessly without penalty. If one team chose to stall, the other team (especially if behind) would often commit fouls to get the ball back following the free throw. Very low-scoring games with many fouls were common, which bored fans. The most extreme case occurred on November 22, 1950, when the Fort Wayne Pistons defeated the Minneapolis Lakers by a record-low score of 19–18, including 3–1 in the fourth quarter.[3] The Pistons held the ball for minutes at a time without shooting (they attempted 13 shots for the game) in order to limit the impact of the Lakers' dominant George Mikan.  The Pistons' performance led the St. Paul Dispatch to write "[The Pistons] gave pro basketball a great black eye."[4] NBA President Maurice Podoloff said, "In our game, with the number of stars we have, we of necessity run up big scores."[5] A few weeks after the Pistons/Lakers game, the Rochester Royals and Indianapolis Olympians played a six-overtime game with only one shot in each overtime - in each overtime period, the team who had the ball first held the ball for the entirety of the period before attempting a last-second shot.  The NBA tried several rule changes in the early 1950s to speed up the game and reduce fouls before eventually adopting the shot clock.

text: Creation[edit]

text: The shot clock first came to use in 1954 in Syracuse, New York, where Syracuse Nationals (now the Philadelphia 76ers) owner Danny Biasone and general manager Leo Ferris experimented using a 24-second version during a scrimmage game.[6] According to Biasone, "I looked at the box scores from the games I enjoyed, games where they didn't screw around and stall. I noticed each team took about 60 shots. That meant 120 shots per game. So I took 2,880 seconds (48 minutes) and divided that by 120 shots. The result was 24 seconds per shot."[3][7]  Biasone and Ferris then convinced the NBA to adopt it for the 1954–55 season, a season in which the Nationals won the NBA Championship.

text: Syracuse Nationals General Manager Leo Ferris has emerged in the discussion as one of those involved in the creation and development of the shot clock.  Along with Danny Biasone and Emil Barboni, a scout for the Nats, Leo Ferris was a key figure in developing the 24-second clock.[8]  Jack Andrews, longtime basketball writer for The Syracuse Post-Standard, often recalled how Ferris would sit at Danny Biasone's Eastwood bowling alley, scribbling potential shot clock formulas onto a napkin.[9] Ferris, who loved mathematics, ended up dividing the number of seconds in a 48-minute game (2,880) by the average number of shots taken in a game (120) to get to the 24-second time limit per possession.[10] While he and Biasone often share in the credit for the shot clock, it was Ferris who was singled out by business manager Bob Sexton at the 1954 team banquet for pushing the shot clock rule.

text: Use and reaction[edit]

text: When it was first introduced by the NBA, the 24-second shot clock made players so nervous that it hardly came into play, as players were taking fewer than 20 seconds to shoot. According to Syracuse star Dolph Schayes, "We thought we had to take quick shots – a pass and a shot was it – maybe 8–10 seconds...  But as the game went on, we saw the inherent genius in Danny's 24 seconds – you could work the ball around [the offensive zone] for a good shot."[7]

text: The shot clock, together with some rule changes concerning fouls, revolutionized NBA basketball. In the last pre-clock season (1953–54), teams averaged 79 points per game; in the first year with the clock (1954–55), the average was 93 points,[3] which went up to 107 points by its fourth year in use (1957–58).[11]  The advent of the shot clock (and the resulting increase in scoring) coincided with an increase in attendance, which increased 40% within a few years to an average of 4,800 per game.[12]

text: The shot clock received near-universal praise for its role in improving the style of play in the NBA. Coach and referee Charley Eckman said, "Danny Biasone saved the NBA with the 24-second rule."[13] Boston Celtic all-star Bob Cousy said, "Before the new rule, the last quarter could be deadly. The team in front would hold the ball indefinitely, and the only way you could get it was by fouling somebody. In the meantime, nobody dared take a shot and the whole game slowed up. With the clock, we have constant action. I think it saved the NBA at that time. It allowed the game to breathe and progress."[14]  League president Maurice Podoloff called the adoption of the shot clock "the most important event in the NBA."[3]  The league itself states, "Biasone's invention rescue[d] the league."[13]

text: Adoption by other leagues[edit]

text: Two later pro leagues that rivaled the NBA adopted a modified version of the shot clock.  The American Basketball League used a 30-second shot clock for its two years in existence (1961–1963).  The American Basketball Association also adopted a 30-second clock when it launched in 1967–68, switching to the NBA's 24-second length for its final season (1975–76).

text: In the 1969–70 season, women's collegiate basketball (at the time sanctioned by the Commission on Intercollegiate Athletics for Women) used a 30-second shot clock on an experimental basis, officially adopting it for the 1970–71 season.[15] Unlike the women's side, there was initial resistance to the implementation of a shot clock for men's NCAA basketball, due to fears that smaller colleges would be unable to compete with powerhouses in a running game.  However, after extreme results like an 11–6 Tennessee win over Temple in 1973, support for a men's shot clock began to build.[16] The NCAA introduced a 45-second shot clock for the men's game in the 1985–86 season, reducing it to 35 seconds in the 1993–94 season[17] and 30 seconds in the 2015–16 season.[18] The NAIA also reduced the shot clock to 30 seconds for men's basketball starting in 2015–16.[19]

text: From its inception in 1975, the Philippine Basketball Association adopted a 25-second shot clock. This was because the shot clocks then installed at the league's main venues, the Araneta Coliseum and Rizal Memorial Coliseum (the latter no longer used by the league), could only be set at 5-second intervals. The league later adopted a 24-second clock starting from the 1995 season. The Metropolitan Basketball Association in the Philippines used the 23-second clock from its maiden season in 1998. In Filipino college basketball, the NCAA Basketball Championship (Philippines) and the UAAP Basketball Championship adopted a 30-second clock; they switched to 24 seconds starting with the 2001–02 season, the first season to start after the FIBA rule change in 2001.

text: Operation[edit]

text: In the NBA (since 1954), Women's National Basketball Association (since 2006), and FIBA play (since 2000; 30-second from 1956 to 2000), the shot clock counts down 24 seconds, thus often being called the "24-second clock." If a shot is attempted and hits or enters the rim, or if the defensive team gains possession via a rebound, steal, or out-of-bounds play, the shot clock resets.  Failure by the offense to attempt a shot that hits the rim within the prescribed time results in a "shot clock violation" and a loss of possession to the other team. Three signals indicate when the shot clock expires—a shot clock signal, illuminated lights on the shot clock (NBA, FIBA, Euroleague, and many venues using an NBA-style transparent shot clock), and in the NBA and FIBA play (starting in July 2018), a yellow LED light strip on the backboard. In the 2011–12 NBA season and 2014–15 Euroleague, the last five seconds of the shot clock were modified to include tenths of a second, allowing offensive players to see precisely how much time they have to shoot and officials to determine any last-second shots easily.  The rule has been adopted by FIBA starting in 2018.[20] In the 2016-17 NBA season, a new 'official timekeeper' deal for the NBA with Swiss watch manufacturer Tissot introduced a new united official game clock/shot clock system, putting both timing systems under the same system for the first time.[21] Tissot also became official timekeeper for the WNBA in the 2017 season.

text: Furthermore, the shot clock is not reset on a foul in the frontcourt. Rule changes in the NBA since 1998, and in FIBA after 2010 state the shot clock will be reset only if 13 seconds or fewer are on the shot clock, after which it is reset to 14 seconds.

text: The NBA and Euroleague have different rules on the shot clock reset on jump balls;  while both leagues have jump balls retained by the offense are reset to 14 seconds (if 13 seconds or fewer are on the shot clock), in the NBA, if the defense causes the jump ball, the shot clock is not reset if the offense keeps control of the ball unless under 5.0 seconds of time remain, where it is reset to 5.0 seconds.

text: Also in FIBA/WNBA play, if the offence retains control of a ball following a rebound, the shot clock is reset to 14 seconds.

text: Since the 2015–16 season, all American college basketball uses a 30-second shot clock, while Canadian university basketball uses a 24-second clock. The American women's game has used a 30-second clock since the 1970s, but the men's game did not adopt a shot clock until 1985. The men's limit was originally 45 seconds, and was shortened to 35 seconds in 1993 before going to 30 seconds in 2015. The National Federation of State High School Associations (NFHS), which sets rules for high school basketball in the U.S., does not mandate the use of a shot clock, instead leaving the choice to use a clock and its duration up to each individual state association. Proposals to adopt a national shot clock for high school basketball have been voted down by the NFHS as recently as 2011.[22] Currently, eight U.S. states require the use of a shot clock of 30/35 seconds in high school competition: California, Maryland, Massachusetts, New York, North Dakota, Rhode Island, South Dakota, and Washington.[22]

text:
Organization

Duration

NBA

24 seconds 14 seconds (offensive retains control after fouls)

WNBA

U Sports (Canadian universities)

NCAA, NAIA

30 seconds

United States high school basketball

30/35 seconds (some states only)

FIBA

24 seconds (full-court game)14 seconds (reset when offense retains ball) 12 seconds (3x3 half-court)[23]

text:
Sport

Organization

Duration

Lacrosse

MLL

60 seconds

NLL

30 seconds

Ringette

N/A

30 seconds

Water polo

FINA

30 seconds

Canoe polo

ICF

60 seconds

Ten-pin bowling

PBA

25 seconds

Korfball

IKF

25 seconds

Snooker

Snooker Shoot-Out

15 seconds (first five minutes)10 seconds (last five minutes)

Carom billiards(Three-cushion billiards)

World ChampionshipEuropean ChampionshipWorld Cup

40 seconds[24](3 time-outs (40 sec.) possible)

text: Similar rules in basketball[edit]

text: The shot clock and its enforcement is used in concert with the rule that requires an offensive team to advance the ball across half-court and into the offensive zone (or front court) within a referee's count (this rule was first introduced in 1933, predating the shot clock by over 2 decades).  In men's college basketball, the offense must advance the ball to the front court within 10 seconds, the same length used by FIBA and the NBA until they adopted an 8-second limit in 2000 and 2001, respectively.  Failure by the offense to advance the ball to the front court within the time limit results in a turnover to the other team.

text: Generally, the 10-second (or 8-second) count is independent from the shot clock's operation; in fact, a referee may count the 8 or 10 seconds through a visible motion of his hand or arm.  Women's college basketball introduced the 10-second limit in 2013–2014, and provided that officials will not count the ten seconds but "will use the shot clock to determine if a 10-second violation has occurred."  As a general reference, it refers to the shot clock reaching 15 (FIBA/[W]NBA;  because the NBA shot clock registers tenths in the final five seconds, the violation occurs once the clock registers 15.9 seconds on the console, which is posted as 15 on the clock) or 20 (college) before a violation can be called.[25]