document_title: Shooting ranges in the United States

question_text: what's the legal age to go to a shooting range

question_tokens: what 's the legal age to go to a shooting range

text: Shooting ranges in the United States

text: Specialized classes and licenses[edit]

text: Typically, no license or advanced training beyond just firearm familiarization (for rentals) and range rules familiarization is usually required for using a shooting range in the United States; the only common requirement is that the shooter must be at least 18 or 21 years old (or have a legal guardian present), and must sign a waiver prior to shooting.

text: Self-defense classes may be available for a fee at shooting ranges, covering firearm use in much more detail.

text: Some ranges offer a class for concealed carry licenses, which are available in almost every state. Some states issue the license only after a short course, and in some courses are optional.

text: Locations[edit]

text: In most[quantify] states in the United States, there are numerous public-access shooting ranges, ranging for example from 144 in Florida with a population in excess of 18.2 million to 9 in Hawaii with a population of 1.3 million (numbers taken as of October 2008). Exceptions include cities in the states of Hawaii, California, Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey, Illinois, and Washington, DC, all known for gun control policies in general, where the numbers of ranges may be only one for every few hundred thousand people, or none at all, such as in the Washington, DC case.[1]

text: Throughout much of the rest of the United States, though, especially in areas where the dominant side of the gun politics debate leans towards gun rights, and where no license is usually required to own a handgun or rifle or shotgun, the typical number of ranges often surpasses one for every 100,000 residents.[1]

text: Of particular interest to international tourists interested in public access shooting ranges in the United States while on vacation, especially gun-friendly states include Kentucky, Tennessee, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, New Hampshire, Arizona, Nevada, Colorado, and Utah, among others. All of these states have publicly accessible shooting ranges with rental guns available at a modest fee. Ammunition costs for rental guns varies, of course, but 9×19mm Luger (usually the cheapest service caliber round) is often available for around $15 per 50 at sporting goods stores or slightly higher ($18–25) at most public access shooting ranges.

text: Private or restricted-access shooting ranges are owned and used by police departments, private companies, private membership shooting clubs, and the military for qualification and/or continued firearms practice and training. These private ranges have more-specialized features not seen in public ranges, e.g., large caliber rifle and automatic weapons ranges.

text: There are several types of shooting ranges, each catering to different classes of firearms, and meeting different needs. Some are inside buildings; others are outdoors and cover many acres.

text: Outdoor ranges[edit]

text:
On a shotgun or trap range, the shooter aims to hit sporting clays or skeet that are mechanically-fired (or in some cases, thrown by hand) across an open field. These involve shooting clay disks also known as clay pigeons thrown in various ways. Both skeet and trap are Olympic sports (or, more precisely, are disciplines of an Olympic sport that are contested in the Summer Olympics), and are practiced by many bird hunters to sharpen their marksmanship.
On a rifle range, shooters typically fire at targets 100-300 yards (91–275 meters) or greater distance. Many rifle ranges feature mechanized steel targets that automatically reset upon being hit. Hunters in particular often use rifle ranges to calibrate or sight-in their rifles prior to hunting.
On a handgun range, shooters fire semi-automatic pistols, revolvers, and sometimes pistol-caliber carbines or submachine guns at stationary targets along, or at the end of, a 15-100 yard (13-91 meter) long lane.

text: Most outdoor ranges have established strictly-followed procedures for ensuring that a range is either active ("hot") or inactive ("cold"). When everyone on the firing line agrees for the line to go hot, actions may be closed, magazines may be loaded, rounds may be chambered and firearms may be fired. When everyone on the firing line agrees for the line to go cold, magazines must be removed, firearms must be unloaded, actions opened, and all the firearms must be placed on tables. Only upon confirmation does the line actually go cold. Firearms may not be loaded or even touched when the line is cold.

text: Outdoor shooting ranges are usually backed by a sandbagged barrier or specially-designed funnel-shaped traps to prevent bullets from ricocheting back at the shooters. Many older outdoor ranges only use an earthen berm, which is often composed of sand, and called the impact berm. Most outdoor ranges restrict the maximum caliber size, or have separate ranges devoted to use with rifles firing heavy caliber cartridges. Many outdoor ranges do permit the use of automatic weapons on specially adapted Class III weapons ranges.

text: The largest problem currently with outdoor ranges is the lack of sufficient area behind and beside the impact berms. This area, usually called the Surface Danger Zone (SDZ), is a fan-shaped area that extends lengthwise to the ultimate ballistic distance of the round fired. Outdoor ranges often use baffles to contain fired rounds within the range, and, with proper design can reduce the surface danger zone area. Guidelines for surface danger zones vary widely. The National Rifle Association maintains guidelines for range design, but often the U.S. military range design guidelines are more prescriptive, specific and easier to use.

text: Targets using Tannerite are sometimes used for indicating long-range markmanship accuracy at high power rifle and full-auto outdoor ranges. Tannerite is a binary explosive that is not exploded unless hit with high-velocity rounds. Most pistol rounds will not set it off.

text: Indoor ranges[edit]

text: An estimated 16,000 to 18,000 indoor firing ranges are in operation in the United States.[2] Indoor ranges differ in construction, depending on the type of weapons to be fired:

text:
On a rifle range, shooters typically fire pistol caliber carbines at targets 100 yards (91 meters) distant. The common practice is to follow rules much like those required on outdoor ranges.
On a handgun range, shooters fire semi-automatic pistols, revolvers, and (sometimes) submachine guns at stationary targets along, or at the end of, a 15-100 yard (14-91 meter) long lane. Paper or cardboard targets are hung from a dummy or target holder positioned on a slide; this arrangement allows the shooter to control the shooting distance and retrieve targets for inspection. The target is typically hung from a replaceable hanger attached to a mechanized or motorized assembly that can be placed at varying distances from the shooter, by means of an electrical switch or manual pulley system. Common range shooting distances are 5 yards (4.5 meters) to 33 yards (23–30 meters). Most ranges have minimum shooter-to-target distances, set by the range master, determined by safety considerations.

text: Fees for using indoor public shooting ranges vary widely with local costs, but a typical rate starts at $10 per hour of use, with targets available at a modest charge. Additional fees usually will pertain to damaging target hangers, lights or baffles, up to damaging motors, which may cost as much as $200, per incident. Unlike for outdoor ranges, or for indoor rifle ranges, indoor public handgun shooting ranges are usually run continuously "hot". The only exception is if a target falls from a holder and needs to be retrieved. In this rather rare scenario, some ranges will go "cold", after all firearms are placed on the firing line table with their actions open. Other ranges have a policy that no shooters may go forward of the firing line at any time, so the dropped target is considered lost and must be replaced.

text: Indoor ranges usually have a projectile trap consisting of curved or angled steel plates, shredded rubber, or specially packed and groomed sand, with reinforced baffles attached to the ceiling and walls. The most modern ranges additionally include anechoic chamber technology (foam wedges), or place other sound absorbing materials on walls, floors and ceilings for additional noise reduction. Such ranges also usually have an air-locked corridor for soundproofing, with doors at opposite ends of the corridor. Noise from the range is effectively contained as long as only one door is opened at a time; it is considered a breach of etiquette to open both doors simultaneously. Ventilation is designed to be sufficient in quantity and directional control to reduce concentrations of lead in the air to safe levels in the shooting area. A small group of high volume indoor ranges are now using lead-free and frangible ammunition to create a safer and healthier shooting experience for consumers.

text: The maximum caliber size is sometimes posted on the door of the airlock on each particular range, or in the lobby or ready area if the facility only contains one range. Most indoor ranges restrict the use of certain magnum calibers, or the use of automatic weapons, primarily to prevent damage to the facilities. Other ranges do not have a caliber restriction, but instead limit projectiles to a certain muzzle velocity, often 2000 feet per second, or bullet construction.

text: Common safety practices[edit]

text: Nearly all public ranges require that all firearms be unloaded prior to entering, or leaving, the range facility, irrespective of whether one holds a concealed carry license. The same is true for rental firearms leaving or returning to the rental counter, going to and from the shooting range.

text: Whether indoors or outdoors, all shooters are required to wear safety glasses or goggles, although some ranges will allow impact-resistant corrective glasses as the only eye protection. Ear protection is mandatory either ear muffs or ear plugs, as long as one is within the defined boundaries of the range and the range is hot. For indoor ranges, these must be donned before going through the air lock door, and kept on as long as individuals are within the high noise area. Indoor ranges can introduce the risk of lead poisoning if they are not ventilated or cleaned properly. Lead dust in these facilities can be inhaled or can contaminate skin and clothing.[2]

text: The instructions of the appointed range master are to be followed at all times.

text: Holster drawing, cowboy action shooting and combat-style shooting are not generally allowed, except on specially designated action shooting ranges, which often have additional safety requirements and equipment. Regular public ranges that do allow such shooting usually restrict the practice to designated persons, such as Law Enforcement, professional shooters, or others designated by range personnel.

text: Cost of shooting[edit]

text: If one brings one's own firearms, ear and eye protection, it is often possible to buy a 50-round box of 9 mm ammunition and target, rent an indoor lane for an hour, and enjoy shooting for under $50 in the United States. Fees for outdoor ranges are often even less, often running $6.50 for 3 hours of range time. Along with a 500-round brick of .22 LR ammunition that often costs less than $60.00, it is possible on an outdoor range to enjoy an afternoon of shooting for under $70. Firearm rental fees vary, depending on the model and caliber, but for a typical, non-exotic handgun, costs are only modestly higher. Hearing and eye protection rental fees are modest, often available for under $3 each.

text: Shooting ranges that cater to foreign tourists interested in shooting handguns may have special package deals for under $20 for instruction, assistance, and shooting. Larger caliber firearms and automatic weapons are available for tourists at some ranges as well. Fees for renting larger caliber firearms are only modestly more, but rental fees for automatic weapons can rise quickly, to hundreds of dollars, depending on the number of rounds fired.

text: For those interested in more heavy use of the local shooting range, annual memberships are available at many indoor U.S. shooting ranges. Both individual and family memberships are often available. Typical costs vary but annual membership is usually available for around $200 per person, or slightly more for an entire family. Such plans typically have unlimited usage of the range, unlike the typical 1/2 hour or 1-, 2-, or 3-hour rental time slots when renting a shooting lane as an occasional shooter. For anyone shooting more than 8-10 times a year, annual membership is often cheaper than paying an hourly rate. For the more exotic outdoor sporting club private ranges, annual membership in the NRA is usually mandatory.

text: It is worth noting that there are many unsupervised outdoor ranges on public land in the U.S. where shooting is free and unfettered.


document_title: Iran–Contra affair

question_text: who was the u.s. military officer that was at the head of the iranian arms deals

root

text: Iran–Contra affair

text: Background[edit]

text: Under Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the United States was the largest seller of arms to Iran, and the vast majority of the weapons that the Islamic Republic of Iran inherited in January 1979 were American-made.[15] To maintain this arsenal, Iran required a steady supply of spare parts to replace those broken and worn out. After Iranian students stormed the American embassy in Tehran in November 1979 and took 52 Americans hostage, US President Jimmy Carter imposed an arms embargo on Iran.[15] After Iraq invaded Iran in September 1980, Iran desperately needed weapons and spare parts for its current weapons. After Ronald Reagan took office as President on 20 January 1981, he vowed to continue Carter's policy of blocking arms sales to Iran on the grounds that Iran supported terrorism.[15]

tag: p

text: A group of senior Reagan administration officials in the Senior Interdepartmental Group conducted a secret study on 21 July 1981, and concluded that the arms embargo was ineffective because Iran could always buy arms and spare parts for its American weapons elsewhere, while at the same time the arms embargo opened the door for Iran to fall into the Soviet sphere of influence as the Kremlin could sell Iran weapons if the United States would not.[15] The conclusion was that the United States should start selling Iran arms as soon as it was politically possible to keep Iran from falling into the Soviet sphere of influence.[15] At the same time, the openly declared goal of Ayatollah Khomeini to export his Islamic revolution all over the Middle East and overthrow the governments of Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and the other states around the Persian Gulf led to the Americans perceiving Khomeini as a major threat to the United States.[15]

text: In the spring of 1983, the United States launched Operation Staunch, a wide-ranging diplomatic effort to persuade other nations all over the world not to sell arms or spare parts for weapons to Iran.[15] At least part of the reason the Iran–Contra affair proved so humiliating for the United States when the story first broke in November 1986 that the US was selling arms to Iran was that American diplomats, as part of Operation Staunch had, from the spring of 1983 on, been lecturing other nations about how morally wrong it was to sell arms to the Islamic Republic of Iran and applying strong pressure to prevent these arms sales to Iran.[15]

text: At the same time that the American government was considering their options on selling arms to Iran, Contra militants based in Honduras were waging a guerrilla war to topple the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) revolutionary government of Nicaragua. Almost from the time he took office in 1981, a major goal of the Reagan administration was the overthrow of the left-wing Sandinista government in Nicaragua and to support the Contra rebels.[16] The Reagan administration's policy towards Nicaragua produced a major clash between the executive and legislative arms as Congress sought to limit, if not curb altogether, the ability of the White House to support the Contras.[16] Direct U.S. funding of the Contras insurgency was made illegal through the Boland Amendment,[7] the name given to three U.S. legislative amendments between 1982 and 1984 aimed at limiting U.S. government assistance to Contra militants. Funding ran out for the Contras by July 1984 and in October a total ban was placed in effect. The second Boland amendment, in effect from 3 October 1984 to 3 December 1985, stated:

text: During the fiscal year 1985 no funds available to the Central Intelligence Agency, the Department of Defense or any other agency or entity of the United States involved in intelligence activities may be obligated or expended for the purpose of or which may have the effect of supporting directly or indirectly military or paramilitary operations in Nicaragua by any nation, organization, group, movement, or individual.[16]

text: In violation of the Boland Amendment, senior officials of the Reagan administration continued to secretly arm and train the Contras and provide arms to Iran, an operation they called "the Enterprise".[17][18] As the Contras were heavily dependent upon U.S. military and financial support, the second Boland amendment threatened to break the Contra movement and led to President Reagan in 1984 to order the National Security Council (NSC) to "keep the Contras together 'body and soul'", no matter what Congress voted for.[16]

text: A major legal debate at the center of the Iran–Contra affair concerned the question of whether the NSC was one of the "any other agency or entity of the United States involved in intelligence activities" covered by the Boland amendment. The Reagan administration argued it was not, and many in Congress argued that it was.[16] The majority of constitutional scholars have asserted the NSC did indeed fall within the purview of the second Boland amendment, though the amendment did not mention the NSC by name.[19] The broader constitutional question at stake was the power of Congress vs. the power of the presidency. The Reagan administration argued that because the constitution assigned the right to conduct foreign policy to the executive, its efforts to overthrow the government of Nicaragua were a presidential prerogative that Congress had no right to try to halt via the Boland amendments.[20] By contrast congressional leaders argued that the constitution had assigned Congress control of the budget, and Congress had every right to use that power not to fund projects like attempting to overthrow the government of Nicaragua that they disapproved of.[20] As part of the effort to circumvent the Boland amendment, the NSC established "the Enterprise", an arms-smuggling network headed by a retired U.S. Air Force officer turned arms dealer Richard Secord that supplied arms to the Contras. It was ostensibly a private sector operation, but in fact was controlled by the NSC.[19] To fund "the Enterprise", the Reagan administration was constantly on the look-out for funds that came from outside the U.S. government in order not to explicitly violate the letter of the Boland amendment, though the efforts to find alternative funding for the Contras violated the spirit of the Boland amendment.[21] Ironically, military aid to the Contras was reinstated with Congressional consent in October 1986, a month before the scandal broke.[22][23]

text: Arms sales to Iran[edit]

text: On 17 June 1985, National Security Adviser Robert McFarlane wrote a National Security Decision Directive which called for the United States to begin a rapprochement with the Islamic Republic of Iran.[15] The paper read:

text: Dynamic political evolution is taking place inside Iran. Instability caused by the pressures of the Iraq-Iran war, economic deterioration and regime in-fighting create the potential for major changes inside Iran. The Soviet Union is better positioned than the U.S. to exploit and benefit from any power struggle that results in changes from the Iranian regime ... The U.S should encourage Western allies and friends to help Iran meet its import requirements so as to reduce the attractiveness of Soviet assistance ... This includes provision of selected military equipment.[24]

text: Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger was highly negative, writing on his copy of McFarlane's paper: "This is almost too absurd to comment on ... like asking Qaddafi to Washington for a cozy chat."[25] Secretary of State George Shultz was also opposed, stating that having designated Iran a State Sponsor of Terrorism in January 1984, how could the United States possibly sell arms to Iran?[25] Only the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency William Casey supported McFarlane's plan to start selling arms to Iran.[25]

text: In early July 1985, the historian Michael Ledeen, a consultant of National Security Adviser Robert McFarlane, requested assistance from Israeli Prime Minister Shimon Peres for help in the sale of arms to Iran.[26][27] Having talked to an Israeli diplomat David Kicmche and Leeden, McFarlane learned that the Iranians were prepared to have Hezbollah release American hostages in Lebanon in exchange for Israelis shipping Iran American weapons.[25] Having been designated a State Sponsor of Terrorism since January 1984,[28] Iran was in the midst of the Iran–Iraq War and could find few Western nations willing to supply it with weapons.[29] The idea behind the plan was for Israel to ship weapons through an intermediary (identified as Manucher Ghorbanifar)[4] to the Islamic republic as a way of aiding a supposedly moderate, politically influential faction within the regime of Ayatollah Khomeini who was believed to be seeking a rapprochement with the United States; after the transaction, the United States would reimburse Israel with the same weapons, while receiving monetary benefits.[30] McFarlane in a memo to Shultz and Weinberger wrote:

text: The short term dimension concerns the seven hostages; the long term dimension involves the establishment of a private dialogue with Iranian officials on the broader relations ... They sought specifically the delivery from Israel of 100 TOW missiles ...[25]

text: The plan was discussed with President Reagan on 18 July 1985 and again on 6 August 1985.[25] Shultz at the latter meeting warned Reagan that "we were just falling into the arms-for-hostages business and we shouldn't do it".[25]

text: The Americans believed that there was a moderate faction in the Islamic republic headed by Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, the powerful speaker of the Majlis who was seen as a leading potential successor to Khomeini and who was alleged to want a rapprochement with the United States.[31] The Americans believed that Rafsanjani had the power to order Hezbollah to free the American hostages and establishing a relationship with him by selling Iran arms would ultimately place Iran back within the American sphere of influence.[31] It remains unclear if Rafsanjani really wanted a rapprochement with the United States or was just deceiving Reagan administration officials who were willing to believe that he was a moderate who would effect a rapprochement.[31] Rafsanjani, whose nickname is "the Shark" was described by the British journalist Patrick Brogan as a man of great charm and formidable intelligence known for his subtlety and ruthlessness whose motives in the Iran–Contra affair remain completely mysterious.[31] The Israeli government required that the sale of arms meet high level approval from the United States government, and when McFarlane convinced them that the U.S. government approved the sale, Israel obliged by agreeing to sell the arms.[26]

text: In 1985, President Reagan entered Bethesda Naval Hospital for colon cancer surgery. While the President was recovering in the hospital, McFarlane met with him and told him that representatives from Israel had contacted the National Security Agency to pass on confidential information from what Reagan later described as the "moderate" Iranian faction headed by Rafsanjani opposed to the Ayatollah's hardline anti-American policies.[30] According to Reagan, these Iranians sought to establish a quiet relationship with the United States, before establishing formal relationships upon the death of the aging Ayatollah.[30] In Reagan's account, McFarlane told Reagan that the Iranians, to demonstrate their seriousness, offered to persuade the Hezbollah militants to release the seven U.S. hostages.[32] McFarlane met with the Israeli intermediaries;[33] Reagan claimed that he allowed this because he believed that establishing relations with a strategically located country, and preventing the Soviet Union from doing the same, was a beneficial move.[30] Although Reagan claims that the arms sales were to a "moderate" faction of Iranians, the Walsh Iran/Contra Report states that the arms sales were "to Iran" itself,[34] which was under the control of the Ayatollah.

text: Following the Israeli–U.S. meeting, Israel requested permission from the United States to sell a small number of BGM-71 TOW antitank missiles to Iran, claiming that this would aid the "moderate" Iranian faction,[32] by demonstrating that the group actually had high-level connections to the U.S. government.[32] Reagan initially rejected the plan, until Israel sent information to the United States showing that the "moderate" Iranians were opposed to terrorism and had fought against it.[35] Now having a reason to trust the "moderates", Reagan approved the transaction, which was meant to be between Israel and the "moderates" in Iran, with the United States reimbursing Israel.[32] In his 1990 autobiography An American Life, Reagan claimed that he was deeply committed to securing the release of the hostages; it was this compassion that supposedly motivated his support for the arms initiatives.[4] The president requested that the "moderate" Iranians do everything in their capability to free the hostages held by Hezbollah.[36] Reagan always insisted in public after the scandal broke in late 1986 that purpose behind the arms-for-hostages trade was to establish a working relationship with the "moderate" faction associated with Rafsanjani to facilitate the reestablishment of the American-Iranian alliance after the soon to be expected death of Khomeini, to end the Iran-Iraq war and end Iranian support for Islamic terrorism while downplaying the importance of freeing the hostages in Lebanon as a secondary issue.[37] By contrast, when testifying before the Tower Commission, Reagan declared that hostage issue was the main reason for selling arms to Iran.[38]

text: The following arms were supplied to Iran:[39][40]

text:
August 20, 1985 – 96 TOW anti-tank missiles
September 14, 1985 – 408 more TOWs
November 24, 1985 – 18 Hawk anti-aircraft missiles
February 17, 1986 – 500 TOWs
February 27, 1986 – 500 TOWs
May 24, 1986 – 508 TOWs, 240 Hawk spare parts
August 4, 1986 – More Hawk spares
October 28, 1986 – 500 TOWs

tag: ul

text: First arms sale[edit]

text: On August 20, 1985, Israel sent 96 American-made TOW missiles to Iran through an arms dealer Manucher Ghorbanifar.[41] Subsequently, on September 14, 1985, 408 more TOW missiles were delivered. On September 15, 1985, following the second delivery, Reverend Benjamin Weir was released by his captors, the Islamic Jihad Organization.[42]

text: Modifications in plans[edit]

text: On November 24, 1985, 18 Hawk anti-aircraft missiles were delivered.

text: Robert McFarlane resigned on December 4, 1985,[43][44] citing that he wanted to spend more time with his family.[45] He was replaced by Admiral John Poindexter.[46]

text: Two days later, Reagan met with his advisors at the White House, where a new plan was introduced. This one called for a slight change in the arms transactions: instead of the weapons going to the "moderate" Iranian group, they would go to "moderate" Iranian army leaders.[47] As each weapons delivery was made from Israel by air, the hostages held by Hezbollah would be released.[47] Israel would continue to be reimbursed by the United States for the weapons. Though staunchly opposed by Secretary of State George Shultz and Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger, the plan was authorized by Reagan, who stated that, "We were not trading arms for hostages, nor were we negotiating with terrorists".[48] In his notes of a meeting held in the White House on 7 December 1985, Weinberger wrote he told Reagan that this plan was illegal, writing:

text: I argued strongly that we have an embargo that makes arms sales to Iran illegal and President couldn't violate it and that 'washing' transactions thru Israel wouldn't make it legal. Shultz, Don Regan agreed.[49]

text: Weinberger's notes have Reagan saying he "could answer charges of illegality but he couldn't answer charge that 'big strong President Reagan' passed up a chance to free hostages".[49] Now retired National Security Advisor McFarlane flew to London to meet with Israelis and Ghorbanifar in an attempt to persuade the Iranian to use his influence to release the hostages before any arms transactions occurred; this plan was rejected by Ghorbanifar.[47]

text: On the day of McFarlane's resignation, Oliver North, a military aide to the United States National Security Council (NSC), proposed a new plan for selling arms to Iran, which included two major adjustments: instead of selling arms through Israel, the sale was to be direct, and a portion of the proceeds would go to Contras, or Nicaraguan paramilitary fighters waging guerrilla warfare against the democratically elected Sandinista government, at a markup. The dealings with the Iranians were conducted via the NSC with Admiral Poindexter and his deputy Colonel North, with the American historians Malcolm Byrne and Peter Kornbluh writing that Poindexter granted much power to North "...who made the most of the situation, often deciding important matters on his own, striking outlandish deals with the Iranians, and acting in the name of the president on issues that were far beyond his competence. All of these activities continued to take place within the framework of the president's broad authorization. Until the press reported on the existence of the operation, nobody in the administration questioned the authority of Poindexter's and North's team to implement the president's decisions".[50] North proposed a $15 million markup, while contracted arms broker Ghorbanifar added a 41% markup of his own.[51] Other members of the NSC were in favor of North's plan; with large support, Poindexter authorized it without notifying President Reagan, and it went into effect.[52] At first, the Iranians refused to buy the arms at the inflated price because of the excessive markup imposed by North and Ghorbanifar. They eventually relented, and in February 1986, 1,000 TOW missiles were shipped to the country.[52] From May to November 1986, there were additional shipments of miscellaneous weapons and parts.[52]

text: Both the sale of weapons to Iran, and the funding of the Contras, attempted to circumvent not only stated administration policy, but also the Boland Amendment.[7] Administration officials argued that regardless of the Congress restricting the funds for the Contras, or any affair, the President (or in this case the administration) could carry on by seeking alternative means of funding such as private entities and foreign governments.[53] Funding from one foreign country, Brunei, was botched when North's secretary, Fawn Hall, transposed the numbers of North's Swiss bank account number. A Swiss businessman, suddenly $10 million richer, alerted the authorities of the mistake. The money was eventually returned to the Sultan of Brunei, with interest.[54]

text: On January 7, 1986, John Poindexter proposed to the president a modification of the approved plan: instead of negotiating with the "moderate" Iranian political group, the United States would negotiate with "moderate" members of the Iranian government.[55] Poindexter told Reagan that Ghorbanifar had important connections within the Iranian government, so with the hope of the release of the hostages, Reagan approved this plan as well.[55] Throughout February 1986, weapons were shipped directly to Iran by the United States (as part of Oliver North's plan, without the knowledge of President Reagan) and none of the hostages were released. Retired National Security Advisor McFarlane conducted another international voyage, this one to Tehran; bringing with him a gift of a bible having a handwritten inscription by Ronald Reagan;[56][57] and, according to George Cave a cake baked in the shape of a key.[56] Howard Teicher described the cake as a joke between North and Ghorbanifar.[58] He met directly with Iranian officials associated with Rafsanjani that sought to establish U.S.-Iranian relations in an attempt to free the four remaining hostages.[59] The American delegation comprised McFarlane, North, Cave (a retired CIA agent who worked in Iran in the 1960s–70s), Teicher, an Israeli diplomat Amiram Nir and a CIA translator arrived in Tehran in an Israeli plane carrying forged Irish passports on 25 May 1986.[60] This meeting also failed. Much to McFarlane's disgust, he did not meet ministers, and instead met in his words "third and fourth level officials".[60] At one point, an angry McFarlane shouted: "As I am a Minister, I expect to meet with decision-makers. Otherwise, you can work with my staff".[60] The Iranians requested concessions such as Israel's withdrawal from the Golan Heights, which the United States rejected.[59] More importantly, McFarlane refused to ship spare parts for the Hawk missiles until the Iranians had Hezbollah release the American hostages whereas the Iranians wanted to reverse that sequence with the spare parts being shipped first before the hostages were freed.[60] The differing negotiating positions led to McFarlane's mission going home after four days.[61] After the failure of the secret visit to Tehran, McFarlane advised Reagan not to talk to the Iranians anymore, advice that was disregarded.[61]

text: Subsequent dealings[edit]

text: On 26 July 1986, Hezbollah freed the American hostage Father Lawrence Jenco, former head of Catholic Relief Services in Lebanon.[62] Following this, William Casey, head of the CIA, requested that the United States authorize sending a shipment of small missile parts to Iranian military forces as a way of expressing gratitude.[63] Casey also justified this request by stating that the contact in the Iranian government might otherwise lose face or be executed, and hostages might be killed. Reagan authorized the shipment to ensure that those potential events would not occur.[63] North used this release to persuade Reagan to switch over to a "sequential" policy of freeing the hostages one by one, instead of the "all or nothing" policy that the Americans had pursued until then.[61] By this point, the Americans had grown tired of Ghobanifar who had proven himself a dishonest intermediary who played off both sides to his own commercial advantage.[61] In August 1986, the Americans had established a new contact in the Iranian government, Ali Hashemi Bahramani, the nephew of Rafsanjani and an officer in the Revolutionary Guard.[61] The fact that the Revolutionary Guard was deeply involved in international terrorism seemed only to attract the Americans more to Bahramani, who was seen as someone with the influence to change Iran's policies.[61] Richard Secord, an American arms dealer, who was being used as a contact with Iran, wrote to North: "My judgement is that we have opened up a new and probably better channel into Iran".[61] North was so impressed with Bahramani that he arranged for him to secretly visit Washington D.C and gave him a guided tour at midnight of the White House.[61]

text: North frequently met with Bahramani in the summer and fall of 1986 in West Germany, discussing arms sales to Iran, the freeing of hostages held by Hezbollah and how best to overthrow President Saddam Hussein of Iraq and the establishment of "a non-hostile regime in Baghdad".[61] In September and October 1986 three more Americans—Frank Reed, Joseph Cicippio, and Edward Tracy—were abducted in Lebanon by a separate terrorist group, who referred to them simply as "G.I. Joe," after the popular American toy. The reasons for their abduction are unknown, although it is speculated that they were kidnapped to replace the freed Americans.[64] One more original hostage, David Jacobsen, was later released. The captors promised to release the remaining two, but the release never happened.[65]

text: During a secret meeting in Frankfurt in October 1986, North told Bahramani that: "Saddam Hussein must go".[61] North also claimed that Reagan had told him to tell Bahramani that: "Saddam Hussein is an asshole".[61] Behramani during a secret meeting in Mainz informed North that Rafsanjani "for his own politics ... decided to get all the groups involved and give them a role to play".[66] Thus, all the factions in the Iranian government would be jointly responsible for the talks with the Americans and "there would not be an internal war".[66] This demand of Behramani caused much dismay on the American side as it made clear to them that they would not be dealing solely with a "moderate" faction in the Islamic Republic, as the Americans liked to pretend to themselves, but rather with all the factions in the Iranian government - including those who were very much involved in terrorism.[66] Despite this the talks were not broken off.[66]

text: Discovery and scandal[edit]

text: After a leak by Mehdi Hashemi, a senior official in the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the Lebanese magazine Ash-Shiraa exposed the arrangement on November 3, 1986.[67] This was the first public report of the weapons-for-hostages deal. The operation was discovered only after an airlift of guns (Corporate Air Services HPF821) was downed over Nicaragua. Eugene Hasenfus, who was captured by Nicaraguan authorities after surviving the plane crash, initially alleged in a press conference on Nicaraguan soil that two of his coworkers, Max Gomez and Ramon Medina, worked for the Central Intelligence Agency.[68] He later said he did not know whether they did or not.[69] The Iranian government confirmed the Ash-Shiraa story, and ten days after the story was first published, President Reagan appeared on national television from the Oval Office on November 13, stating:

text: My purpose was ... to send a signal that the United States was prepared to replace the animosity between [the U.S. and Iran] with a new relationship ... At the same time we undertook this initiative, we made clear that Iran must oppose all forms of international terrorism as a condition of progress in our relationship. The most significant step which Iran could take, we indicated, would be to use its influence in Lebanon to secure the release of all hostages held there.[9]

text: The scandal was compounded when Oliver North destroyed or hid pertinent documents between November 21 and November 25, 1986. During North's trial in 1989, his secretary, Fawn Hall, testified extensively about helping North alter, shred, and remove official United States National Security Council (NSC) documents from the White House. According to The New York Times, enough documents were put into a government shredder to jam it.[51] North's explanation for destroying some documents was to protect the lives of individuals involved in Iran and Contra operations.[51] It was not until 1993, years after the trial, that North's notebooks were made public, and only after the National Security Archive and Public Citizen sued the Office of the Independent Counsel under the Freedom of Information Act.[51]

text: During the trial, North testified that on November 21, 22, or 24, he witnessed Poindexter destroy what may have been the only signed copy of a presidential covert-action finding that sought to authorize CIA participation in the November 1985 Hawk missile shipment to Iran.[51] U.S. Attorney General Edwin Meese admitted on November 25 that profits from weapons sales to Iran were made available to assist the Contra rebels in Nicaragua. On the same day, John Poindexter resigned, and President Reagan fired Oliver North.[70] Poindexter was replaced by Frank Carlucci on December 2, 1986.[71]

text: When the story broke, many legal and constitutional scholars expressed dismay that the NSC, which was supposed to be just an advisory body to assist the President with formulating foreign policy had "gone operational" by becoming an executive body covertly executing foreign policy on its own.[72] The National Security Act of 1947, which created the NSC, gave it the vague right to perform "such other functions and duties related to the intelligence as the National Security Council may from time to time direct".[73] However, the NSC had usually, although not always, acted as an advisory agency until the Reagan administration when the NSC had "gone operational", a situation that was condemned by both the Tower commission and by Congress as a departure from the norm.[73] The American historian James Canham-Clyne asserted that Iran–Contra affair and the NSC "going operational" were not departures from the norm, but were the logical and natural consequence of existence of the "national security state", the plethora of shadowy government agencies with multi-million dollar budgets operating with little oversight from Congress, the courts or the media, and for whom upholding national security justified almost everything.[73] Canham-Clyne argued that for the "national security state", the law was an obstacle to be surmounted rather than something to uphold and that the Iran–Contra affair was just "business as usual", something he asserted that the media missed by focusing on the NSC having "gone operational".[73]

text: In Veil: The Secret Wars of the CIA 1981–1987, journalist Bob Woodward chronicled the role of the CIA in facilitating the transfer of funds from the Iran arms sales to the Nicaraguan Contras spearheaded by Oliver North.[74] According to Woodward, then–Director of the CIA William J. Casey admitted to him in February 1987 that he was aware of the diversion of funds to the contras.[75] The controversial admission occurred while Casey was hospitalized for a stroke, and, according to his wife, was unable to communicate. On May 6, 1987, William Casey died the day after Congress began public hearings on Iran–Contra. Independent Counsel, Lawrence Walsh later wrote: "Independent Counsel obtained no documentary evidence showing Casey knew about or approved the diversion. The only direct testimony linking Casey to early knowledge of the diversion came from [Oliver] North."[76] Gust Avrakodos, who was responsible for the arms supplies to the Afghans at this time, was aware of the operation as well and strongly opposed it, in particular the diversion of funds allotted to the Afghan operation. According to his Middle Eastern experts the operation was pointless because the moderates in Iran were not in a position to challenge the fundamentalists. However, he was overruled by Clair George.[77]

text: Tower Commission[edit]

text: On November 25, 1986, President Reagan announced the creation of a Special Review Board to look into the matter; the following day, he appointed former Senator John Tower, former Secretary of State Edmund Muskie, and former National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft to serve as members. This Presidential Commission took effect on December 1 and became known as the Tower Commission. The main objectives of the commission were to inquire into "the circumstances surrounding the Iran-Contra matter, other case studies that might reveal strengths and weaknesses in the operation of the National Security Council system under stress, and the manner in which that system has served eight different presidents since its inception in 1947".[4] The Tower Commission was the first presidential commission to review and evaluate the National Security Council.[78]

text: President Reagan appeared before the Tower Commission on December 2, 1986, to answer questions regarding his involvement in the affair. When asked about his role in authorizing the arms deals, he first stated that he had; later, he appeared to contradict himself by stating that he had no recollection of doing so.[79] In his 1990 autobiography, An American Life, Reagan acknowledges authorizing the shipments to Israel.[80]

text: The report published by the Tower Commission was delivered to the president on February 26, 1987. The Commission had interviewed 80 witnesses to the scheme,[4] including Reagan, and two of the arms trade middlemen: Manucher Ghorbanifar and Adnan Khashoggi.[79] The 200-page report was the most comprehensive of any released,[79] criticizing the actions of Oliver North, John Poindexter, Caspar Weinberger, and others. It determined that President Reagan did not have knowledge of the extent of the program, especially about the diversion of funds to the Contras,[4] although it argued that the president ought to have had better control of the National Security Council staff.[4] The report heavily criticized Reagan for not properly supervising his subordinates or being aware of their actions.[4] A major result of the Tower Commission was the consensus that Reagan should have listened to his National Security Advisor more, thereby placing more power in the hands of that chair.[4]

text: Congressional committees investigating the Iran–Contra affair[edit]

text: In January 1987, Congress announced it was opening an investigation into the Iran–Contra affair. Depending upon one's political perspective, the Congressional investigation into the Iran–Contra affair was either an attempt by the legislative arm to gain control over an out-of-control executive arm, a partisan "witch hunt" by the Democrats against a Republican administration or a feeble effort by Congress that did far too little to rein in the "imperial presidency" that had run amok by breaking numerous laws.[81] The Democratic-controlled United States Congress issued its own report on November 18, 1987, stating that "If the president did not know what his national security advisers were doing, he should have".[5] The congressional report wrote that the president bore "ultimate responsibility" for wrongdoing by his aides, and his administration exhibited "secrecy, deception and disdain for the law".[82] It also read that "the central remaining question is the role of the President in the Iran–Contra affair. On this critical point, the shredding of documents by Poindexter, North and others, and the death of Casey, leave the record incomplete".[7]

text: Aftermath[edit]

text: Reagan expressed regret regarding the situation in a nationally televised address from the Oval Office on March 4, 1987, and in two other speeches;[83] Reagan had not spoken to the American people directly for three months amidst the scandal.[84] President Reagan told the American people he did not update them on the scandal:

text: The reason I haven't spoken to you before now is this: You deserve the truth. And as frustrating as the waiting has been, I felt it was improper to come to you with sketchy reports, or possibly even erroneous statements, which would then have to be corrected, creating even more doubt and confusion. There's been enough of that.[84]

text: He then took full responsibility for the acts committed:

text: First, let me say I take full responsibility for my own actions and for those of my administration. As angry as I may be about activities undertaken without my knowledge, I am still accountable for those activities. As disappointed as I may be in some who served me, I'm still the one who must answer to the American people for this behavior.[84]

text: Finally, the president stated that his previous assertions that the U.S. did not trade arms for hostages were incorrect:

text: A few months ago I told the American people I did not trade arms for hostages. My heart and my best intentions still tell me that's true, but the facts and the evidence tell me it is not. As the Tower board reported, what began as a strategic opening to Iran deteriorated, in its implementation, into trading arms for hostages. This runs counter to my own beliefs, to administration policy, and to the original strategy we had in mind.[84]

text: To this day, Reagan's role in these transactions is not definitively known; it is unclear exactly what Reagan knew and when, and whether the arms sales were motivated by his desire to save the U.S. hostages. Oliver North wrote that "Ronald Reagan knew of and approved a great deal of what went on with both the Iranian initiative and private efforts on behalf of the contras and he received regular, detailed briefings on both...I have no doubt that he was told about the use of residuals for the Contras, and that he approved it. Enthusiastically."[85] Handwritten notes by Defense Secretary Weinberger indicate that the President was aware of potential hostage transfers[clarification needed] with Iran, as well as the sale of Hawk and TOW missiles to what he was told were "moderate elements" within Iran.[8] Notes taken on December 7, 1985, by Weinberger record that Reagan said that "he could answer charges of illegality but he couldn't answer charge  [sic] that 'big strong President Reagan passed up a chance to free hostages'".[8] The Republican-written "Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair" concluded, that

text: There is some question and dispute about precisely the level at which he chose to follow the operation details. There is no doubt, however, ... [that] the President set the US policy towards Nicaragua, with few if any ambiguities, and then left subordinates more or less free to implement it.[86]

text: Domestically, the scandal precipitated a drop in President Reagan's popularity as his approval ratings saw "the largest single drop for any U.S. president in history", from 67% to 46% in November 1986, according to a The New York Times/CBS News poll.[87] The "Teflon President", as Reagan was nicknamed by critics,[88] survived the scandal, however, and by January 1989 a Gallup poll was "recording a 64% approval rating", the highest ever recorded for a departing President at that time.[89]

text: Internationally, the damage was more severe. Magnus Ranstorp wrote, "U.S. willingness to engage in concessions with Iran and the Hezbollah not only signaled to its adversaries that hostage-taking was an extremely useful instrument in extracting political and financial concessions for the West but also undermined any credibility of U.S. criticism of other states' deviation from the principles of no-negotiation and no concession to terrorists and their demands".[90]

text: In Iran, Mehdi Hashemi, the leaker of the scandal, was executed in 1987, allegedly for activities unrelated to the scandal. Though Hashemi made a full video confession to numerous serious charges, some observers find the coincidence of his leak and the subsequent prosecution highly suspicious.[91]

text: Indictments[edit]

text:
Caspar Weinberger, Secretary of Defense, was indicted on two counts of perjury and one count of obstruction of justice on June 16, 1992.[92] Weinberger received a pardon from George H. W. Bush on December 24, 1992, before he was tried.[93]
Robert C. McFarlane, National Security Adviser, convicted of withholding evidence, but after a plea bargain was given only two years of probation. Later pardoned by President George H. W. Bush.[94]
Elliott Abrams, Assistant Secretary of State, convicted of withholding evidence, but after a plea bargain was given only two years probation. Later pardoned by President George H. W. Bush.[95]
Alan D. Fiers, Chief of the CIA's Central American Task Force, convicted of withholding evidence and sentenced to one year probation. Later pardoned by President George H. W. Bush.
Clair George, Chief of Covert Ops-CIA, convicted on two charges of perjury, but pardoned by President George H. W. Bush before sentencing.[96]
Oliver North, member of the National Security Council convicted of accepting an illegal gratuity, obstruction of a congressional inquiry, and destruction of documents, but the ruling was overturned since he had been granted immunity.[97]
Fawn Hall, Oliver North's secretary, was given immunity from prosecution on charges of conspiracy and destroying documents in exchange for her testimony.[98]
Jonathan Scott Royster, Liaison to Oliver North, was given immunity from prosecution on charges of conspiracy and destroying documents in exchange for his testimony.[99]
National Security Advisor John Poindexter was convicted of five counts of conspiracy, obstruction of justice, perjury, defrauding the government, and the alteration and destruction of evidence. A panel of the D.C. Circuit overturned the convictions on November 15, 1991, by a vote of 2 to 1[100] and the Supreme Court refused to hear the case.[101]
Duane Clarridge. An ex-CIA senior official, he was indicted in November 1991 on seven counts of perjury and false statements relating to a November 1985 shipment to Iran. Pardoned before trial by President George H. W. Bush.[102][103]
Richard V. Secord. Former Air Force major general, who was involved in arms transfers to Iran and diversion of funds to Contras, he pleaded guilty in November 1989 to making false statements to Congress and was sentenced to two years of probation. As part of his plea bargain, Secord agreed to provide further truthful testimony in exchange for the dismissal of remaining criminal charges against him.[104][105]
Albert Hakim. A businessman, he pleaded guilty in November 1989 to supplementing the salary of North by buying a $13,800 fence for North with money from "the Enterprise," which was a set of foreign companies Hakim used in Iran-Contra. In addition, Swiss company Lake Resources Inc., used for storing money from arms sales to Iran to give to the Contras, plead guilty to stealing government property.[106] Hakim was given two years of probation and a $5,000 fine, while Lake Resources Inc. was ordered to dissolve.[104][107]

text: Oliver North and John Poindexter were indicted on multiple charges on March 16, 1988.[108] North, indicted on 16 counts, was found guilty by a jury of three felony counts. The convictions were vacated on appeal on the grounds that North's Fifth Amendment rights may have been violated by the indirect use of his testimony to Congress, which had been given under a grant of immunity. In 1990, Poindexter was convicted on several felony counts of conspiracy, lying to Congress, obstruction of justice, and altering and destroying documents pertinent to the investigation. His convictions were also overturned on appeal on similar grounds. Arthur L. Liman served as chief counsel for the Senate during the Iran–Contra Scandal.[109]

text: The Independent Counsel, Lawrence E. Walsh, chose not to re-try North or Poindexter.[110] In total, several dozen people were investigated by Walsh's office.[111]

text: George H. W. Bush denial[edit]

text: During his election campaign in 1988, Vice President Bush denied any knowledge of the Iran–Contra affair by saying he was "out of the loop". Though his diaries included that he was "one of the few people that know fully the details", he repeatedly refused to discuss the incident and won the election.[112]

text: A book published in 2008 by Israeli journalist and terrorism expert Ronen Bergman asserts that Bush was also personally and secretly briefed on the affair by Amiram Nir, a counterterrorism adviser to the then Israeli Prime Minister, when Bush was on a visit to Israel. "Nir could have incriminated the incoming President. The fact that Nir was killed in a mysterious chartered airplane crash in Mexico in December 1988 has given rise to numerous conspiracy theories", writes Bergman.[113]

text: Pardons[edit]

text: On December 24, 1992, nearing the end of his term in office after being defeated by Bill Clinton the previous month, George H. W. Bush pardoned[114] five administration officials found guilty, namely:

text:
Elliott Abrams
Duane Clarridge
Alan Fiers
Clair George
Robert McFarlane and
Caspar Weinberger who had not yet come to trial.[115]

tag: ol

text: In Poindexter's hometown of Odon, Indiana, a street was renamed to John Poindexter Street. Bill Breeden, a former minister, stole the street's sign in protest of the Iran–Contra affair. He claimed that he was holding it for a ransom of $30 million, in reference to the amount of money given to Iran to transfer to the Contras. He was later arrested and confined to prison, making him, as satirically noted by Howard Zinn, "the only person to be imprisoned as a result of the Iran–Contra Scandal".[116]

text: Reports and documents[edit]

text: The 100th Congress formed a joint committee (Congressional Committees Investigating The Iran-Contra Affair) and held hearings in mid-1987. Transcripts were published as: Iran-Contra Investigation: Joint Hearings Before the Senate Select Committee on Secret Military Assistance to Iran and the Nicaraguan Opposition and the House Select Committee to Investigate Covert Arms Transactions with Iran (U.S. GPO 1987–88). A closed Executive Session heard classified testimony from North and Poindexter; this transcript was published in a redacted format.[117] The joint committee's final report was Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair With Supplemental, Minority, and Additional Views (U.S. GPO November 17, 1987).[118] The records of the committee are at the National Archives, but many are still non-public.[119]

text: Testimony was also heard before the House Foreign Affairs Committee, House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, and Senate Select Committee on Intelligence and can be found in the Congressional Record for those bodies. The Senate Intelligence Committee produced two reports: Preliminary Inquiry into the Sale of Arms to Iran and Possible Diversion of Funds to the Nicaraguan Resistance (February 2, 1987) and Were Relevant Documents Withheld from the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair? (June 1989).[120]

text: The Tower Commission Report was published as the Report of the President's Special Review Board. U.S. GPO February 26, 1987. It was also published as The Tower Commission Report, Bantam Books, 1987, ISBN 0-553-26968-2 [121]

text: The Office of Independent Counsel/Walsh investigation produced four interim reports to Congress. Its final report was published as the Final Report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters.[122] Walsh's records are available at the National Archives.[123]


document_title: Parker Brothers

question_text: who was the founder of the parker brothers

text: Parker Brothers

text: History[edit]

text: Parker Brothers was founded by George S. Parker. Parker's philosophy deviated from the prevalent theme of board game design; he believed that games should be played for enjoyment and did not need to emphasize morals and values. He created his first game, called Banking, in 1883 when he was 16.[2] Banking is a game in which players borrowed money from the bank and tried to generate wealth by guessing how well they could do. The game included 160 cards which foretold their failures or successes. The game was so popular among family and friends that his brother, Charles Parker, urged him to publish it. George approached two Boston publishers with the idea, but was unsuccessful. Not discouraged, he spent $40 to publish 500 sets of Banking.[2] He eventually sold all but twelve copies, making a profit of $100.

text: Parker founded his game company, initially called the George S. Parker Company, in his hometown of Salem, Massachusetts in 1883.[3] When George's brother Charles joined the business in 1888, the company's name was changed to its more familiar form. In 1898 a third brother, Edward H. Parker, joined the company. For many years, George designed most of the games himself, and wrote all the rules. Many games were based on important events of the day: Klondike was based on the Alaskan gold rush, and War in Cuba was based on the impending Spanish–American War.

text: The game industry was growing, and the company was becoming very profitable. In 1906, Parker Brothers published the game Rook, their most successful card game to this day, and it quickly became the best-selling game in the country. During the Great Depression, a time when many companies went out of business, Parker Brothers released a new board game called Monopoly. Although the company had originally rejected the game in 1934, they decided to publish it the next year.[4] It was an instant success, and the company had difficulty keeping up with demand. The company continued to grow throughout the next several decades, producing such lasting games as Clue, Risk, and Sorry!

text: Parker Brothers marketed its first puzzle in 1887. The most highly sought of Parker puzzles are the wooden Parker Pastimes. Parker also produced children's puzzles, as well as the Climax, Jig-A-Jig, Jig Wood, and Paramount lines. According to Jigsaw Puzzles: An Illustrated History and Price Guide, by Anne D. Williams, Parker Bros. closed the Pastime line in the 1950s and their die-cut puzzles were phased out in the late 1970s.[5]

text: Even after George Parker's death, the company remained family-owned until 1968 when General Mills purchased the company. After this, Parker Brothers produced the first Nerf ball, which became another major national hit. In the UK during the 1970s, Parker Bros. was the games division of Palitoy (also a General Mills company), and produced a variety of releases such as Escape from Colditz. By the turn of the decade, the company relocated to Beverly, Massachusetts.

text: The company began to produce electronic versions of their popular board games in the late 1970s and early 1980s. At this time, the company ventured into the toy market with the electronic action figure, Rom the Spaceknight, in 1977. Although the toy proved a failure, the licensed comic book published by Marvel Comics ran for years after the toy was discontinued. They also produced video games for various systems during the early 1980s, with home ports of many popular arcade games like Konami's Frogger, Popeye, Gottlieb games like Q*bert and Reactor, the first video games based on the Star Wars movies, The Empire Strikes Back, Jedi Arena, and Death Star Battle, and more.

text: In early 1983, Parker Brothers spent US$15 million establishing a book publishing branch;[6] their first titles featured the American Greetings franchises, Care Bears and Strawberry Shortcake.[6][7] The branch published twelve titles by February 1984; sales of these books totalled 3.5 million units.[8] Parker Brothers also operated a record label around the same time; one of its releases, based on Coleco's Cabbage Patch Kids and involving Tom and Stephen Chapin titled Cabbage Patch Dreams,[8] was certified Gold by the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA) in July 1984.[6]

text: In 1985, General Mills merged the company with their subsidiary Kenner; this new company, Kenner Parker Toys Inc., was acquired by Tonka in 1987.

text: Tonka, including Parker Brothers, was bought in 1991 for about $516 million by Hasbro which also owned the Milton Bradley Company.[9] Following the acquisition, Parker Brothers continued to have its corporate offices in Beverly, but production of the games were moved to Milton Bradley's headquarters in East Longmeadow.[10] In 1998, Parker Brothers and Milton Bradley were consolidated at the new Hasbro Games campus (based in Parker Brother's former headquarters).[11]


document_title: List of PAW Patrol characters

question_text: what is the boy called in paw patrol

question_tokens: what is the boy called in paw patrol

text: List of PAW Patrol characters

text: PAW Patrol members[edit]

text: Original members[edit]

text:
Ryder is the human leader of the PAW Patrol. He is a ten-year-old boy who gives the dogs their mission instructions and builds the vehicles and equipment they use. His vehicle is an ATV. He is the only character to be featured in every mission, and the only member to use his vehicle in every episode. He was voiced by Owen Mason from 2013–2015, by Elijha Hammill from 2015–2016, and by Jaxon Mercey from 2016 onward.
Marshall is a Dalmatian. He serves as a firedog and medic. His vehicle is a firetruck, which transforms into an ambulance. He is known for being exceptionally clumsy. A running gag in every episode is that Marshall will encounter some kind of humorous problem while trying to enter the PAW Patrol's elevator. His catchphrase after one of these mishaps is often "I'm good." He was voiced by Gage Munroe from 2013–2015 and by Drew Davis from 2015 onward.
Rubble is an English bulldog. He serves as a construction dog. His vehicle is a bulldozer. He is often a source of comic relief and usually makes jokes or comments about his love of eating. He is voiced by Devan Cohen.
Chase is a German Shepherd. He serves as a police and spy dog. His vehicle is a police cruiser. He is the most mature of the dogs, and will always announce "Ready for action, Ryder, sir!" when the PAW Patrol is called on a mission. He was voiced by Tristan Samuel from 2013–2014 and by Max Calinescu from 2014 onward.
Rocky is a grey-and-white mongrel of an unspecified breed. He serves as a recycling dog. His vehicle is a recycling truck, which can also transform into a salvage tugboat. A running gag in the series is Rocky's irrational fear of water to the point where he refuses to bathe. He was voiced by Stuart Ralston from 2013–2015 and by Samuel Faraci from 2015 onward.
Zuma is a chocolate Labrador retriever. He serves as a water rescue pup. His vehicle is a hovercraft, which can also convert into a submarine. He was voiced by Alex Thorne.
Skye is a cockapoo. She serves as an aviator. Her vehicle is a helicopter. She is voiced by Kallan Holley.

text: Occasional members[edit]

text:
Cap'n Turbot is the PAW Patrol's most frequent caller and occasional member, as of "Pups Save a Mer-Pup." He is a marine biologist and the watchman of Adventure Bay. His main vehicle is a boat called the Flounder. In the second season, an orange diving bell is introduced as his second vehicle. He is the team's best human friend and their source of information on all kinds of wildlife in the bay. He is voiced by Ron Pardo. Along with Everest, Cap'n Turbot was added to the opening theme in season three.
Everest is a Siberian husky. She serves as a snow rescue dog. Her vehicle is a snowmobile. She does not stay with the PAW Patrol and instead lives at Adventure Bay's ski resort, but will answer a call for assistance whenever her services are needed. She is voiced by Berkley Silverman. Everest, along with Cap'n Turbot, was added to the opening theme in season three.
Tracker is a brown-and-white chihuahua. He serves as a jungle rescue pup. His vehicle is a Jeep. He resides in the jungle with his human caretaker, a boy named Carlos. Like Everest, he does not live in Adventure Bay. He is voiced by David Lopez. As of season four, he has not been added to the opening theme.
Robo-Dog is a robotic dog who Ryder invented in "Pups Save a Robot." He returned in "The New Pup" as the driver of the PAW Patroller and currently drives all of the PAW Patrol's other multi-member vehicles (the Air Patroller, Mission PAW Cruiser, and the Sea Patroller). Unlike the other occasional members, Robo-Dog does not speak in sentences and only communicates through barks. His vehicle (the PAW Patroller) was added to the opening theme in season three, but Robo-Dog himself does not appear.

text: Recurring characters[edit]

text:
Mayor Goodway is the mayor of Adventure Bay. She owns Chickaletta, a "purse chicken," and shares a rivalry with Mayor Humdinger of the neighboring town Foggy Bottom. She is voiced by Deann Degruijter.
Chickaletta is the mayor's pet chicken. Like real animals, she does not speak.
Francois Turbot is Cap'n Turbot's cousin and sidekick from France, who lives with him in the Seal Island lighthouse. He is very self-centered and loves to show off. He is voiced by Peter Cugno.
Wally is Cap'n Turbot's pet walrus. He has a wife named Walinda and an unnamed baby child.
Katie is a girl Ryder's age. She runs Adventure Bay's pet clinic. She is voiced by Katherine Forrester.
Cali is Katie's pet cat. Like Chickaletta, she does not speak although her meows are provided by Julie Lemieux.
Mayor Humdinger is Mayor Goodway's rival, and mayor of the neighbouring town, Foggy Bottom. He lives in a cave in Foggy Bottom.
The Kitten Catastrophe Crew is Mayor Humdinger's group of cats. They closely resemble the six PAW Patrol pups.
Mr. Porter is a grocer in Adventure Bay.
Alex Porter is Mr. Porter's 6 year old grandson.
Farmer Yumi and Farmer Al are two married farmers who live near Adventure Bay. Farmer Yumi was voiced by Hiromi Okuyama (2013–2014) and was later replaced by Stephany Seki (2014–present). Farmer Al is voiced by Ron Pardo.
Jake is the owner of a ski resort near Adventure Bay and the best friend of Everest. He is voiced by Scott McCord.
Carlos is a jungle explorer who is Tracker’s caretaker.
Danny X is a daredevil.
Sweetie is a villainous pup, and the pet of the Princess of Barkingburg.


document_title: List of Major League Baseball All-Star Game venues

question_text: where will the all star game be in 2018 mlb

text: Venue selection[edit]

text: The venue for each All-Star Game is chosen by an MLB selection committee. This choice may be made to commemorate a particular historical occasion, the opening of a new ballpark, or a significant milestone. The criteria for choosing the venue are subjective; for the most part, cities with new parks and cities who have not hosted the game in a long time –  or ever –  tend to be favored. The venues among the major league franchises: between 1964 and 2015, five teams hosted 3 times, 13 teams twice, ten teams once, and two teams not at all. The "home team" is the league in which the host franchise plays its games. Through the 2018 season, the American League has hosted 43 times, and the National League has hosted 46 times. Traditionally, the game's venue alternated between the two leagues from year to year with six exceptions:

text:
1950–1951 (American League)
1952–1953 (National League)
1959 both games (National League)
1960 both games (American League)
1961 second game – 1962 (American League)
2006–2007 (National League)

text: This tradition was discontinued after the 2015 game.

text: As of 2018, one Major League Baseball franchise has never hosted an All-Star Game: the Tampa Bay Rays. The Miami Marlins hosted for the first time in 2017 following the 2012 opening of Marlins Park, although Miami was initially scheduled to host in 2000, MLB eventually moved the game to Atlanta. All-Star games have been played in D.C., hosted by both incarnations of the Washington Senators (now known as the Minnesota Twins and as the Texas Rangers), as well as by the Washington Nationals in 2018.

text: Of the remaining 27 franchises, the New York Mets had gone the longest period without hosting since their sole hosting duty in 1964, but this streak came to an end at 49 years in 2013. The Dodgers are now the team with the longest active hosting drought, since 1980. During that span, 18 of the remaining 25 teams have hosted an All-Star Game at least twice since 1964: Atlanta Braves (1972 and 2000), Chicago White Sox (1983 and 2003), Cincinnati Reds (1970, 1988, and 2015), Cleveland Indians (1981, 1997, 2019), Detroit Tigers (1971 and 2005), Houston Astros (1968, 1986, and 2004), Kansas City Royals (1973 and 2012), Los Angeles Angels (1967, 1989, and 2010), Milwaukee Brewers (1975 and 2002), Minnesota Twins (1965, 1985, and 2014), New York Yankees (1977 and 2008), Philadelphia Phillies (1976 and 1996), Pittsburgh Pirates (1974, 1994, and 2006), San Diego Padres (1978, 1992, and 2016), San Francisco Giants (1984 and 2007), Seattle Mariners (1979 and 2001), St. Louis Cardinals (1966 and 2009), and Washington Senators/Texas Rangers (1969 and 1995).

text: New stadiums that have not hosted the All-Star Game in cities that have hosted it previously are: Citizens Bank Park in Philadelphia, the new Yankee Stadium in New York City, and SunTrust Park in Atlanta.

text: Future All-Star Games will be played at Progressive Field in 2019 and Dodger Stadium in 2020.

text: Following the game at the first Yankee Stadium in 2008 in its final season, the Bronx's old stadium joined Cleveland's old Cleveland Stadium (also known as Municipal Stadium prior to its own demolition) as the only venues that have hosted four Major League Baseball All-Star games. New York City has hosted it more than any other city, having done so nine times in five different stadiums; after 2017, Tampa Bay will remain the only major league city since the first All-Star Game in 1933 to never have hosted.

text: List of hosts[edit]

text:
Date

City

Stadium

Host team

Attendance

Host League

July 6, 1933

Chicago

Comiskey Park

Chicago White Sox

49,200

American

July 10, 1934

New York City

Polo Grounds

New York Giants

48,363

National

July 8, 1935

Cleveland

Cleveland Stadium

Cleveland Indians

69,812

American

July 7, 1936

Boston

Braves Field

Boston Bees

25,556

National

July 7, 1937

Washington, D.C.

Griffith Stadium

Washington Senators

31,391

American

July 6, 1938

Cincinnati

Crosley Field

Cincinnati Reds

27,067

National

July 11, 1939

New York City (2)

Yankee Stadium

New York Yankees

62,892

American

July 9, 1940

St. Louis

Sportsman's Park

St. Louis Cardinals

32,373

National

July 8, 1941

Detroit

Briggs Stadium

Detroit Tigers

54,674

American

July 6, 1942

New York City (3)

Polo Grounds (2)

New York Giants (2)

34,178

National

July 13, 1943

Philadelphia

Shibe Park

Philadelphia Athletics

31,938

American

July 11, 1944

Pittsburgh

Forbes Field

Pittsburgh Pirates

29,589

National

1945

Not held because of World War II

July 9, 1946

Boston (2)

Fenway Park

Boston Red Sox

34,906

American

July 8, 1947

Chicago (2)

Wrigley Field

Chicago Cubs

41,123

National

July 13, 1948

St. Louis (2)

Sportsman's Park (2)

St. Louis Browns

34,009

American

July 12, 1949

New York City (4)

Ebbets Field

Brooklyn Dodgers

32,577

National

July 11, 1950

Chicago (3)

Comiskey Park (2)

Chicago White Sox (2)

46,127

American

July 10, 1951

Detroit (2)

Briggs Stadium (2)

Detroit Tigers (2)

52,075

American

July 8, 1952

Philadelphia (2)

Shibe Park (2)

Philadelphia Phillies

32,785

National

July 14, 1953

Cincinnati (2)

Crosley Field (2)

Cincinnati Redlegs

30,846

National

July 13, 1954

Cleveland (2)

Cleveland Stadium (2)

Cleveland Indians (2)

69,751

American

July 12, 1955

Milwaukee

County Stadium

Milwaukee Braves

45,643

National

July 10, 1956

Washington, D.C. (2)

Griffith Stadium (2)

Washington Senators (2)

28,843

American

July 9, 1957

St. Louis (3)

Busch Stadium

St. Louis Cardinals (2)

30,693

National

July 8, 1958

Baltimore

Memorial Stadium

Baltimore Orioles

48,829

American

July 7, 1959

Pittsburgh (2)

Forbes Field (2)

Pittsburgh Pirates (2)

35,277

National

August 3, 1959

Los Angeles

Los Angeles Memorial Coliseum

Los Angeles Dodgers

55,105

National

July 11, 1960

Kansas City

Municipal Stadium

Kansas City Athletics

30,619

American

July 13, 1960

New York City (5)

Yankee Stadium (2)

New York Yankees (2)

38,362

American

July 11, 1961

San Francisco

Candlestick Park

San Francisco Giants

44,115

National

July 31, 1961

Boston (3)

Fenway Park (2)

Boston Red Sox (2)

31,851

American

July 10, 1962

Washington, D.C. (3)

D.C. Stadium

Washington Senators

45,480

American

July 30, 1962

Chicago (4)

Wrigley Field (2)

Chicago Cubs (2)

38,359

National

July 9, 1963

Cleveland (3)

Cleveland Stadium (3)

Cleveland Indians (3)

44,160

American

July 7, 1964

New York City (6)

Shea Stadium

New York Mets

50,850

National

July 13, 1965

Bloomington

Metropolitan Stadium

Minnesota Twins

46,706

American

July 12, 1966

St. Louis (4)

Busch Memorial Stadium

St. Louis Cardinals (3)

49,936

National

July 11, 1967

Anaheim

Anaheim Stadium

California Angels

46,309

American

July 9, 1968

Houston

Astrodome

Houston Astros

48,321

National

July 23, 1969

Washington, D.C. (4)

RFK Stadium

Washington Senators (2)

45,259

American

July 14, 1970

Cincinnati (3)

Riverfront Stadium

Cincinnati Reds (2)

51,838

National

July 13, 1971

Detroit (3)

Tiger Stadium

Detroit Tigers (3)

53,559

American

July 25, 1972

Atlanta

Atlanta Stadium

Atlanta Braves

53,107

National

July 24, 1973

Kansas City (2)

Royals Stadium

Kansas City Royals

40,849

American

July 23, 1974

Pittsburgh (3)

Three Rivers Stadium

Pittsburgh Pirates (3)

50,706

National

July 15, 1975

Milwaukee (2)

County Stadium (2)

Milwaukee Brewers

51,480

American

July 13, 1976

Philadelphia (3)

Veterans Stadium

Philadelphia Phillies (2)

63,974

National

July 19, 1977

New York City (7)

Yankee Stadium (3)

New York Yankees (3)

56,683

American

July 11, 1978

San Diego

San Diego Stadium

San Diego Padres

51,549

National

July 17, 1979

Seattle

Kingdome

Seattle Mariners

58,905

American

July 8, 1980

Los Angeles (2)

Dodger Stadium

Los Angeles Dodgers (2)

56,088

National

August 9, 1981

Cleveland (4)

Cleveland Stadium (4)

Cleveland Indians (4)

72,086

American

July 13, 1982

Montreal

Olympic Stadium

Montreal Expos

59,057

National

July 6, 1983

Chicago (5)

Comiskey Park (3)

Chicago White Sox (3)

43,801

American

July 10, 1984

San Francisco (2)

Candlestick Park (2)

San Francisco Giants (2)

57,756

National

July 16, 1985

Minneapolis

Hubert H. Humphrey Metrodome

Minnesota Twins (2)

54,960

American

July 15, 1986

Houston (2)

Astrodome (2)

Houston Astros (2)

45,774

National

July 14, 1987

Oakland

Oakland–Alameda County Coliseum

Oakland Athletics

49,671

American

July 12, 1988

Cincinnati (4)

Riverfront Stadium (2)

Cincinnati Reds (3)

55,837

National

July 11, 1989

Anaheim (2)

Anaheim Stadium (2)

California Angels (2)

64,036

American

July 10, 1990

Chicago (6)

Wrigley Field (3)

Chicago Cubs (3)

39,071

National

July 9, 1991

Toronto

SkyDome

Toronto Blue Jays

52,383

American

July 14, 1992

San Diego (2)

Jack Murphy Stadium (2)

San Diego Padres (2)

59,372

National

July 13, 1993

Baltimore (2)

Oriole Park at Camden Yards

Baltimore Orioles (2)

48,147

American

July 12, 1994

Pittsburgh (4)

Three Rivers Stadium (2)

Pittsburgh Pirates (4)

59,568

National

July 11, 1995

Arlington

The Ballpark in Arlington

Texas Rangers

50,920

American

July 9, 1996

Philadelphia (4)

Veterans Stadium (2)

Philadelphia Phillies (3)

62,670

National

July 8, 1997

Cleveland (5)

Jacobs Field

Cleveland Indians (5)

44,916

American

July 7, 1998

Denver

Coors Field

Colorado Rockies

51,267

National

July 13, 1999

Boston (4)

Fenway Park (3)

Boston Red Sox (3)

34,187

American

July 11, 2000

Atlanta (2)

Turner Field

Atlanta Braves (2)

51,323

National

July 10, 2001

Seattle (2)

Safeco Field

Seattle Mariners (2)

47,364

American

July 9, 2002

Milwaukee (3)

Miller Park

Milwaukee Brewers (2)

41,871

National

July 15, 2003

Chicago (7)

U.S. Cellular Field

Chicago White Sox (4)

47,609

American

July 13, 2004

Houston (3)

Minute Maid Park

Houston Astros (3)

41,886

National

July 12, 2005

Detroit (4)

Comerica Park

Detroit Tigers (4)

41,617

American

July 11, 2006

Pittsburgh (5)

PNC Park

Pittsburgh Pirates (5)

38,904

National

July 10, 2007

San Francisco (3)

AT&T Park

San Francisco Giants (3)

43,965

National

July 15, 2008

New York City (8)

Yankee Stadium (4)

New York Yankees (4)

55,632

American

July 14, 2009

St. Louis (5)

Busch Stadium

St. Louis Cardinals (4)

46,760

National

July 13, 2010

Anaheim (3)

Angel Stadium of Anaheim (3)

Los Angeles Angels of Anaheim

45,408

American

July 12, 2011

Phoenix

Chase Field

Arizona Diamondbacks

49,033

National

July 10, 2012

Kansas City (3)

Kauffman Stadium (2)

Kansas City Royals (2)

40,933

American

July 16, 2013

New York City (9)

Citi Field

New York Mets (2)

45,186

National

July 15, 2014

Minneapolis (2)

Target Field

Minnesota Twins (3)

41,048

American

July 14, 2015

Cincinnati (5)

Great American Ball Park

Cincinnati Reds (4)

43,656

National

July 12, 2016

San Diego (3)

Petco Park

San Diego Padres (3)

42,386

National

July 11, 2017

Miami

Marlins Park

Miami Marlins

37,188

National

July 17, 2018

Washington, D.C. (5)

Nationals Park

Washington Nationals

43,843

National

July 9, 2019

Cleveland (6)

Progressive Field (2)

Cleveland Indians (6)

American

July 14, 2020

Los Angeles (3)

Dodger Stadium (2)

Los Angeles Dodgers (3)

National

July 13, 2021

Atlanta (3)

SunTrust Park

Atlanta Braves (3)

National

tag: table

text: Various statistics[edit]

text: Times hosted by city[edit]

text:
City

Times Hosted

Years

New York City

9

1934, 1939, 1942, 1949, 1960, 1964, 1977, 2008, 2013

Chicago

7

1933, 1947, 1950, 1962, 1983, 1990, 2003

Cleveland

6

1935, 1954, 1963, 1981, 1997, 2019

Pittsburgh

5

1944, 1959, 1974, 1994, 2006

St. Louis

5

1940, 1948, 1957, 1966, 2009

Cincinnati

5

1938, 1953, 1970, 1988, 2015

Washington, D.C.

5

1937, 1956, 1962, 1969, 2018

Boston

4

1936, 1946, 1961, 1999

Detroit

4

1941, 1951, 1971, 2005

Philadelphia

4

1943, 1952, 1976, 1996

Kansas City

3

1960, 1973, 2012

Milwaukee

3

1955, 1975, 2002

San Diego

3

1978, 1992, 2016

San Francisco

3

1961, 1984, 2007

Houston

3

1968, 1986, 2004

Anaheim

3

1967, 1989, 2010

Minneapolis

3

1965, 1985, 2014

Baltimore

2

1958, 1993

Los Angeles

3

1959, 1980, 2020

Atlanta

2

1972, 2000

Seattle

2

1979, 2001

Montreal

1

1982

Oakland

1

1987

Toronto

1

1991

Arlington

1

1995

Denver

1

1998

Phoenix

1

2011

Miami

1

2017

St. Petersburg

0

--

text: Times hosted by club[edit]

text:
Club

Times Hosted

Years

Cleveland Indians

6

1935, 1954, 1963, 1981, 1997, 2019

New York/San Francisco Giants

5

1934, 1942, 1961, 1984, 2007

Washington Senators/Minnesota Twins

5

1937, 1956, 1965, 1985, 2014

Cincinnati Reds/Redlegs

5

1938, 1953, 1970, 1988, 2015

Pittsburgh Pirates

5

1944, 1959, 1974, 1994, 2006

Chicago White Sox

4

1933, 1950, 1983, 2003

Boston Bees/Milwaukee/Atlanta Braves

4

1936, 1955, 1972, 2000

New York Yankees

4

1939, 1960, 1977, 2008

St. Louis Cardinals

4

1940, 1957, 1966, 2009

Detroit Tigers

4

1941, 1951, 1971, 2005

Philadelphia/Kansas City/Oakland Athletics

3

1943, 1960, 1987

Boston Red Sox

3

1946, 1961, 1999

Chicago Cubs

3

1947, 1962, 1990

St. Louis Browns/Baltimore Orioles

3

1948, 1958, 1993

Brooklyn/Los Angeles Dodgers

3

1949, 1959, 1980, 2020

Philadelphia Phillies

3

1952, 1976, 1996

Washington Senators/Texas Rangers

3

1962, 1969, 1995

California/Los Angeles Angels

3

1967, 1989, 2010

Houston Astros

3

1968, 1986, 2004

San Diego Padres

3

1978, 1992, 2016

New York Mets

2

1964, 2013

Kansas City Royals

2

1973, 2012

Milwaukee Brewers

2

1975, 2002

Seattle Mariners

2

1979, 2001

Montreal Expos/Washington Nationals

2

1982, 2018

Toronto Blue Jays

1

1991

Colorado Rockies

1

1998

Arizona Diamondbacks

1

2011

Miami Marlins

1

2017

Tampa Bay Rays

0

–

text: The Tampa Bay Rays have yet to host the All-Star Game.[2]

text: Ballparks that have hosted more than one All-Star Game[edit]

text: Active baseball parks[edit]

text:
Wrigley Field 1947, 1962, 1990
Fenway Park 1946, 1961, 1999
Angel Stadium 1967, 1989, 2010
Kauffman Stadium 1973, 2012

text: Progressive Field and Dodger Stadium will join this list in 2019 and 2020, respectively.

text: Discontinued baseball parks[edit]

text:
Yankee Stadium 1939, 1960, 1977, 2008
Cleveland Stadium 1935, 1954, 1963, 1981
Sportsman's Park 1940, 1948, 1957
Tiger Stadium 1941, 1951, 1971
Comiskey Park 1933, 1950, 1983
Polo Grounds 1934, 1942
Shibe Park 1943, 1952
Crosley Field 1938, 1953
Griffith Stadium 1937, 1956
Forbes Field 1944, 1959
Robert F. Kennedy Memorial Stadium 1962, 1969
Milwaukee County Stadium 1955, 1975
Candlestick Park 1961, 1984
Houston Astrodome 1968, 1986
Riverfront Stadium 1970, 1988
Jack Murphy Stadium 1978, 1992
Three Rivers Stadium 1974, 1994
Veterans Stadium 1976, 1996

text: The only discontinued ballparks that hosted one All-Star Game are: Ebbets Field in 1949, Memorial Stadium in 1958, Los Angeles Memorial Coliseum in 1959, Shea Stadium in 1964, Metropolitan Stadium in 1965, Busch Memorial Stadium in 1966, Fulton County Stadium in 1972, the Kingdome in 1979, Olympic Stadium (Montreal) in 1982, Hubert H. Humphrey Metrodome in 1985, and Turner Field in 2000.

text: Ballparks that have never hosted an All-Star Game[edit]

text: Active baseball parks (oldest parks listed first)[edit]

text:
Tropicana Field, opened in 1990; the Rays have played there since 1998.
Citizens Bank Park, opened in 2004; the Phillies last hosted the ASG in 1996 in Veterans Stadium.
Yankee Stadium (New), opened in 2009; the Yankees last hosted the ASG in 2008 at the previous park.
SunTrust Park, opened in 2017; the Braves last hosted the ASG in 2000 in Turner Field.

text: Discontinued baseball parks (oldest parks listed first)[edit]

text:
Baker Bowl, the Phillies played there from 1895 to 1938 (the All-Star game began in 1933)
League Park, the Indians split games between League Park and Cleveland Stadium off and on until the end of the 1946 season
Seals Stadium, the Giants played there from 1958 to 1959 *
Wrigley Field of Los Angeles, the Angels played there in 1961 *
Colt Stadium, the Colt .45s (now the Astros) played there from 1962 to 1964 *
Sick's Stadium, the Pilots played there in 1969 *
Jarry Park, the Expos played there from 1969 to 1976 *
Arlington Stadium, the Rangers played there from 1972 to 1993
Exhibition Stadium, the Blue Jays played there from 1977 to 1989
Mile High Stadium, the Rockies played there from 1993 to 1994 *
Sun Life Stadium, the Marlins played there from 1993 to 2011

text: A * indicates that the stadium was a temporary facility, used in the short term by a team awaiting the construction of a larger, permanent home park.

text: The last time each franchise has hosted an All-Star Game[edit]

text:
Los Angeles Dodgers, 1980 (will host the 2020 All-Star Game)
Oakland Athletics, 1987
Chicago Cubs, 1990
Toronto Blue Jays, 1991
Baltimore Orioles, 1993
Texas Rangers, 1995
Philadelphia Phillies, 1996
Cleveland Indians, 1997 (will host the 2019 All-Star Game)
Tampa Bay Rays, never (Franchise started in 1998)
Colorado Rockies, 1998
Boston Red Sox, 1999
Atlanta Braves, 2000
Seattle Mariners, 2001
Milwaukee Brewers, 2002
Chicago White Sox, 2003
Houston Astros, 2004
Detroit Tigers, 2005
Pittsburgh Pirates, 2006
San Francisco Giants, 2007
New York Yankees, 2008
St. Louis Cardinals, 2009
Los Angeles Angels, 2010
Arizona Diamondbacks, 2011
Kansas City Royals, 2012
New York Mets, 2013
Minnesota Twins, 2014
Cincinnati Reds, 2015
San Diego Padres, 2016
Miami Marlins, 2017
Washington Nationals, 2018

text: Hosting All-Star Game and post-season games in same season[edit]

text: The following teams have hosted the All-Star Game in the summer then proceeded to host post-season games in the fall:

text:
1939: New York Yankees – won World Series
1946: Boston Red Sox – lost World Series
1949: Brooklyn Dodgers – lost World Series
1954: Cleveland Indians – lost World Series
1959: (Game 2): Los Angeles Dodgers – won World Series
1960: (Game 2): New York Yankees – lost World Series
1965: Minnesota Twins – lost World Series

text: League Championship Series play began 1969

text:
1970: Cincinnati Reds – lost World Series – also first season for Riverfront Stadium
1974: Pittsburgh Pirates – lost NLCS
1976: Philadelphia Phillies – lost NLCS
1977: New York Yankees – won World Series
1983: Chicago White Sox – lost ALCS
1986: Houston Astros – lost NLCS
1991: Toronto Blue Jays – lost ALCS

text: Division Series play began 1995

text:
1997: Cleveland Indians – lost World Series
1999: Boston Red Sox – lost ALCS
2000: Atlanta Braves – lost NLDS
2001: Seattle Mariners – lost ALCS
2004: Houston Astros – lost NLCS
2009: St. Louis Cardinals – lost NLDS
2011: Arizona Diamondbacks – lost NLDS


document_title: Sonnet 130

question_text: shakespeare my mistress eyes are nothing like the sun meaning

text: Sonnet 130

text: Synopsis[edit]

text: Sonnet 130 satirizes the concept of ideal beauty that was a convention of literature and art in general during the Elizabethan era. Influences originating with the poetry of ancient Greece and Rome had established a tradition of this, which continued in Europe's customs of courtly love and in courtly poetry, and the work of poets such as Petrarch. It was customary to praise the beauty of the object of one's affections with comparisons to beautiful things found in nature and heaven, such as stars in the night sky, the golden light of the rising sun, or red roses.[2] The images conjured by Shakespeare were common ones that would have been well-recognized by a reader or listener of this sonnet.

text: Shakespeare satirizes the hyperbole of the allusions used by conventional poets, which even by the Elizabethan era, had become cliché, predictable, and uninspiring. This sonnet compares the poet's mistress to a number of natural beauties; each time making a point of his mistress' obvious inadequacy in such comparisons; she cannot hope to stand up to the beauties of the natural world. The first two quatrains compare the speaker's mistress to aspects of nature, such as snow or coral; each comparison ending unflatteringly for the mistress. In the final couplet, the speaker proclaims his love for his mistress by declaring that he makes no false comparisons, the implication being that other poets do precisely that. Shakespeare's sonnet aims to do the opposite, by indicating that his mistress is the ideal object of his affections because of her genuine qualities, and that she is more worthy of his love than the paramours of other poets who are more fanciful.

text: Structure[edit]

text: Sonnet 130 is an English or Shakespearean sonnet. The English sonnet has three quatrains, followed by a final rhyming couplet. It follows the typical rhyme scheme of the form abab cdcd efef gg and is composed in iambic pentameter, a type of poetic metre based on five pairs of metrically weak/strong syllabic positions. The 1st line exemplifies a regular iambic pentameter:

text: This is followed (in line 2, scanned above) with a common metrical variation, the initial reversal. An initial reversal is potentially present in line 8, and mid-line reversals occur in lines 4 and 12, and potentially in line 3. The beginning of line 5 is open to interpretation: it may be regular or an instance of initial reversal; however, it is most naturally scanned with the rightward movement of the first ictus (resulting in a four-position figure, × × / /, sometimes referred to as a minor ionic):

text: If line 2's "her" is not given contrastive accent (as is assumed above), then "than her lips' red" would also form a minor ionic.

text: The meter demands that line 13's "heaven" function as one syllable.[3]

text: Analysis[edit]

text: Sonnet 130 as a satire[edit]

text: "This sonnet plays with poetic conventions in which, for example, the mistress's eyes are compared with the sun, her lips with coral, and her cheeks with roses. His mistress, says the poet, is nothing like this conventional image, but is as lovely as any woman".[4] Here, Barbara Mowat offers her opinion of the meaning behind Sonnet 130; this work breaks the mold to which Sonnets had come to conform. Shakespeare composed a sonnet which seems to parody a great many sonnets of the time. Poets like Thomas Watson, Michael Drayton, and Barnabe Barnes were all part of this sonnet craze and each wrote sonnets proclaiming love for an almost unimaginable figure;[5] Patrick Crutwell posits that Sonnet 130 could actually be a satire of the Thomas Watson poem "Passionate Century of Love", pointing out that the Watson poem contains all but one of the platitudes that Shakespeare is making fun of in Sonnet 130.[6] However, E.G. Rogers points out the similarities between Watson's "Passionate Century of Love," Sonnet 130, and Richard Linche's Poem collection entitled "Diella."[7] There is a great deal of similarity between sections of the Diella poem collection and Shakespeare's "Sonnet 130", for example in "130" we see, "If hairs be wires, black wires grow on her head," where in "Diella" we see "Her hayre exceeds fold forced in the smallest wire."[8] Each work uses a comparison of hairs to wires; while in modern sense this may seem unflattering, one could argue that Linche's work draws upon the beauty of weaving gold and that Shakespeare mocks this with harsh comparison. This, along with other similarities in textual content, lead, as E.G. Rogers points out, the critic to believe that Diella may have been the source of inspiration for both homage, by Watson's "Passionate Century of Love," and satire by Shakespeare's "Sonnet 130." The idea of Satire is further enforced by final couplet of "130" in which the speaker delivers his most expositional line: "And yet, by heaven, I think my love as rare, as any she belied with false compare." This line projects the message behind this work, demeaning the false comparisons made by many poets of the time.[9]

text: Sonnet 130: Complimentary/derisive nature[edit]

text: According to Carl Atkins, many early editors took the sonnet at face value and believed that it was simply a disparagement of the writer's mistress.[10] However, William Flesch believes that the poem is actually quite the opposite, and acts as a compliment. He points out that many poems of the day seem to compliment the object of the poem for qualities that they really don't have, such as snow white skin or golden hair.[11] He states that people really don't want to be complimented on a quality they don't have, e.g. an old person doesn't want to be told they are physically young, they want to be told they are youthful, in behavior or in looks. Flesch notes that while what Shakespeare writes of can seem derisive, he is in reality complimenting qualities the mistress truly exhibits, and he ends the poem with his confession of love.

text: Possible influences[edit]

text: Petrarch

text: Shakespeare and other great writers would reference each other and each other's works in their own writing. According to Felicia Jean Steele, Shakespeare uses Petrarchan imagery while actually undermining it at the same time.[12] Stephen Booth would agree that Shakespeare references Petrarchan works however, Booth says that Shakespeare "gently mocks the thoughtless mechanical application of the standard Petrarchan metaphors."[13] Felicia Steele and Stephen Booth agree that there is some referencing going on, they vary slightly in the degree of Shakespeare's mockery. Steele feels much stronger about the degree in which Shakespeare is discounting Petrarchan ideas by observing that in 14 lines of Sonnet 130, "Shakespeare seems to undo, discount, or invalidate nearly every Petrarchan conceit about feminine beauty employed by his fellow sonneteers." The final couplet is designed to undo the damage Shakespeare has done to his reader's faith that he indeed loves his "dusky mistress." Steele's article offers Stephen Booth's paraphrasing of the couplet: "I think that my love is as rare as any woman belied by false compare." Helen Vendler, who is also referenced in Steele's article states that the final couplet would read; "In all, by heaven, I think my love as rare/ As any she conceived for compare." All three of these authors; Steele, Booth, and Vendler believe that in this couplet, Shakespeare is responding to Petrarchan imagery because other sonneteers actively misrepresent, or "belie" their mistress' beauty.